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AMERS’ UNION. *Grstings From State Organ izer J. L. Lee. Barnesville, Ga., Dec. 26, 1906. Editor Weekly Jeffersonian:— Having noticed that you were about to make some changes in your great weekly and one of these a de partment for the Farmers’ Union, I write you in advance congratulating you for coming to our aid. This is not needful though, for, af ter a careful review of your life’s work it has always been devbted to the interest of the common people. Vet in this great struggle for uplift ing the farmers socially, financially and educationally, I desire to thank you in advance for your influence. After having traveled over this ‘state and after conversing with thousands of our leading citizens, I find that ( |hey believe that, whatever you champion, you, in your heart, believe it, for the best interests of your covistituents. Now comes a great journal, edited and controlled by one who lies so close to the farmer, beginning in its columns to help teach the farmer lessons of success. Such I believe to be true of our order. I can state without any fear of contradiction that the Farmers’ Union stands above every other or ganization the farmers have had, and the day has dawned when all interests must be strengthened and guided by our organization, and to all readers of the Jeffersonian I ear nestly request for you to acquaint yourself with the principles of our great order. I stand re.ady to give any infor mation I can and aid in everything possible to put before our people a thorough knowledge so that not a man in Georgia can say he has not had a chance to do his part in this great reform movement. Long live the Jeffersonian and may its influence reach each home in this beautiful Southland of ours, and may its editor be well repaid Sy having once more taken up the fight forthe 1 right. Remember, one and all, when I can serve you com mand me. . J. L. LEE, State Organizer. Barnesville, Ga. M M M A TIMELY LESSON. The American Federation of La bor, 'which recently caused consider able discussion because of its pro tests against the methods used by the state of South Carolina in securing foreign emigrants, has been given a timely lesson by Secretary 'Straus, of the department of Commerce and Labor. Secretary Straus has decided that South Carolina and the individ uals who contributed to pay the pas sage) of ©'migrants to that state to work on the farms and to fill the vacant places in the mills did not violate the alien contract labor law, and that the methods used to secure the emigrants were both proper and legal. There has been considerable uneasiness in the south regarding this decision, for the need of more laborers is so pressing that we must go to foreign countries to secure help, and now that all obstacles have been removed the efforts to secure these people will be redoubled. The unwarranted interference of the Federation of Labor amounted to nothing, save to create uneasiness and to put a temporary stop to the movement.—The LaGrange, Ga., Re porter. M M M A RIGHT TO GROW CHESTY. Farmers settled this country. Farmers fought'the battles of the revolution. Most of the founders of this government were farmers, the tillers of the soil were strong ly in evidence on the battlefields from ’6O to ’64. Strong hands, clear heads, honest hearts—the best pro duct of the farm—are more needed in public affairs today than ever. You may call him a rube, or hay seed, but the farmer is nevertheless the biggest man in the country. He could buy all the national banks, pay the national debt, purchase both the steel combine and Standard Oil trust and put Wall street out of business, out of the products of his own hon est toil, and still have a half billion dollars left for pocket change. To sum it up in. a sentence, the farmer, by whatever nickname he may be called, is the most important class in the United States and has a right to grow chesty at the showing he makes.—'Beaver (Pa.) Commoner. M M M “THE DAMNED FARMER.’’ Up in Minnesota there is a Con gressman named McCleary. Mc- Cleary has been for some time a rather conspicuous figure in the high tariff group in the House’ of Repre sentatives—like Lacey, of lowa, a “stand-patter from Standpatters ville.” Like Lacey, he was a candi date to succeed himself; and, also like Lacey, he went down to defeat. But then he was not content to live up to his theory and “let well enough alone.” He felt impelled to explain how it happened. His ex planation carried a charming candor. “The damned farmer did it,” he said. The farmer did to McCleary just what they did to Lacey and to seve ral others of that group, and what they will doubtless do to- a still larger number «of “standpatters” two years hence, if these do not take tlie “hunch” of events and change their ways.—Plankington Herald. M M M THE UNION IN WASHINGTON COUNTY. There will be a meeting of the Farmers’ Educational and Co-opera tive Union of the Tenth Congression al District, to be held in Sandersville, Ga., January 12, 1907, for the pur pose of completing the organization and election of officers. Request each county to send three delegates at large and one from each local union. Take due notice and govern yourselves accordingly. Come all. We will have some good speakers to meet with us and have a good time. H. H. HOLLIMAN, Secretary. A scientist declares that, in a few more centuries the red-headed girl will disappear. What will become of th© white horses? THE WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN. Senator Culberson on the Negro and the South. Immediately after Congress re assembled, when the holidays were over, Senator Culberson, of Texas, took the floor in defense of the President’s action in discharging three companies of the negro regi