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lenced the abolitionists, and caught the slaveholders. The excitement upon the question ofinvoluntary servitude had, pre vious to that declaration, very much sub sided. It then received anew impulse, throifgh the published opinion of Mr. Van Buren ; and where or how it is to end, he having attained his object, is a question o( no little moment. It may be said he is not correctly quoted. He says ; “ Thus viewing the matter I would not, From the iigliltt tiow before me, feel mysetl safe in pronouncing that Congress does not possess the power, of interfering with or abolishing slavery in the District ol Gulutu bia.” Did he ant any lights? He had been Attorney General of New York—member of her Senate—Governor of the State— member of the convention to revise her constitution—Senator in tlx: Congress of the United States—Secretary of State un der General Jackson —Minister to Eng land—and Vice President of the United States; all his pursuits and avocations had placed before him, during the whole period of his manhood, the constitution of his country, and in 1836, he adopts the above extraordinary phraseology. If he was not prepared then, it is not to be pre sumed he ever can, or at least that he ever intends to be. A man who will not, at his rime of life, say “ Yes” or “ No” to a proposition of such vital interest, with the opportunities he had enjoyed for forty years, cannot be won from his sophi st'ry, nor will the acquisition of lights other than those before him, lead to any other conclu sion than the one by \\ hichhe has deceived friend and foe. 6. Mr. Van Buren refused to enter into diplomatic discussion for the admission of Texas into the Union, though the acquisi tion was a favorite object, which regularly descended to him from his predecessor. Sir, consider the conduct of Mr. Van Buren on the Missouri question—on the Florida restriction —on the free negro suf frage—on the right in Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia—on the tariffs of 1824 and 1823 ; and 1 shall hold no argument with any Southern'man who will, with these lights before him, assert that Mr. Van Buren is a Northern man with Southern principles, though I may regret they furnish such strong mduce ments to the citizens of the South to sus tain him. 7. Because Mr. Van Buren, while Se cretary ofState, in bis official correspon dence with foreign powers, spoke dispa ragingly of the conduct of his Govern ment. 8. He promised to follow in the foot steps of his predecessor. This is a good reason why South Caro lina sustains him now. 9. For asserting that Government must take care of itself, and the people take care of themselves. That is, the officers of the Government must be paid in gold and silver; the people may get it if they can. 10. For’asserting that Government has rio right to regulate the currency of the country. 11. For proposing the Sub-Treasury echome four times, having been rejected as often by Congress. I 12. For proposing a bankrupt law to ap ply to corporations only. This proposition was submitted to the consideration of Congress when the Sub- Treasury scheme was proposed in 1837. : At that moment every bank in the United ‘ States had suspended specie payments; and, had the measure ripened into law, every bank would have wound up in stantly, and the whole money-power would have centred in the Sub-Treasury, under the fostering care of the Treasury note bill. The people would then have learned what taking care of themselves meant. Another reason why Mr. Van Buren is so'ereal a favorite with the South Carolina and 1 other State Rights men who support him is— -13. Because he was the coadjutor and adviser of the Proclamation and Force ‘Cill. \ 14. Sitting quiet and coolly, seeing the constitution ophis country violated, in ex punging a portion of the journal of the Senate, and approving it. 15. Becausethe installation of Mr. Van Buren was a sight so-odioas to some gen tlemen that they could not look at it. But now Mr. Van Burenv in the estima tion of the same gentlemen, is worthy of their confidence. 16. Because he w is opposed to Mr. Ma dison, and his administration of the Go wejjjmenl; and sust lined opposition to de feat his election. This is a good reason why Virginia should do battle for him. 1 17. -Omitting by design or neglect,,to 1 say any thing in his late\annual message 1 about the Cumberland road. 1 Those who have that work at heart must he delighted at his adroitness in avoiding, < at this particular moment, evpnihe appear . ance of responsibility. Any odium that ■ may attach to anygiction of Congress on . that subject, he ‘is disposed to avoid. . 