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the Hon. Senator from Kentucky* Though j there did seem to me to be an indulgent tone! in his observations towtrds South Carolina, in ; Which I could not sympathize, and while l am) still uhable to see any resemblance, either inJ principle or decree, between the course of Virginia and Ohio on the occasions alluded to,! % nd the conduct of South Carolina, 1 fyo disposed to cc-opopLte with ‘*haMSm Uer.atoftn the f-Hbrt now to adjust u.’Ktract-ino question, do raie any iicss dheustsion bct\siSan^^MjlC^P V'-' f ) v>of accoaLjp. ■. * r 1 iI^TVB. m Wlr - *? - of/ other of th|g„ &el dcrcc/i a->t trfn Mate. y r But, jjk, thejsweedings cf my *tete, cu ktjtkhfflroccasi<dt of fir higher importance. hnM* H.-*on so frequently referred to in the this debate, os an example to justify ihTpTfWn* 1 proceedings of South Carolina, thati may Ik* excused for saying something of them. What, then, was the contract of Vlrginia in the me morab’e era of t 9B an 1 ’O9! She solemnly pro tented against the alien and sedition acts as “palpable and ohrming infractions of the Con fatituui>if ’ —She communicated that protest to the other states of the Union, and earnestly ap pealed to them to unite with her in a like de claration, that this deliberate and solemn ex pressiotj of the opinions of the States, as par tic* to the constitutional compact, should have :ts proper effect on the councils of the nation in procuring a revision and repeal of the ob irO iioitt! acts.—-This was “the bead and front of her oTending—no more.” The whole ob ject of die proceeding was, by the peaceful force of public opinion embodied, tlirough the organ'<f the State legislatures, tp obtain a re jj)eil of the Laws m question—not to oppose or Vp-’ it their c-ifcoutien while they remained Ufa was the true spirit and cf the proceeding is abundantly m .,• .JtZllt’jLtbe whole of the able debate n i. 4 Le'n.dature of ui io state oT; ‘sst,. mkju&t .;<• voc ti and till/ r ’ dopted, distinctly mate, constitutional g■ Jf~ • ‘ ■- ■••• u-; • * to ‘uioa— : in, we mu.-tyi IT” The sang (i \ o\vod ami maintained by every resolutions throughout t'Jc dcly But, Sir, the raal inteutfoi\ ujf jflPSkv * Virginia were provided, net mui speeches merely, but by fagtsP’ ty **ver was a law odious to* a who!? pC6p™fy its daring violation of the ftindmnentalgutwantees of public liberty, theiVeedom of speech and the freedom of the prese. it was the sedition Itw to the people of ViffjEjpia. Yet, amid all this indignant dissatisfaction—after the solemn protest of the Legislature in ’99, and the re new il of that protest in ’99—this most odious ami arbitrary law was peaceably carried into execution in the capitol of the state by the pro to eution and punishment of Callender, who was lined and imprisoned for daring to canvass the conduct of our public men, (as Lyon and Cooper have been elsewhere,) and was still actually imprisoned when the Legislature as ie.’hbled in December, 1300. Notwithstand ing the excited sensibility of the public mind, r.o popular tumult, no legislative interference disturbed, many manner, the full and peace uf/r6 eyecti.'-n of the law. The senate will excuse me, l trust, for calling their attention to a most tore hie commentary on the true cha racter of the Virginia proceedings of ’OB and ’99, (as illustrated in this transaction,) which \,us contained in the official communication of Air. Monroe, the Governor of the state, to the Legislature at its assembling in December, 1890. After referring to the distribution v Inch hod been ordered to be made among the people, of Mr. Mudisoa’s celebrated report of ’ M, he s:tyn —“In connection with this subject, t is projwr to add tint, since our last session, fie section law, one of the acts complained of, ifis boon cai ried into e3ectiaith's common ’ vab a by't'ie deciamn of a foderal court. I notice thi * ent, view of censu hi.g or cihici,iw?j?The trattaction has go, i to will ju Igeof it <HH^j^Ra^nLjiecision a submission on the part of the people, ha ve been shown by them on a similar occasion, to any the most mv>;airy, constitutional and popular acts ot the Government.” “Thu General Assembly and i ue good people of this commonwealth have acquitted themselves to their own cousiencss and to their brethren in America, in support of a cause which they deem a national’ one, by ti- -vs, ukl ti>ey made, amt the sentiments Jli. ay t>xpr of these acts'of the General (JCruvevmnaut; but they have looked ter the iVauge, is. that respect, to a change i;i the 2>>< ’K r ic opit> which ought to be free, not t > rnen.. violence, discord, and dtsmit ca, which ihey abhor.” it is ikw, that tho men of ‘OS nnl ‘9O then undet&>Xl their own proceedings, and that the honored few, who survive, still un desVtand then. Let us now, sir, look at the lug-urge oilite proceedings themselves, and if that