Newspaper Page Text
VOL. VII.
LABOR AND INDUSTRY
60ME ITEMS OF INTEREST TO
UNION WORKMEN.
Proposed Legislation in Interest of German
Producers—Plan by Which the People
Can Control the Trusts That Are Now
Absorbing Other People's Wealth.
Aspirations.
I waste no more In idle dreams
My life, my soul away;
I wake to know my better self—
1 wake to watch and pray.
Thought, feeling, time, on Idols vain,
I've lavished all too long;
Henceforth to holler purposes
I pledge myself, my song!
Oh! still within the Inner veil.
Upon the spirit's shrine.
Still unprofar.ed by evil, burns
The one pure spark divine.
Which God has kindled In us all.
And be it mine to tend
Henceforth, with vestal thought anct care.
The Jlght that lamp may lend.
I shut mine eyes In grief and shame
Upon the dreary past—
My heart, my soul poured recklessly
On dreams that could not last;
My bark was drifted down the stream.
At will of wind or wave—
An Idle, light, and fragile thing.
That few had cared to save.
Henceforth the tiller Truth shall hold,
And steer as Conscience tells.
And 1 will brave the storms of Fate,
Though wild the ocean swells.
1 know my soul Is strong and high.
If once I give It sway;
I feel a glorious power within,
Though light 1 seem and gay.
Oh, laggard Soul! unclose thin® eyes—
No more In luxury soft
Of Joy Ideal waste thyself;
Awake, and soar aloft!
Unfurl this hour those falcon wings
Which thou dost fold too long;
Raise to the skies thy lighting gaze,
And sing thy loftiest song!
Let the People Control Trusts.
In a message to the legislature of
Missouri requesting enactments pro¬
hibiting trusts Gov. Stevens of that
state makes this statement:
The closing decades of this century
will go into history as the trust pe¬
riod. * * * The massing of capital
and of business organization^ has cre¬
ated a revolution in the buslr.ess of the
country. • • * One of the effects of
this change is a large increase in the
productiveness of capital thus em¬
ployed.
These assertions are true. And be¬
cause they are true, and especially be¬
cause of the truth expressed In the
third sentence, which is the milk of
the cocoanut, it seems to me that ef¬
forts to smash trusts must taevitabSy
and dismally fall In the long ran. What
we all want is two things: The great¬
est productiveness of capita!, he that
capital money or muscle; and second,
just distribution of the enhanced quan¬
tity of products. Trusts—not wild-cat
paper operations for speculative or
Seecing purposes, but solid trusts, like
the Standard Oil, the Carnegie Steel
and Iron and Coal, the copper, etc.,
accomplish the first named end. They
Increase the productiveness of capital.
They make a given amount of money
and given amount of labor go further
than Is otherwise possible. But they
don’t fairly distribute the additional
product. In the town where I live cop¬
per costs 28 cents a pound, against 14
cents a year ago. Yet the copper trust
has not doubled wages. It has ad¬
vanced them 10 to 15 per cent, prob¬
ably 10 per cent on an average. I cite
this instance, not because I think that
the price of copper is at all due to pro¬
ductiveness of capital invested in the
copper trust, but simply because it
forcibly illustrates the principle of the
private trust, which is to run almost
all the increased profit into a few
pockets.
What we want is, not the destruction
of trusts, hut an industrial and eco¬
nomic system that will equitably dis¬
tribute the increased results. If the
present system of employer and em¬
ploye, and private ownership of inter¬
ests affecting the welfare of the peo¬
ple at large, will permit of such amend¬
ment, well and good. If not, it will
have to give place to some other, sys¬
tem that will. But it is impossible to
cast aside a labor-saving machine, and
the trust is the greatest labor-saving
machine ever, devised. Don’t try to
smash the other man’s bike because he
rides while you walk, but figure how
to make a tandem out of it, with your¬
self in one of the seats.
Proposed Labor Legislation.
A cablegram rrom Germany today
states that a workhouse bill designed
to punish strikers’ excesses and to pro¬
tect employers and non-union work¬
men against lahor union terrorism was
laid before the relchstag by the govern¬
ment today. It is predicted that the
bill will create a bitter parliamentary
struggle when it is brought to vote at
the next regular winter session. It is
a more radical measure than that
which was defeated in the reichstag in
1890. It raises the maximum penalty
of the present law from three months’
to five years’ imprisonment on the
proven charge of lawless actions to
bring about strikes or lockouts that
endanger public safety or life or affect
the empire’s defenses. It is regarded
as a reactionary measure which wil!
command the attention of all countries,
for the labor problem now exists every-
THE RECORD
DEVOTED TO THE INTEREST OF JOHNSON COUNTY AND MIDDLE GEORGIA.