18. For stilting in his annual message , to the present Congress, that the accruing , revenue would be sufficient for the current r expenses of 1840; and a few weeks after [’ wards, by a special massage, recommend t ing the passage of ai act authorizing the issue ol 85,000,000 Treasury notes to en able the Government to meet accruing f liabilities. 1 19. Virtually abindoning the Florida war. 20. Failing to Urn out public defaulters alter their folly or wickedness was mani fest to the Goverrment. 21. For not discharging officers in the employment of the Government, after it [• was publicly kinwnthey had, by subscrip tion of monev nd otherwise, interfered to influence the public elections. I 22. For denying, by his practice, the correctness of the opinion of Mr. Jefferson touching the conduct of public officers in . elections*. Mr. Jefferson ordered, in a cir cular,that the officers ofgovernment should not use the influence of their stations to control the elections of the country. 23. For asserting that the people ex pected too much of the Government. Sir, the people rightfully expect the Go vernment will discharge its duty ; and when it fails to do so, they have a right to, and they will complain. It is, however, too much to expect this Government will do its duty. 24. The appointment of Mr. Leggett, the abolitionist, to a foreign mission. I hope Mr. Vun Buren’s Southern sup porters will add this to his Missouri, Flo rida, and other notions touching the ques tion of slavery, for the purpose of fortify- opinion that he is oppusedTo aboli tion. 25. Joining in a petition for a branch of the Bank of the United Slates at Albany, New York. Is that any evidence of the intentions and wishes of the bank-bought federalists, which the modern democratic loco-focus now ascribe to every man who believes the Government has no right to destroy the banking institutions cf the c- itry ! It is, of course, conclusive evidence with them that Mr. Van Buren was satisfied of the unconsrituttonality of the United States Bank ; that is, a brunch was constitutional, but the mother bank was not. 26. Because Mr. Van Buren was not worthy, second session, January, 1832, in the opinion of some ofhis fast friends now, ofthe embassy to England, and voted his recall.— Senate Jonrnal, 507. 27. Because he said, after being recalled from the mission to England, it was glory enough to have served under such a chief as General Jackson. 28. For approving the plan suggested for the armed occupation of Florida. 29. Approving the plan of Secretary Poinsett, for organizing the militia of the United States, at an annual expense of not less than two and a half millions of dol lars. That would be a standing army of some moment, subject at all times to the nod of the Comtnander-in-Chief; 200,000 militia organized by the Government, one ol the sources of supplying the beggared Sub- Treasury. 30. Me opposed the raising of troops, as recommended by Governor Tomkins, in aid of the last war.— See Senate Journals of New York, September 1814. 31. He voted and argued against ex tending universal sutfrage to white citizens of the Slate ofNew York.— See report of the proceedings of the Convention to amend the Constitution of New York, pages 277, 283, and 284. 32. He voted against electing justices of the peace; remarking that the further power was removed from the people the better Same report, pages 321 and 322. 33. He voted and argued against elect ing sheriffs.— Same report, pagex 160, 322, and 336. 34. He voted against a Committee on Agriculture, notwithstanding more than fifteen millions of the public revenue is paid directly and indirectly by the farmers. —United States Senate Journal, Decem ber 9, 1825. 35. He voted against occupying the Columbia river', and protecting the fur trade Senate Journal, March 1, 1825. 36. He voted to grant exclusive privi leges to State banks.— Senate Jcvrnal, February 6, 1827. 37. He voted against reducing the lax on salt Senate Journal, February 25, 1827. 38. He voted against granting to the States refuse lands, which were not worth twenty-five cents, per acre, for education and internal improvement Senate Jour nal, April 16, 1828. 39. He voted against settlement and pre emption rights.— Senate Journal, April 17 and 21, 1828. 40. Me voted against the graduation bill.— Senate Journal, April 22, 1828. 41. Ife opposed the bill to distribute surplus revenue among the States.