fiiijj warrants any other construc ts-'. The of the legislature of \ ightia in * 8, consisted of a series of resolu tns, eight id number. The third resolution, v oh Iv s lie tn the one the most frequently ur xled to the right of the states, as prTioss'to the compact, in cases ofa deliberate, ptiijp le, and dangerous exercise by the Gen cc.l)Gjverunicnt of powers not granted by the • our “ic i, “>:o interpose for arresting the pro per Vof the evil, ami for maintaining, within t:>u* resp limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties. appertaining to tliemf’ The •eventh resolution, after expressing the warm attachment of the people of Virginia to the , Union an 1 the Cdtsiitutb,!, proceeds—“ The ienoral Assembly doth solemnly appeal to the - iik dispositions in the other states, in conii dte.ee tout they will coec'tr wiUi this Corn- mon wealth m Jed?* rare, as it does hereby de- t'rp the acts aforesaid,” (the alien real HjKlion atia> *•.*• m-.i j>:i".r ;!. ’ ‘ t'el l jvui;.,-r uw.wnr. -vf’ be 1 1- PftT, bv each for cooperating with this state LrU •K : n<r infinipave l the ‘.uit’ioritics, jPlJhta, and liberties reserved to the States re sjKVliveiy, or to ths people. Now, sir, it is a fumh menial rule of interpretation, in regard to acts and d-cmnents of every that in order to arrive at their true sense an l m *an ng, tin whole must bo construed in re ference to C'uch other. The two resolutions iu„ c.tei, teen, n ist considered i:i c ,n ----neeu vs^v'd. e tch other. Tub lor *r assort the right tv thfc abates to ini r oselr ;n<v i tainingt :; ‘■ >r : iies, rights, ttn i liberties, j(X ’ > ‘jp/ ‘t.v i ;/■ to / ‘lf’ rSJv 1 i ? -•* di?t. i’ it in \vhu* ova \ by wav’ measures, are t’l ?-e n<T • s t ,t lihe. tifis o cite See, etes to be main* tv net! Tne latter of tie, two res nations give the answer—‘ay n. pessary and prop r in *asores to be liken by each t\>e co-op:njtLig with Virginia in munit lining uni njmred the aulhorifies, rights, and liberties reserved,” &e. Tne :n nsnres were toba not only nc c r.sar •/ ait pr >cer, but such as ahaltted of Cj-p-ration, ui ue area lo bo “uk *a by each for cooperating with Virginia in maintatn ijv<v’ ftc. This language obviously excludes Jff measures, which nave their full and ccrn [jijete effect within the limits of the respective [states. Kentucky could not, for example, rco-opCTtfte with Virginia in an act, by which ! Virginia should nullify a law of the t nited iCkeTK own limits, be'eause, there, wrrerpt Ttxxrrcr n-r. 4 „ mi . by the separate and independent Vis yinia. Such measures, tbore have been contemplated by the re * ZJt of Virginia, as, although adopted jtely each of the states in the incep ron, were \;* 1 have their final effect be yond their respective limits, \k neing directed common object, lor the attainment of wh'ct?,’ tiie States could co-operate with each nther. Tha* object, in the case of t':e alien andeedUibn acts, was tlse repealof the obnox ious law s; and the ineasv.res by w hich it was tobe Shtught. were to be legitlative protests against their uncohstitutioixality, instructions to the representatives cf the States in Con gress, direct remonstrances to Congress, and such other modes of interposition as might be deemed most eligible to bring the public opin ion of the States to bear. with united weight, on the councils of the Union. The important question which has arisen on the Virginia resolution of *9B, is riot what modes of redress might be justifiable in extreme cases, end on the principles of natural right, but what measures of state interposition were deemed to be consistent with the Constitution itself. Besides the evidence on the point fur nished by proper attention to the resolutions themselves, as just explained, the question is conclusively settled by the subsequent report of *99, w'hich is known to have been drawn by the pen of Mr. Madison, then a member of the Virginia legislature, as the previous reso lutions of ’9B were also from him, though he was not thexi a member of that Ixxly. The re port, in reviewing that part of the seventh re solution already cited, which refers to the ne cessary and proper measures to be taken by the states, for co-operating with each other in maintaining their rights, specifies tiie various measures of that sort, which are deemed to bo “within the limits of the Constitution.” Afigftdnsisting that a declaration by a state le ,p3iaiVe of the unconstitutionality of an act of ’ Longf<\s r and an appeal to other States to concur hi the declaration, is a measure of state in?imposition within the limilsofthe Con- the report also mentions, as being of a life character, a direct remonstrance of the itures of the States to Congress, in- to their respective Senators to pro p’ su an explanatory amendment of the Con stitution, and applications from themselves to Congress, far the call of a Convention. At. the