WEIGHTSVILLE. GA.. THURSDAY, JUNE 29, 1899.
where. Some of the infractions of the
law to be punished are enumerated !n
the bill as attempts by threats, com¬
pulsion, insults, opprobrious epithets
to compel workmen or employes to en¬
ter or refrain from enterting associa¬
tions or agreements affecting labor
conditions or wages. It is mentioned
that mitigating circumstances will
change the penalty of five years’ im¬
prisonment to a fine of 1,000 marks.
The same penalties apply to attempts
to compel workmen to strike or em¬
ployers to yield to workmen’s de¬
mands. Heavier penalties are provid¬
ed in all cases for the walking dele¬
gates patroling workshops, streets,
railway depots. Following workmen or
employers is classed as threatening ac¬
tions. The significance of this bill will
be apparent to all labor leaders and Its
parallel to attempts at legislation in
America will be recognized.
Antiquity of tlie Saw.
Saws were used by the ancient
Egyptians. One that was discovered,
with several other carpenters’ tools in
a private tomb at Thebes, is now pre¬
served iij the British Museum. The
blade, which appears to be of brass, is
ten and a half inches long, and an Inch
and a quarter broad at the widest part.
The teeth are irregular, and appear to
have been formed by striking a blunt
edged Instrument against the edge of
the plate, the bur, or rough shoulder,
thus produced not being removed.
A painting copied ih Rosellini’s work
on Egyptian antiquities represents a
man using a similar saw, the piece of
wood that he is cutting being held be¬
tween two upright posts. In other rep¬
resentations the timber is bound with
ropes to a single post, and in one, also
copied by Rosellini, the workman Is
engaged in tightening the rope, having
left the saw sticking in the cut.
In an engraving given in the third
volume of Wilkinson’s “Manners and
Customs of Ancient Egyptians,” a saw
is represented of much larger dimen¬
sions, its length being, by comparison
with the man, not less than three or
four feet. It does not appear that the
Egyptians used taws worked by two
men.
The inventions of saws was variously
attributed by the Greeks to two or
three individuals, who are supposed to
have taken the Idea from the jawbone
of a snake or the backbone of a fish.
There is a very curious picture among
the remains discovered in the ruiua of
Herculaneum, representing the inte¬
rior of a carpenter’s workshop, with
two genii cutting a piece of wood with
a frame-saw, and on an altar pre¬
served In the Capltoline Museum at
Rome there is a perfect representa¬
tion of a bow-saw, exactly resembling,
in the form of a frame and the twisted
cord for tightening it, those used by
modern carpenters. From these re¬
mains It is evident that these forms of
the Instruments were known to the an¬
cients.—London Architect.
I.abor Notes.
The oil well workers are agitating
the formation of a national organiza¬
tion.
During the first week of May over
2,000 new members were added to the
Tobacco Workers’ National union.
One union tobacco firm in Brooklyn, N.
Y„ used 2,000,000 blue labels In April.
Mr. J. R. Sovereign, ex-grand work¬
man of the Knights of Labor, now pub¬
lishing a paper in Idaho, was refused
a seat as delegate from a “working
men’s union” of Gem, Ida., at the ses¬
sion of the Western Federation of La¬
bor at Salt Lake City.
A correspondent of the Winnipeg
(Canada) Voice writes: “There is a
great deal of kicking over the impor¬
tation of Chinese labor into the coun¬
try, but the average workman appears
to be blind to the fact that out of his
own home goes forth his worst enemy.
If women and children can do the work
of men they should be paid the same
wages as men. Under the present sys¬
tem women and children are paid
apologies for wages, and consequently
the husbands and fathers suffer. These
latter are either entirely replaced by
women, or, if employed at all, have to
accept such wages that they can barely
keep themselves alive."
Story of Lewis Carroll.