— lbid. Sir, 1 have now noticed the principal reasons which induce the friends of Mr. Van Buren, particularly his Southern friends and allies, to sustain him in power, and support his policy, regardless of the wide spread ruin which it lias already ac complished. But gentlemen who have addressed the committee, have not best) content to des cant on the services, virtues, and fitness of Mr. Van Buren for bis high station, but have taken u journey to North Bend, and have here decided they can find nothing in the history of General Harrison to re commend him to the approbation and suf frage of his country, except the title of a soldier who has won no honors, and the reputation of a civilian without merit. Not contented to withold the tribute prompted by honorable minds, generous and manly feelings, gratitude for long and arduous devotion in the Senate and in the field, to the best interests of his country, they seek to poison the public ear, and prejudice the South, by insinuating that he is connected with those who are ene mies to her domestic institutions. They ask, why he does not come out and an swer what his views are on the subject of slavery ? Those who pretend they are anxious to hear him on that subject do not desire it. His opinions—uniformly ex plicitly made known by him in the Sen ate and on many public occasions, from the Missouri compromise, which lost him his seat, to the present time, without deviation or change, in which opinions he has never hesitated to denounce the efforts of the ab olitionists as treasonable and hostile to the best interests of the nation—are all before them. ‘They know they cannot be ques tioned. But the words of truth on this subject they dare not utter, and therefore they seek, by prevarication and slander, to deceive the People, and defame a name chronicled with the heroes and statesmen to whom the nation is indebted lor its fame and its glory. Sir, there is not a man in the United States, who knows what Gener al Harrison has said on the subject, who is sensible of the obligations of truth and honor, who dare say, or can be brought to make the declaration, that Gen. Harrison is an abolitionists, or that he has, at any time, given the slightest countenance to their schemes. And when such declara tions are made, the only apology for them is the want of information, or a reckless determination to inflict injury, by perver ting the suggestions of reason and the in junctions of conscience. Are the pretensions of Mr. Van Buren of that questionable character, the high goal at which he aims so doubtful, as to warrant, in the opinion of his partisans, the use of the billingsgate and detraction to which they have resorted in their opposi tion to his rival ? Or has it indeed come to this, that no man must have the effront ery toopposethe individual who was elect ed by the last Administration to rule this People ? Art: we the subjects ofour rulers, and bound to do their bidding ? But it is said Gen. Harrison is in favor of a tariff. Mr. Van Buren voted for the high tnrilfoftener than General Harrison, and in its more objectionable form. But he is in favor of a United States Bank. It is less objectionable openly to say so, than to oppose it, and then endeavor to extend its influence and participate in its profits, as Mr. Van Buren did'. Sir, it has been asked, why will the A merican People vote for Gen. Harrison ? Go and ask the brothers, the fathers, and the sons of those who fell at the battle of the Thames, and who honored a soldier’s grave at the sortie of Fort Meigs ! —go and collect together, in pious gratitude, the bones of your countrymen, the bleached memori als of savage vengeance at Tippecanoe ! converse with those who survived and es caped the havoc & slaughter of those hard won fields ! —do that, and never again will you hear the deriding inquiry, Why will the American People vote for Gen Harri son ? unless it be under indications of self abasement and withering shame. Sir, those who sneeringly ask that question, have yet to learn that there is in the breast of every American it warm, animated, liv ing tablet beating in every pulse and glow ing in every vein, on which is inscribed, He, who is its discreet and wise in council as he has been cautious, prudent, and dauntless irt the hour of peril, William Henry Harrison, is entitled to the confi dence of his country. I have spoken of facts and the conduct of individuals as they’ have occurred in the history of the country ; intending no dis respect to any person alluded to, I have no apology to offer Will any man in the House or in the nation have the kindness to name fine word, written or spoken, one measure proposed