end of this specification, the report adds “these several means, though not equally eli gible in themselves, nor probably to the states, were all conrtitutionally open for considera tion/’ Ar the occasion called for a full expo sition of the measures of .State interposition deemed to be “within the limits of the Con stitution,” the specification here mode must be considered, according to a well known rule oi interpretation, as excluding, in the minds of the writer an ;l those who adopted the report, all others not specified from the class of the constitutional modes of state interposi tion. Ir there be passages in the report, or expressions in the resolutions, than, which seem to contemplate other modes of redress, not resolvable into these, they must be con sidered as referring to those extreme cases of governmental abuse or usurpation which would justify a resort to original rights paramount to all constitutions. Sir, it has been sometimes tauntingly said that if the Virginia resolutions meant nothing more than to a.-.sr.-;t a right of interposition on the part of the States, by declaring an act of Congress unconstitutional, and founding there on appeals to the other states, as well as to the General Government, the able reasoning of Mr. Madison’s report, was uselessly expen ded in maintaining a right which nft ono would Cont ‘st. But. Sir, this right was formally and explicitly contested by Mi the states which re turned answers to the resolutions of Virginia, with she exception of Kentucky only. Let gentlemen look at. the answers given by the legislatures of Delaware; New York, Connec ti/ht, B hod c-1 stand, Massachusetts, New -11 impshirs and Vermont, and they will see that this right was boldly denied by them all —that, they all contended that the right of pro nouncing on the constitutionality of acts of the General Government, was exclusively ves ted in the Federal Judiciary, and that a decla tion by a state legislature, such as Virginia has made, of the unconstitutionality of an act of Congress, was an unwarrantable interter ar.ee with the constituted author ies of the Union. Attempts have also been made; Sir, to decry this right as utterly Idle and worthless in prac tice. I have already had occasion to remark that the exercise of this right in ’OS and ’9O, by rallying public opinion to the true princi ples of the constitution, ami embo lyingi ts ex pression in imposing organized forms, was found adequate, not only to correct the particular usurpations of the alien and sedition acts, but to produce an entire fundamental revolution in the administration of the Government. The striking and still progressive changes of pub lic opinion in various quarters ol the Union on the subject of tho taritg which I have also had occasion to notice, boar continued testimony to the eif.cicv of the. same constitutional reme dies. Sir,’ in like ours, founded on the moral force ol puoiic opinion, it. is reme dies of this sort. I am persuaded, that will be fouu l most effectual; while violent and un constitutional modes cf redress, like that of South Carolina, will ever be attended with danger of reaction, excite prejudice, confirm the obstinacy of power, and raise up new ob stacles in the way of relief. Sir, I would appeal to gentlemen from the south, who profess attachment to the Constitu tional doctrines which ara cherished in that quarter of the Union, and ask, when was there ever less occasion to despair of the moral pow er ifn 1 ultimate ascendency of a sound puhttfl opinion! When have more triumphs been vvon for the cause of State Rights and of limit ed Constitutional construction, than during the last lour years, by the patriotic Chief Magis trate. in wivo i tii? public spiniori ot this coun try has found a firm and unflinching organ ! Idas ho not. Sir. by tie courageous exercise of a power which had hitherto almost lain dor ,na.it ia the Constitution, annihilated the ear nest encroachment of federal power!—has he not, in like manner, arrested the wasteful torrent of public expenditure for unconstitu tional obpe Is!—in and has ho not nobly use l, as he is still using, the high mil to nee, wit which the confi lencs of ms country h isjuives • | ted him, togglieve every portion of that conn i -v,* fro n thenmrthsiis of tie -rueprd and op Ijj ve ai taxation of w.nca v\ e co.a 1 sitin’ Sir, i r::’ v to t.i?se topes wta no : ‘ A *i -h to awaken anv nil pie sint recollections of i nst contests hero or elsewhere, buts uiplv to I r *;ni id gontlem *n who come from that per ion oftho c >#!ttry where the petit cal principles to which 1 rlv> alluded so generally previi-, oft ia rapid progress which those principles ■ iuve made, under the auspices ai the present .-'V ‘ - ry in tl.erunl.c cennciis: r- .