The Rev. C. L. Dodgson, better
known by readers of “Alice in Wonder¬
land" as Lewis Carroll, was a lovable
man, who delighted to do good in a
quiet way. In his "Life and Letters”
the following story is told by one of his
child-friends: “My sister and I were
spending a day of delightful sightsee¬
ing in town with him. We were both
children, and were much interested
when he took us into and American
shop where the cakes for sale were
cooked by a v.ery rapid process before
your eyes, and handed to you straight
from the cook’s hands. As the prepa¬
ration of them could easily be seen
from outside the window, a small
crowd of ragamuffins naturally assem¬
bled there, and I well remember Mr.
Dodgson’s piling up seven of the cakes
on one arm, taking them out and dol¬
ing them round to the seven hungry
little youngsters. The simple kindness
of the act impressed its charm on his
child-friends inside the shop as much
as on his little stranger friends out¬
side.
T? D ATAT tji \rm 1 T»y D1 ATT
■
NO LONGER FAVORED BY THE
WEALTHY CLASS.
The Goldbugg and Monopolists Would
Put Us in the Same Boat with the
Filipinos, Which is Why They Want s
Large Army.
The present Wall street national ad¬
ministration is committed in favor of
a standing army of 100,000 men as i
starter. No previous Wall street ad¬
ministration recommended any in¬
crease of the standing army. Here is
a change in Wall street policy that is
worth noting. The conquest of the
Philippines furnishes no good excuse
for quadrupling the standing army,
unless the war there is expected to be
perpetuated. The huge standing armj
asked for by President McKinley must
hp intended for use at home.
The young giant republic of..the
western hemisphere has oustrlpped all
pre-existing governments, not only in
the loftiness of its Ideals and tile ex¬
tent of their realization, but in its
material progress as well. Until very
recently the word “destiny” when as
sociated with the government and peo¬
ple of the United States made no sug¬
gestion of empire, armies or serfs, but
illumined the Imagination with a pic¬
ture of millions of happy homes spread
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and
from the lakes to the gulf, says the
National Watchman. The imagination,
as it peered into the future, counted
a population of hundreds of millions,
and viewed a domestic commerce un¬
known and undreamed of before and
possible only to the great American
nation.
The changed attitude of the execu¬
tive head of the nation, who is now
cowardly skulking behind the de¬
mands of the commercial press and
trimming to avoid the avowal of a
policy, while the toils and snares of
imperialism are inviting the nation to
its ruin, is making all intelligent
Americans sick at heart. What power
paralyzes the tongue of President Mc¬
Kinley, who in a message to congress
Jess than one year ago spoki in plain
American dialect: "I speak not of
forcing annexation, for that cannot be
thought of. That, by our code of mor¬
ality, would be criminal aggression.” .
With imprisoned conscience aad
sealed lips the silence of the president
is ominous, while the men who are
known to control his action are de¬
manding the subjugation of t 1 "? Fili¬
pinos and the consigning to vassalage
of millions who were eagerly sought as
allies and who loyally co-operated with
Dewey and Merritt a few short months
ago.
What is behind thrs strange con
duct? What does it mean? There can
be but one interpretation. Free insti¬
tutions and popular government no
longer find favor among the wealthy
and powerful classes, who through the
gold standard, trusts and monopolies
are forging fetters for the limbs of
American freemen. These classes seem
determined to utilize the passions of
the people, engendered by war, to
cause them to blindly do that, which
if done, will prove the undoing of the
republic. These classes realize that
they must undo the republic or pop¬
ular government will sooner or later
restore the reins of government to the
people and right the wrongs of the
toilers, producers and taxpayers of the
nation. Hence, under the heat and ex¬
citement of war, they are demanding
that we enter upon the unrighteous
and Ignoble conquest and vassalage of
millions of human beings who aspire
to the realization and enjoyment of
freedom and national life—the highest
attributes of collective man that the
Creator has implanted in the human
breast.
To compass this end the first thing
necessary is to rear a large military
establishment. Men of America—farm¬
ers, mechanics, laborers, merchants,
all who are producers of wealth, you
men whose brain and brawn produce
all that give incomes to the rich and
revenues to the government—wherein
do your interests demand the subju¬
gation of the Filipino? In what way
will a large military establishment
contribute to your peace, comfort, se¬
curity and future happiness?
You are the victims of the gold
standard and monopolies. They are
not demanding a large military estab¬
lishment to secure your release from
their own relentless grasp. No, It Is
not to advance your welfare that the
Filipino is to be subjugated and the
army increased. You have political
power. This the monopolies dread.