or advocated, one single act, public or private, which bespeaks for the plresent Chief Magistrate of this nat ion any thing more than the approbation due to the ordinary course of any well-inform ed, experienced gentleman ? In our days of national gloom and despondence, his op position to those who had the confidence of the country, and to those measures cal culated to chastise aggression and repel in vasion, placed him in a position where he could not command the greetings of active, warm and generous patriotism. Success fully has he glided on the current of events participating with prodigal avidity in pub lic confidence, yet the prosperity and glo ry of his country present no memorial of ardent, zealous, indefatigable devotion of the statesmen ; no trophies won in the strife of conflicting principles ; no monu ments commemorate the usefulness ofhis genius. And yet his memory is destined to no ordinary distinction ; it will be as signed a prominent place in the story of the reverses and disasters of a prosperous and confiding People; and he must be content to abide the judgment of a nation indebted to him more than any individual living or dead, for a scries of reverses in till branches of business and industry, the progress of which he has marked with ap athy and indifference, making no efforts to avert the effects; or check the advancing universal prostration of the body politic, except by proposing the adoption of a sys tem notoriginal with him, four times reject ed by his country, the disastrous conse quences of which, wherever it has prevail ed, presage but too surely the unenviable position he must occupy in the past, present and future history of the sub-Treasury— the first, the last, and the only measure he has proposed for the good or evil of bis country. It cannot be unprofitable for a moment to refer to the occurrences of the past. The battle of New Orleans had already proclaimed the United States a co-partner in the universal peace which had succeed ed the announcement at Waterloo that Na poleon was the isolated prisoner of the Christian world. Contending armies threw down the instruments of death—the drum was silent—the trumpet was hushed—and belligerent nations involuntarily returned to the pursuits of peace. The United States, from 1815 to 1828, advanced with a rapid and steady step to a degree of pros perity, in all the various employments of civil life, unequalled and never surpassed in a similar period of time in the history of man. Abundance and contentment were the uninterrupted evidences of the national felicity. At Lhat moment, public attention was arrested; over this Temple was seen to soar the genius who had watch ed the embrvostruggles that gave it birth— guarded with sleepless vigilance its more than doubtful fortune through the adversity of the past; her eye was upward ana on ward ; a calm, benignant serenity irradia ted her countenance, every lineament of which seemed the chosen residence of some peculiar and identified happiness; in her right hand she bore a scroll, on which was inscribed, in transparent characters, “The Country of Washington !” In her left hand she held a horn, from which, ever and anon, she distributed upon these United States the accumulated treasures of the commercial world! But, suddenly, there was seen to arise in the West a dark and portentous cloud; a fierce and chilling wind carried it swiftly to the East; on its approach to this city, where its violence and fury were wasted, terror and sadness seized the guardian spirit, in the fulness of her joy for the past, and in the promises for the future; and, its she drew the azure robes in which she seemed to float, close around her, she dropped her horn! From that moment she has not ceased to lament the errors in which originated the difficul ties and embarrassments w.'iich so long impeded, and now threaten to annihilate, the best interests of this her chosen People. But, although there is much to regret, there is no cause to despond - r disappoint ment, partial distress, and general suffer ing may run riot for a season ; there is a restoring quality in the patriotism of the American citizens, which, so soon as they shall be satisfied of the folly or improvi dence of their rulers, or shall learn the true causes of the calamity which over spreads the nation, inspired by a common sentiment, impelled by a common feeling, with one indignant effort, will hurl their oppressors from the confidence they have abused, and restore the Constitution and laws to their original design—that of pro tocting the happiness and securing