ment which participated in the “shooting up” of Brownsville, and incidentally in defense of the people of Texas. He said that on the day before the trouble at Brownsville a criminal assault had been-made by a negro soldier on a respectable white woman of the community and no ar rest had been made. In defending President Roosevelt for his dismissal of the troops, Mr. Culberson said that the fact that the troops were negroes had had nothing to do with their discharge. Confu sion as to the legal questions involv ed was, he said, responsible for the statement that the president had no authority •to make the discharge. The president’s constitutional au thority/and the authority given him by the articles of war clearly cover ed the case and made his action legal he declared. He contended that dis charges for criminal offenses are covered in the articles of war. as are also discharges made to effect punishment. Motive for Crime. To establish the motive actuating the negro soldiers in creating the al leged disturbances, Mr. Culberson read resolutions recently adopted by negro citizens of Boston which ad mitted that the soldiers “shot up the town.” and said they “were de termined to do for themselves what the uniform of their country -would not do—protect them from insults and punish at the same time the au thors of their misery.” Disclaiming any partisanship for the president, Mr. Culberson created a wave of merriment by saying: “I have nothing to-do with the president in this matter. I care nothing about him. My personal relations with him are about as cor dial as those of the Senator from Ohio (Mr. Foraker). ’ ’ In all fairness, Mr. Culberson said, the country ought to know that the report made to the president was reliable. He read much of the evi dence in this report to sustain his contention that the soldiers and not civilians had been responsible for the shooting, remarking that Sena tors might go to their luncheon if they did not want to hear it. Mr. Culberson said that there was a distinction between a “discharge without honor” and a “dishonorable discharge.” In the former instance, while a dishonorable discharge could only be made as the result of a court martial. He instanced several cases to sustain his position. After reading much of the testi mony taken before the Brownsville grand jury, Mr. Culberson drew the conclusion that the-fact that no in dictment was returned was not an evidence of the weakness of the case, but rather of the fairness of the peo ple of Brownsville, who did not wish to do injustice to the innocent. The evidence, he contended, proved be yound doubt that the shooting was done by the negro soldiers, but failed to identify the guilty ones. South and the Negro. He concluded his speech of an hour and a half by a brief reference to the negro question in general, say ing it had existed from the early his tory of the country down to the present time, and still continued to be the most important and the most dangerous question which confronts the American people. Today, he said, the condition of the black race with its ages of slavery, its igno rance and poverty, excited the deep est sympathy of the great body of the white people of the south. “But,” he continued, “in spite of the past, with its conflicts and sacrifices, sorrows and destruction of life and property, this problem is still the greatest with which we have to deal. It involves labor, education, suffrage, social order, civil liberty, self-government and the integrity of the white race. The end no man can see. Southerners feel deeply and profoundly on this race problem and its ultimate solution. Closing their eyes and looking down the ages, different vistos arise; sometimes the black race is deported, sometimes the races live together, as now, in perfect peace, one subordinate to the other; sometimes they turn with un speakable aversion to a blended, cor rupted and inferior race; sometimes there is war between the races— which may God avert—bloody, vengeful war, war which seeks and can only end in the survival of the fittest. In the midst of such awful possibilities human prophecies are idle, but any man or party who would create false hopes in these people deserves no place in the confi dence of the American people. “Speaking in part of the people of Texas—and plainness of speed is best—it is not improper to say that they have dealt fairly and gen erously with the negro in all esser tials; in education, in charity, i’ helpful sympathy and in the protect tion of life, liberty and propertj But I would not be candid with yon if I did not say that in other respects their purposes are equally resolute and unalterable. They are opposed to political domination by the igno rant or vicious; they are opposed to social equality with the negro; they are opposed to every tendency which will ultimately be destructive to the purity and integrity of the white race. And above all these, however vital they may be, there is that in the testimony in this case and which to a degree underlies this trouble, which impels me to declare even in this great chamber that they purpose •to protect even with lives what in their -womankind isrthe immediate jewel of their souls.” Not a Race Question. Senator Foraker at once took the floor, remarking that it belittled the present question to make it a vehicle for discussing the race question. He did not propose to discuss that ques tion or the merits of the Brownsville affair. He wanted his resolution adopted, which would insure further inquiry and his present purpose was but to defend himself regarding the criticism charged against him for mentioning Capt. McDonald. Com menting on Senator Culberson’s statement that his (Foraker’s) speech two weeks ago had offended (Continued on page 14.) 5