Do you think they will continue in¬
definitely to spend their millions to
corrupt the ballot box In order to de¬
feat your will, as they did In 1896,
after they have sufficiently strength¬
ened the military arm of the govern¬
ment and are able to control it to defy
the popular will? In the strict ad¬
herence to the traditions of the fathers
lie your safety and the safety of the
republic. Those who would speud
millions to corrupt the ballot box will,
as soon as they possess the power to
do so, use the army to set aside the
popular will. Aside from a war of
conquest being an evil in itself, a na¬
tional sin that would merit the wrath
of heaven, in this case it' is hut the
pretext to secure an army which the
money kings, trusts and monopolies
believe to be necessary to have for the
successful prosecution of their designs,
which if carried out means at no dis¬
tant day the overthrow of the re¬
public.
WILL OUR GOLD LEAVE US?
Sterling Exchange Is at the Gold Ex¬
porting Point.
We are told that our foreign trade
has increased enormously during the
past three years; that our exports are
worth millions and millions of dollars
more than our imports, and that in all
directions the goose honks high. As
this information has also been con¬
veyed to Wall street in various shapes
and forms, it is no wonder that the
gentlemanly speculators and button
pressers are shaken with surprise
when they discover, as they did yes¬
terday, that the “conditions of trade”
seem to demand a renewal of gold ex¬
ports.
Though the market reports stated
that the price of sterling exchange
was “nearly” at the gold-exporting
point, it had, in fact, quite reached
that point, which is anywhere between
$4.88% and $4.90. The par of sterling
exchange is $4.86 and a fraction. The
recent rise in price has been gradual,
hut Wall street has gone on gambling
without giving the matter a thought,
until now there is danger that our gold
will go where It came from.
This has given a severe twist to
what is called the market, and In order
to explain it satisfactorily the case of
yellow fever at New Orleans is men¬
tioned. At this rate, ten yellow-fever
cases would precipitate another panic.
Seriously, the drift toward gold ex¬
ports cannot be satisfactorily ex¬
plained except on the theory that our
debt abroad has accumulated at such
a rapid rate that it has wiped out our
balance of trade and still calls for cash
in settlement. The fact that more gold
has not been Imported as the result of
our enormous balance Of trade has
been explained by the statement that
much of this balance has been loaned
abroad. This explanation is either
pure surmise or a plain invention, or
the figures of our exports have been
foully dealt with.
We are glad to see, however, that
Wall street has taken the figures seri¬
ously, and that Its astonishment at the
threatened export of gold Is real. The
truth of the matter is that, In the face
of the statements made by the trade
agencies and the figures given out by
the government, the present situation
is as unexpected as a clap of thunder
in a clear sky.
The one fact that stands out is that
sterling exchange is at the gold-ex
porting point, and that fact gives the
lie to whole columns of figures about
the debts due us from abroad.
Reed In New York.
A law firm which the ordinary citi¬
zen never heard of can afford to pay
Tom Reed $50,000 a year to come here
and help twist the law for prosperous
clients.
It is more profitable to juggle with
the law obscurely than to fight for the
making of good laws conspicuously.
It is saddening to think of Reed’s
downfall. He has great power, and
years of his life have been given to the
gaining of a high standing in a great
party. In Minneapolis, where he hoped
and strove for a presidential nomina¬
tion, he made a great speech of un¬
usual power. His close deprecated the
great importance attached here to
financial success. “Prosperity,” said
he, “is important, but human liberty is
magnificent."
Human liberty is magnificent, and
now he hires out as a tame lawyer to
fight for corporations and defeat the
laws that he has helped to frame.
Human liberty is magnificent—but
$50,000 a year is more magnificent.
Poor Tom Reed! With your big brain,
big body, fine mind—you prove for the
10,000,000th time in history that abil¬
ity without principle leads nowhither.
Bourke Cockran and Cockran the
pal of Reed. Both are in New York,
accepting a little money, a foolish so¬
cial success among social nothings.
Each, with principle added to his
power, might have been something be¬
sides a swollen, well-fed hoptoad in the
world’s history—New York Journal.
What It Is For.
“If I could only say my darling died
for his country! If I could only say
that, I would he content. But he died
trying to take a country from its own
people. Oh, what 1 b it for?’’
That is what Mrs. Poor of Nebraska
pathetically said when she heard of
her son’s death. We can answer the
mother’s question, “Oh, what is it for?”