the prosperity of the country. From the Augusta Sentinel. GEN. HARRISON’S LETTER. The following letter which we copy from the Cincinnati Gazette, will be read with interest by our readers. We commend it in an especial manner to the Hon. George McDuffie, to see if he can find in it any evidences ofhis being “a weak, su perannuated old man, utterly destitute of the qualifications to sustain or perform the duties of the office” of President. And wo woultl ask the now allies of Mr. Mc- Duffie, those who so recently regarded him a “traitor,” hut now shout over him as a good Locofoco Democrat, to compare the stvle of this letttir of General Harrison with that of the letter of Mr. McDuffie to the Van Buren Locofoco Committee at Milledgeville, and then declare which evin ces the higher order of “dignity” or “qual ifications,” the accused or the accuser. It would he well for Mr. McDuffie to show himself dignified, before he questions the dignity or capacity of one whom he might well consult as a model in purity or chas tity of style,—before he again issues a philippic, which, while it drew forth the shouts of those who had so recently de nounced him, as deserving the gallows, excited a feeling of pity, nearly allied to contempt, among his friends. From the Cincinnati Gazette. A GOOD THING. General Harrison was among the invi ted guests to the dinner given to General Van Rensselaer, in Cincinnati, on the se cond instant. Ho could not ho present, for reasons assigned. The following is his letter, declining the invitation. It rich ly deserves the caption we have given to this paragraph. It is one of those good things which frequently Ihll from the pens of American Statesmen, and from none more often than General Harrison’s.— Good taste will relish, and correct judg ment approve it. Noktii Bend, Ist July, 1840. Gentlemen :—A recent domestic afflic tion in the death of one of my sons and the present illness of Mrs. Harrison, will prevent me from enjoying the great pleas ure of being present at the dinner to he gi ven on Thursday next to my tieloved friend and old associate in arms, General Solomon Van Rensselaer, ft is now lor ty-seven years since I first met this distin guished soldier in the army of General Wayne—he, in the capacity of Cornet of Dragoons, and l as an Ensign of Infantry. Associated in all the toils and difficulties incident to a war, the theatre of which was an unbroken wilderness; of ages nearly correspondent ; and of dispositions and tastes which induced us to seek the same employments, the same amusements, and the same fellowships, our friendship thus formed by prepossession and knit in com mon danger, could not be ephemeral. It was such indeed as though we had owned the same paternity, and had been nurtured at the same bosom. And I tn.iysav with Castalio ofhis brother, “When had Ia friend that was riot Polidore’s, “Or I’olidore a foe that was not mine?” I will not attempt, gentlemen, to give you even a summary of the services of Gen. Van Rensselaer. I will not tell you of the deep debt of gratitude which is due to him from western men—of his gallant bearing in the battle of the Rapids of the Miami, and the blood which I saw pouring from his rnanlv bosom upon the soil of Ohio, or his still more glorious achieve ments upon the heights ol Queenstown, en nobled, like those of Abraham, by the blood ol the contending heroes. All this you know. It is to be found in the re cords of your country, and furnishes some of the brightest pages of its history. But, for a moment, let rne ask your attention to his more recent history. Aye, what is he now ? What and who is the hero of two wars, the conquerer of the heroic Brock, of him by whose management, or whose gallantry, so deep a wound had been inflicted upon the military character of our country ‘! A year ago 1 would have answered you fellowcitizens, that he was living in .hum ble retirement, in the bosom of a large and happy family, supported by the emolu ments of an humble office, the gift of a President who had himself jeopardised his life, and shed his blood in achieving the Independence of his country, and. knew how to appreciate a Hero’s services, and reward a soldier’s toils. Such,.gentlemen, was the situation of my friend, the defen der of Ohio Cabins from the furious savage, the bearer in his body of the marks of se ven distinct wounds, —when the .spoilers came. V hen the disbanded legions of Augus tus were suffered to eject the happy hus bandmen ol the fairest portion of Italy, we have reason to believe—we know indeed— that some werespared. The ruthless war