-i *•’ v.'uv ever was T-> 1 nrir.c/ph ? to fie’r-vt th-’ l **'•••'! ml > er.ee of opinion, a.n by living io extrt’in to hazard net only t.cnr triumph, but the ister.ee /four institutions tiiemsehes. / 1 will proceed now, Mr. very briefly, my ideas of what we ti /j upon to del in the present i? M Sun, fij r th e country. If we were to separefj^*) 1 TANARUS) tp>T't, in fjj ing something, and something; vindicate the despised aut;i*ruy (1 the Government and oaths thenceforward \ irtiudly ditboLt u. - - y Vmim to. •ff'v.i't ti-C JM to c.ur i; " U: "4fx wi'lch, having a riptit laws, is •, to : , them,) dernnnd, at our hands, propound enec tual provisions for the execution of the laws in question. My plan, then, would be simply this—l wouid take up this new code of null id eation, I would examine it in all its inventions, and apply to every one of its devices an eilec thal counteraction. Whereas, Nullification provides that goods held far the payment ot duties shall be taken but cf the hands of the collector or marshal under color of a fraudu lent process of replevin designed for the sole purpose, pf defeating the laws of the United States, I would say, as the bill now under consideration says, on well settled principles of jurisprudence, that goods thus in the custody of the law are irrepleyidbTe, and shall be given up only ip Obedience to the ordr of decree pf a Court of the United States. -Nullification, while it subjects officers of the U. States to heavy penalties and damages for diischarging their duties, provides that all controversies, ci vil or criminal, which may arise under its ordi nance, shall be drawn evclusivelv to the State Courts, the judges bind jurors of which are to be bound by a solemn oath to carry the Ordi nence into execution —prohibits, under high penalties, appeals from their decisions to the Courts of the United Staes ; andfordids, in like manner, the. furnishing of any copy of a record to prosecute such an appeal. These provi sions also should be effectydl} r counteracted. The judicial power of the UvS. which is ex pressly declared to extend to aliases in law or equity, arising under the Constitution or laws of the United States, would, indeed, be a mis chievous mockery, if it could not be made to reach cases of this description. I would, there fore, declare, as the bill declares, that the ju risdiction of the Circuit Courts of the United States shall extend to >< l \ bases Arising under the revpqqv Uws of the United States—that all suit sor controversies of that r;~ e.t.er m-_vy be removed, as the third section*of the bw pro vides, from the State to the United States’ Courts, on the petition of the defendant, and that if a copy of the record be refused, it may be supplied by other means, or secondary evi dence. In reg-ard to those Clauses of the bill which provide for the removal of the custom house, iC has been significantly and properly said, out of harm’s way, and for requiring- pay ment of duties in cash, deducting- interest, where it is apprehended that the payment of the bonds would be sought to be prevented, and thus cutting off in their source, controver sies of a very delicate and dangerous charac ter, they are conceived in a laudable spirit of peace, and I can see no well founded objection to them. The provisions are in general terms, applying alike to all portions of the country, in case cf unlawful obstructions to the collection of the revenue. Whenever, and wherever, such obstructions shall arise, the law applies its remedy. If, in point of fact, it should at present apply to South Carolina only, the fault will be hers, in opposing unlawful obstructions which exist no where else, and not that of the law, which is equal and general in its provi- sions. The art. of calling hard names , Mr. Presi dent, has exhausted all its resources on the un fortunate bill on your table. Put, sir, this is no novelty in our political history, as the simi lar and not less voilent denunciations of the act for enforcing the embargo, duriug Mr.Jeffer son’s administration, bear ample testimony. worthy colleague, (Mr. Tyler,) in his fer vid eloquence, denominated it a Botany Bay Bill , and founded his denunciation on tlie clause which authorizes the Marshal, in cer tain cases, under the direction of the J udge of tiie District, to provide, a convenient place to serve as a temporary jail, and to make the ne cessary provision for the safe keeping of pris oners committed under the authority of the U. States. Now, sir. let us enquire what was the motive of t his provision. Heretofore.. u South Carolina as in the other States, porpdha arres ted or committed under the authority of the United States, have been confined in the jails of the State. But, by her recent legislation, South Carolina has forbidden, under very high penalties, the use of iter public jails to the U. states, and has, moreover, prohibited all pri vate persons, under pain of line nd imprison ment, trorri hiring or letting any place, house, or