It is to enrich the worst millionaires
in this country by despoiling another
country, through land grabs and fran¬
chises.—San Francisco Star,
ALL OP ONE VOICE.
DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COM¬
MITTEE FOR 16 TO I.
Republican Effort to Substitute Another
Issue a Failure—The Platform of 1890
Is the Only Proper Remedy for Trusts
and Imperialism.
Democratic national committeemen
all over the country are nearly unani¬
mous for making 16 to 1 the chief shiD
boleth in next year’s campaign. Here
are copies of a few letters sent out
from the Press Bureau of the Demo¬
cratic national committee:
Secretary Walsh Positive.
C. A. Walsh (Iowa)—In the cam¬
paign of 1900, as In the campaigns of
1892 and 1896, the issues of free silver
and “down with the trusts” should go
hand in hand. The Democratic party,
in its national utterances, has always
stood for bimetallism and against
trusts, and the Chicago platform of
1896 should be reaffirmed In all its parts
in 1900, its pronouncements against
trusts made strong and explicit and
a remedy for their prevention offered.
The Republican party is today endeav¬
oring to treat the trust issue as a new
question, and undoubtedly Republican
leaders in the next convention of that
party will try to deceive people by in¬
serting a plank in their platform de¬
nouncing trusts. Their denunciation
will mean no more on that question
than did their planks prior to 1896 fa¬
voring bimetallism mean for free sil¬
ver. The Democratic party in 1892 in its
national platform said: “We recognize
in the trusts and combinations which
are designed to enable capital to secure
more than its share of the joint prod¬
uct of capital and labor, a natural con¬
sequence of the prohibitive tax*;s
prevent the free competition which
the life of honest trade.” And In
platform of 1896, after
against the "national hank” trust In
the matter of the issuing of
money, it said: “We denounce as
turbing to business the
threat to restore the McKinley
* .* * which, enacted under
,
false plea of protection to home
try, proved a prolific breeder of
and monopolies.” The
party, always for bimetallism,
for free coinage at the existing
and always against monopolistic
and combinations, will occupy its
toric position on these questions
1900 without a backward step
without relinquishing a single
ple of the Chicago platform of
And these positions, taken long ago
a party that has always said what
meant, always been true to its
ciples, and has stricken down its
leaders when they betrayed their
on these questions, will mean
thing, while the people will put
faith in similar utterances by
party whose protective legislation
been the “prolific breeder of trusts
monopolies.” The history of the
paign of 1896, when every great
poration, combination and trust
turning loose all Us forces to
Bryan and to elect McKinley, is
fresh in the memory of the people
make it of doubtful choice in whom
confide. The trust-made and
making Republican party can
get a vote of confidence of the
on these issues.
Acting; Chairman Johnson.
J. G. Johnson (Kansas)—Nothing
has occurred since 1896 to shake the
faith of Democrats in the principles
announced in the Chicago platform.
The financial question is still the domi¬
nant issue, and all other economic
.questions are but collateral to it. If
the present program of the Republican
party—gold standard, retirement of
greenbacks, control of paper money
Issue and volume by the national banks
—had been honestly announced, or
even hinted at, in their platform of
1896, Mr. Bryan would have had a mil¬
lion plurality. By next year they will
bo fully committed, in their national
platform, to the program of the banks
and money lords, and as the Chicago
platform of 1896 presents the political
antithesis of that program, the Demo¬
crats will without doubt reaffirm that
declaration, thus presenting the finan¬
cial issue of 1900 far more concretely
than it was In 1896. The trust question
has since 1896 become an issue of the
first magnitude. Democrats have al¬
ways contended It is the logical growth
of the protective tariff system. The
tariff protects from foreign competi¬
tion. the trust destroys domestic com¬
petition, and the beneficiary of these
Republican theories becomes a monop¬
oly. The people have a right to con¬
trol or destroy monopolies or combi¬
nations in restraint of competitive
trade. The Democratic states of Mis¬
souri, Arkansas and Texas have this
year adopted drastic laws against suen
combinations. The Democratic na¬
tional convention of 1900 will emphat¬
ically and specifically deal with this
question. Their tariff protection must
be canceled. Possibly the national
taxing process which destroyed state
banks of issue must be resorted to.
The reported control of 40,000 miles of
railroad north of the Ohio river by the
Chicago & Alton syndicate pushes to
NO. 16 .
the front the theory of federal control
or government ownership and opera¬
tion in dealing with a railroad trust.
Whether the Filipinos are “benevo¬
lently assimilated” (with the soil) or
subjugated during the next year or not,
the Democratic platform of 1900 will
declare emphatically against the Mc¬
Kinley program of colonization, impe¬
rialism and British alliance. If Mr.
Bryan had been elected in 1896 and had
pursued McKinley’s policy of the last
two years the Republican press and
congress, instead of lauding him as a
statesman, would most likely be now
impeaching him for exceeding his con¬
stitutional rights and plotting the over¬
throw of our system of government.
The Denjocrats will not stand for
elthqr a borrowed English money sys¬
tem, a borrowed English colonial sys¬
tem, or an agreement to take part in
English quarrels with other nations.
There may be other matters declared
upon, but in my judgment the above
outlines the salient features of the
coming Democratic platform and the
storm centers of the campaign of 1900.
Editor Daniels Arraigns Money Trust
Josephus Daniels (North Carolina)—
The shibboleth of the campaign the
Democrats will wage in 1900 will be
“Down with the trusts—from the gold
and national bank trust down to the
peanut trust.” The Chicago platform
will be reaffirmed, Bryan will be re¬
nominated, and all men who are op
posed to trusts of all sorts and to
militarism will be invited to join in a
struggle to restore equal opportunity,
which the trusts deny, and to crush
the attempt to saddle old world mili¬
tarism upon this country. The con¬
test is largely for a country for the
currency as well as a currency for the
country. In view of the policy of
"criminal aggression”' and militarism
adopted by the administration, the
struggle to rescue the republic from
destruction as a republic looms up as a
matter of the highest importance. If
militarism and colonialism are to stay,
the republic founded by the fathers
has been destroyed. The Democratic
party favors returning to the old prin¬
ciple that “All governments derive
their just powers from the consent of
the governed.” The real issue in 1900
is manhood against money, no matter
what special phase seems paramount.
Represented by the control of cur¬
rency, by the organization of trusts,
by th? policy of iniperialifsin and mil¬
itarism—they are one and inseparable
—money will seek to re-elect McKin¬
ley. He is the agent through whom
the government lavishes favors and
special privileges upon the trusts and
syndicates which gave Hanna enough
money to buy the election in 1896.
They will raise another corruption
fund in the same way in 1900, and will
demand greater bounties and subsi¬
dies in return for their contributions.
The trusts are behind the demand for
imperialism and a big standing army.
They wish to put the soldier over the
civilian so as to crush labor if it pro¬
tests against oppression. Republican
platform declarations against trusts
will not avail against the fact that
more trusts have been organized since
McKinley was elected than in 100 years
previous. In Ohio the Republican, plat¬
form contained a declaration against
trusts. The same convention refused
to Attorney-General Monnett a renom
inatlon. He is the only living Repub¬
lican officeholder who tries to enforce
laws against trusts. The trusts de¬
manded of Mark Hanna his head on a
charger. They got it. This incident
shows that Republican denunciation of
trusts is a sham.
Plain Talk from the Coast*
William H. White (Washington)—
In 1900 the Chicago platform of 1896
will be reaffirmed In its entirety. Free
silver will not be abandoned, but the
fight will be against the money trust
and Industrial trusts as well. The na¬
tional bank syndicate and the effort
made by it to substitute national bank
currency for the greenback currency
will be vigorously denounced. If the
Democratic party opposes the reten¬
tion of Porto Rico and the Philippines
under control of the United States, the
party will be defeated at the polls. In
my opinion no fault can or should be
found with the administration of Pres¬
ident McKinley In dealing with the
Philippines as he has. Atkinson, Hoar
and Cleveland should not be permitted
to frame the policy of the Democratic
party with reference to the Philip¬
pines. This state gave W. J. Bryan
nearly 15,000 majority in 1896, but If
the party adopts a platform against
the retention of the Philippine islands,
and McKinley is nominated for presi¬
dent by the Republicans, McKinley
will carry this state by a greater ma¬
jority than Bryan carried it.
From Bryan's State.
W. H. Thompson (Nebraska)—The
battle cry of the Democracy In 1900
should be the financial question, as by
it declared in 1896, and anti-trusts, an¬
ti-militarism, anti-Anglo-American al¬
liance. These issues should have
precedence in the discussions in the
order named. However, each writer
and speaker will undoubtedly be gov¬
erned by his own personal views and
his immediate surroundings.