budding, to be used as a jail by the United States, in this state of things, it became ab solutely necessary to make some other provi sion for the custody of debtors and others, who might be arrested or committed under the aq tnority of the United States; and that provi sion is made in the very words of a resolution of Congress of the 3d of March, 1791, passed to provide tor the case of a failure, ch the part of any of tiie States, to comply with a previous recommendation of Congress respecting the use of their jails by the United States. Bv what process a provision so simple and natural can be metamorphosed into a Botany Biy Bill, i am at a loss to conceive, as I think rnv hon orable colleague, when ha comer to review it more calmly, will be not less at a loss to ex plain. L But, sir, the most vehement denunciations have been directed against thos t clauses of tiie bill, which authorize the employment of military force, in certain cac£b, to repel at tempts by force to obstruct the execution of the laws. V r e have been told, that it is ma king war upon Soitth Carolina. Now, sir, while I do not concur in the policy f these provisions, at. the present moment, for reasons which V shall presently state, I utterly denv i the , iuv|pess of this qualification of the bill, as x&md the principle oh which it is founded. — There is no proceeding whatever, in a/fV part of this atihir, against South Carolina. The Government of the United St~? —-- exe cution of the laws, can have no proper re/er- j ence to States. It acts upon individuals not upon States, as I have already had occasion abuii lantly to shew; and the Constitution of the United States, when it declared that no thing in the Constitution or laws of parti cular State should control the laws'of lac Uni ted Si des, h\s riot per .vttv 1 tb. G-overn ; merit of-the U lion, in executing the laws of ; the United States, to en mire if opposition to to the n is, or is not,authorized by a particular Stite. It the laws :*e oppose! by cj nhiaitioas too powerful to be overco ne in the ordinary j coarse of ji lie* il proceedings, there is toe si me right, an Ser t ic Constitution, to execute the laws by catling in tiie ail >f*tie military ] rower, whether sue i com hi a it.-* is be a it i >ri hed by a law of theStite,(\v rich the Constitu tion las declared in suen a case, to be a nulli ty,) or whether they be purely voluntary. I l ive not, then, tiie slightest tirSeuity in regard ta the right and power ot the Government to actsTif ’9")iind IMV b~orfe;t, will triously, and to a certain extent, sucecfemTß used as a topic to inflame the jealousies, aiwl misled*! the sympathies of a generous people, and to add to the irritation and excitement al ready unhappily existing in a tyrge sect'on of the Union. I would make no new provision of this sort, therefore, till an overtact had been committed. And then I verily believe with Mr. Je tier son, that a Republican Government would shew itself as strong, in a good sense, as any on earth : “At the call of the law, eve ry man would fly to the standard of the law, and the defence of public order would be con sidered by every citizen as his individual con cern.” While I am thus ready, tor one, Mr. Presi dent, to give my assent to such measures as may be necessary and proper for maintaining the authority of the laws, we shall ail unite, I trust, in removing the just causes of complaint which have arisen against their operation.— The necessity of a now adjustment of the Ta riff! is felt and acknowledged by all, and af forde the fit occasion for doing justice to every interest of the country which has been affected by it. Sir, this is the moment for the accom plishment of this great work of conciliation and peace. Let us meet each other in that “spirit of amity and mutual deference and erflteession which the peculiarity of our politi cal situation has rarely, if ever, rendered more indispensable,” than now. Instead of coming together as hostile and rival clans,-as has un happily been too frequently the case in rela tion to this subject, let us meet and consult for the cornu lonjcood, as mcwbji*V‘K one great family. YecolSting that the interest of each is the good of the whole, and the good of tiie whole the interest of each. For one, I pledge myself to meet gentlemen in this American spirit—to regard the interest of the North as well as the South—to embrace, as far as I can, the pernmnent and lasting good of all— which, in nothing, in my opinion, is rhore deep ly concerned than in the present settlement of this distracting question, and in the final extir pation-of that germ of discord which has been planted in all our relations, social and political. It is time, Mr. President, to put an end to our unhappy divisions. It has begiuny fortune, in another!situation, to witness the effects they have produced on the character and con sideration of our Government abroad, and on the gerlerous efforts of the friends of liberty in other parts of the world. Sir, my heart has swollen with a pride and exultation, which can be appreciated only by those who have felt them,in a foreign land, when I have heard my .country the theme of every tongue ; its insti tutions, with the glorious results of liberty and happiness they have produced, the subject of universal envy and admiration, rebuking, on the one hand, the gloomy spirit ol despotism, and animating on the other, the generous as pirations of freedom. But, ip, .a few short months, how has this scene been change:! ! The language of admiration and respect lost in that of indifference an-1 distrust; the votaries of liberty discouraged aril confounded; the disciples of legitimacy exulting in the failure of the only system of free Government which ever promised a perfect success; all Eu rope filled with predictions of a speedy disso lution of our Union, and consigning us hence* la-ward to the same rank of impotence .and an archy, a the unhappy .and distracted States of the southern parts of our own continent. Those have been the bitter fruits of our divi sions abroad. What have they been at’ liorae ? In the midst of unexampled prosperity, anxiety and alarm pervading every bosom —that sacred Union, in regard to which we were taught by the father of our country to “ discountenance whatever might suggest even a suspicion that i.t ro’difj.nbe abandoned,” openly question&d and decried, ana millions trembling for its late. Sir, let us put an end to these divisions—let us disappoint the malignant pre dictions of the enemies of free government — let us restore confidence to the patriot at home, and hope to the votary of freedom abroad. I do, in my conscience believe, that the preser vation of the Union is our only security for lib erty. If we are to be broken into separate confederacies, constant wars and collisions with each other must ensue, out oi whicn will grow up large military establishments, perpe tual and burthensome taxes, an overshadowing executive power; and amid these ddeterious influences, what hope can there be tis-t libeity would survive, ’ [t is here, I confess, that 1 see the Manger of military despotism; and not where l/e imag-i nation of the Senator from S. Cariina [Mr Calhoun] Ins found it. Is not the actual con dition of S. Caaoliua, in this respew an im pressive admonition to us on the siiject -the Whole State converted, into a camp/ the Exe cutive and other authorities armed Ivitn dicta torial powers; the’ rights of conscience set at nought, and an unsparing proscripiiTfi>:eadv to disfranchise one half of her population. bir, this is but a prefiguration of the evilaand cala mities to Which every portion of ths country j would he destined, if the Union should he d’s-J solved. Let us then rally around, this 3aci||| Union, fixing it anew, and establishing ver on the immutable basis of equal fIHH of mutual amity an 1 kindness, and an t rat ion at once firm and paternal. this, and we shall c irry hick to o'JMH traded country, happiness to the fireside, restore stability to our threatene| stitntions, and give hope and confidence Ml more to the friends of liberty throughout* world. Let us do this, and we h| short, what a bountiful Providence has r.~- made us, and designed us forever to r<* W.nam, the freesL an’ bwapiest People under the sun. oa’Eio's. —= - —-=sir-CT-r—T rszzLr- —.— - r - j X itest frr*m fivrsjp'* The ship Miry Howlind, arrived at New- Vork on Taslay from Liverpool, whence she siilel 3th March, bringing Li.’Grpool advices j tx* the 7th ai l Loudon to cue Bth, both ine is j j V o. —Prom the Courier end Enquirer an ! 1 Jon -oil of Com u-arca, v*e extract tne fbilow -1 i u 7 ; I* Th 4 Irish Enforcing Bill has beefi real a first time in the House of Commons lv an over j whelming major’-ty. The Russian Atnbas- Isidor to Egypt has succeeded in in iudn> Alt Pic’ii to suspend the farther march of ins ar !my towards Constantinople. There is* übth j iuh later from Portugal uii! BK&|Be|X^^H^Pßl ( -‘/i* vi t a ta^^BKß^^Br,, ?} j a ] hoar!) 1 i- .e- From thc'HSat. Intelligencer. | * ‘Ckneral f afayette appears to rctair mM the lire of youth. In a late debate in the HsJTus- * of Deputies, on the subject of the sonic general . observations ike Revolution by the tire of the bamea< 1e fogs of legitimacy, omnipotence, cv, and spread the dogma of the f ar f of the people from Chili to the Gai^ vo • >'. ■ “ That it was liisduty toaddre.^ 0 1 * Ques tions to Government, on points . . j!; jPfta consequences of that Revolution trated or perverted. What, stances or conditions ■L n ( Vi h ! u •.! Don Miguel to General then ion of a king on republican Guff*, ex pressing hi® fears j that Ifce loan guaiahtß** qT France would ho ‘ rather for the Russia than of . Greece; and after in strong terms on the porse<2^s^^^^B*air lots in !y and Poland, he maintained, the of Government, concluded by deelarnllj®lhat he I would not sanction the Budget of Foreign At; * fairs until satisfactory answers were given on these points.’’ The Minister of Foreign Affairs replied, f and took occasion to advert to l!ie late Revolu < tion, and to his views of its legality. , . “ We have accomplished (said be) a just and legitimate Revolution—but was it legal * No, gentlemen, lor the very w ords revolution and legality arc incompatible. A revolution is nn appeal from the insufficiency of positive laws to the eternal laws of justice and reason. (Re newed applause.) The Hon. Minister then entered into a rapid {but luminous explanation of the various points of foreign policy referred to by General Lafayette, denying the existence of any conditions for the recognition of Louis Philip by foreign powers; explaining the exis tence of the formal treaty for the dismantling of Huningpen; detailing the means .taken by Government to-obtaia an amolicGmti&n ia the laws and constitution of the Papal States, v.i l expressing the confident expectation of their fall success.. .lie defen led the choice of King Otho to reign over Greece, as the most eligi ble mode of securing the prosperity and inde pendence of the country; spoke of the affairs of Belgium as in a satisfactory train of accom modation ; expressed his intention of allowing no insult to be offered with impunity to the French flag, either iuportug.il or eLcwhere; and, after rendering homage to the frankness and sincerity of England, in the existing alli ance with France, concluded by calling on the Chamber to etriable Government to pursue tiic system of universal peace, and domestic pros perity, on which all its policy was founded, by granting the Budget as proposed.” [F*o?n the tcc.ord.tr. ] Fellow-Citizens of the Convention: *Thc subjoined plan for the Reduction and ! Apportionment of the members of the Gener al. Adi&mbly of the State of Georgia, is very respectfully submited ti your consideration- by. 1 A CITIZEN. THE SENATE. This body shall consist of 30 members, and he fixed at that.number, choseufor three years. To that end, the State shall be divided into 10 Senatorial Districts eacli of which districts shall contain, as near as practicably, an equal number of inhabitants* and be entitled to 3 Senators. The Senators shall be divided by lot, into 3Jfesse£ of lt> in each tiass, insuw. manner, tMt every District may have one Sen ator in each class.— The sorts of the first class of Senotors shall be vacated at Lie end of uic first year; of tne second dtlss, at the end of the second vear ; and of the /lird class, at the end of the third, year —so th/. one senator may lie elected annually from obeli District. The said Districts shall be sublet to alteration by the Legislature, at the of every seven or the first ses*v, of the Legislature tlie inhabitants of aim* ;p„ v.'oi'.ai - ■ ;r- av-n'rdiy, by tic- y- ./• <>r counties, according the follow .ng appo&nument. Each county in the State with out regard to shall be. ff* tied to one Representative; nor , t niuty, Whose RepresentatVe *ss tiian b,OOU, be entitled ‘jf * cS*. C } which .have . Rc,epUlv “2. upwards,. but less -gnan i*a, w> j>~ ‘’ , 2 a ,,>] those ot t 2,000 and up wards, 3; but no eruinty - s?, * u cniulea to more that 3 Representatives. According to Uis plar ihe Legislature wifi oontain abor t 1-i‘d members, viz: 30 Senators and 12t> fl. iprofehtatlves. ;. . - • THE PRESS. The following wM-wrMen eulogy on tne Press , v is delivered by Mr. U KBS 7 LR, rj a Convention field at Worcester some time ego': It is tribe regretted, that the public gener ally do not appreciate the great importance of ■ i' jm • fe ■ w’ fc?; principles, and the down to slumber in safety. But itiTt^K tice press alone” that, countenance should be ’ ST* A 5 ofhci ' sshonld be indignantly frown ?c SV ,U .'> n ' ay b f h ' pt free the PJ * he w ill it. Iv utors arc but men, however dfl nlon it may be for their readers to regard til pna hiherent light; as a race of beings vSL upon jjia whirl,. and grow fat upon the anticipation ol golden fruits to comet W hile faithfully for the constitution and laws; wmle battling it manfully for the sacred rights vt man, it should he the especial care of thort? who profit by their labors, to see that the pife'tniqj hand of penury should not palsy their strength, or pressings of want convert them mno edged tools m tlic hands of the ambitious, - mr dangerous instruments in the service of tho tlvhh ? 1S ° f P ?' V( !T\' vHo?e P :llllls hre funiliar r'.. I,h t spoils of the treasury. The Israelites R| A . e ’ ai i ”?‘V l T U,t the enemies only so long as Pthe haiu.s ol Moses were upheld by his brother and friend. Who shall refuse to sustain the independent editor, while contending against the fees of civil freedom 1 A fair remuiier i tion for Jus labors, whether mental or manual* is justly duo to every man. If’ this be awarcle l to tno conductor of the press, and he then proves unfuth'fu!; if he lots himself out as the. advocate and the apologist of the ambitious or corrupt aspirant for power, it is proof positive teat lii heart is corrupt; that lie is an unwor thy and perfidious sentinel upon the citadel of feHvyv ; and t-he monumfc in which lie deserts of tiie people, in that vosjuninute ptiould the poople desert him. But condactors of the news-paper ™'f” of the country prints) receive that ■ev ard tor their liiiCeasing labors that the in vestment oithe same amount of capital, an! the exertion of would aim wt ho sure to command in any other Jausfciess. Rea der•, recur to your own knowledge. I few ma ny newspaper printers have.you known to rr_ tiro, after years of toil and anxiety, with a competency 1 Have you known one out of ten, or ten out of five hundred ! If yon have net, then indeed must, there be something radically Wrong in the treatment which they receive at the hands of the public. We know it is com* mod to speak of the press as licentious,an t its con-.!uetors as venal; and the con luct of soma we are compelled to admit, a (lords but too strong ground tor the charge. But, thanks be to Providence, there are yet some, nay, many, honorable exceptions: many, too many, whose, integrity is untouched—untouched--*tbeiign—’ to all appearance, penury is their constant companion, and griping want a twin brother, it is to such man as these, that tire causa of ci vil liberty owes much : and it is altogether the fault of the public, that the number is not so swelled as to include all, to whom is commit ted so honorable and important a trust. Sus tain the fearless and independent editor: abase the time-serving and mere nan/. This short sentence compri.f.'s ail the mystcrv of creating and preserving the fukk PitLvi. Let it beactod upon hy aii who feel an interest in our free anti liberal institutions, and soon might the spirit-cheering motto— “ Here, shall the PRESS the people’s rights maintain, Una wed by influence and unbribe-l by gain ; Here patriot truth her glorious prospect* draw, Pledged to religion liberty and law 1” lile inscribed with truth and justice, upon every sheet sent forth to instruct, animate tv confirm every Irion l of civil liberty whose aspirations for freedom are borne onward upon each gale that flit across the wide expanse of the ‘'Re public. ♦ • In all popular governments, a free press is Lie most important of all agents and instru ments. It not only expresses public opinion, but to a very great degree it contributes to form that opinion. It is an engine ibr good or for evil, as it may be directed, but an engine of which nothing can resist the force. The con ductors of the press in popular governments oc cupy a place in the social and political system of the very highest, consequence ar iho charjot j. <jc puotlc instructors. To mat ters of intelligence, they add matters of opin ion. Their daily labors bear directly on the intelligence, the morals, the taste and the pub lic spirit of the country. Not only are they journalists, recording political occurrences, but they discuss principles, they comment on mea sures, they canvass characters ; they hold a power over tfve reputation, the feelings, the happiness of individuals. The public ear is . a; way* open to their addresses, the piMic sym paty easily made responsive to their senti ments. it is indeed, sir, ‘distinction of high honor, that their’s is the only profession protected and guarded by constitution al enactments. Their employment soars so high, in its general consequences, it is so inti mately connected with the public happiness, that its sec urity is provided for, by the funda mental law. While it acts in a manner worthy of this distinction, the press is a fountain of light and. a source of gladdening warmth. It It instructs tpe public mind, and almost the spirit of patriotism. Its loud voice suppresses every thing which would raise itselt against Lie public liberty; and its blasting rebuke causes incipient despotism to perish in the bud.^ But remember, that these are the attributes of a free press only.. - ■ ..w PmaionLviliA, April 8. JKroeious ±Ttt&der, from Eordeutgvri, New-Jersey in the Steam-boat yesterday morning, brought t ; w thr'liino intelligence that a most singular, unlookal fdr, nwl Si mrnan murJer hid been perpetrated in that place, by a younj man nv men J OUT. Cxovoh, upon tne person o, -Mrs. vs •iy Hamilton, an estimable young wiuowi ix iv, consort of the late l>r. Hamilton. iC appears that Clough had been fur some time a hoarder in the house ot Mahlon IxmgsCeth, Mrs. HA f .titer, at the corner of the Main street and the road leading to Trenton, w here Mrs. 11. also resided; in the course of which time, Clough had formed an ardent attach-