rior was not suffered to usurp the seat and violate the groves which had resounded to the songs of the greatest of poets. We may conclude also, lhat the scarred veter ans of former wars were exempted from the otherwise general proscription. In deed we must suppose that the sympathy naturally felt between men of the same profession, would have induced the usur pers to spare the war-worn followers ofthe great Pompey, although they had been the soldiers of liberty, and the sworn enemies of their own faction. But, gentlemen, let me ask you now to point to an exception in the proscription which has raged in our country for the last twelve years ? Who has been spared that professed any thing which could tempt, the cupidity of the spoil ers? My friend is the last victim. The reason of this honorable distinction I could tell. It is somewhat different from that which induced the giant Polvphemus to in tend the like honor to the King of Ithica. But you may perhaps be anxious to know the reason which has been assigned for this outrage upon the feelings of the American people. Why, it was precisely that which has been given in all ages and in all coun tries for all the violent and onjust acts of tyrants: “The public good.” In this case, “the advantage of the demoerary.” In the midst of such abominations, how ap propriate is the exclamation of one of the distinguished victims of the savage Robe spiere, “Oh! democracy, how many crimes are committed in thy name !” It may be proper, gentlemen, that I should add that General Van Rensselaer has accounted for every cent of the public money that ever came into his hands, and that lie dares the strictest investigation in* I Ins conduct ns an officer. What cause deep reflection, gentlemen, docs the case* of my friend, contrasted with that of others known to be public defaulters, who havo been retained in office, present to the pat riot aucl the frieml of Republican govern ment 7 I conclude, gentlemen, by offering you a sentiment. “May Solomon Van Rens selaer he the Inst victim in our eountrv of party violence; and mav iheservices which tire in he the future passports to office he not those rendered to a party, hut to the whole people. I tun gentlemen, with great respect, W. H. HARRISON. To Samuel W. Davies, etc. ww.j’ -~n tju'w■—a—i— - ‘ A svy-’| ■ ii/.!-/,, -> v ' ; h r THURSDAY, Ji i.y 23, 1840. To Correspondent!*. “ A Small Farmer ,” in our next. “ Philomalhis ,” giving an account of the late Examination at the Ifirdville Academy, is m type, hut unavoidably crowded out of to day’s paper. It shall have a place in our next. Erratum — A typographical error occured in ear last, in Dr. A. 1). Statham’s toast, given atDan’ourg. It should have read “ strings ” instead of “ springs pulled in” for the last 12 years. n-oficiT {£r The people of Wilkes County, who are opposed to the re-election of Martin Van Buren and Richard M. Johnson, to the Presi-> dency and Vice Presidency of the United -States, are requested to meet at the Court House at Washington, on Tuesday, the 28th instant, at Twelve o’Clock M., or so soon after that hour, as Court shall adjourn, to appoint DELEGATES to the CONVENTION ofthe FRIEND of “TIP, TYLER, AND RE FORM,” to be HELD in MACON on the SECOND THURSDAY in AUGUST next. All other citizens of the county are also re spectfully invited to attend the meeting. OLD WILKES. Liciikiiainl Siooe and the (President. The admission of negro testimony, in the case of Lieutenant Hooe of the Navy, is without a parrallel in the history of the country. The principle contained in it, is such as no Southerner can admit, without jeopardizing his own happiness, and sacri ficing the only ground on which he can stand with safety and honor. The facts connected with the ease, are simply these : Lieutenant Hooe was ar raigned before a Court Martial for trial— it may be that he was guilty ofthe charges which had’ been brought against him ; it is no part of our duty to relieve him from thatsituntion—certain testimony was intro duced, to which Lieutenant Hooe did no* object, merely because it was legal. Them was, however, certain other testimony in troduced, to which he did object, -with the request that his objections should bespread upon the record. This latter was thy ne gro testimony ; the admission of which we reassert, under the circumstances, to be unparalleled ! The objections of Lieuten ant Hooe were over-ruled by the Court— the evidence in point was admitted, and he was found guilty. Appealing from'lhis de cision, he turned to Mr. Van Buren, and urged that he would set aside the proceed ings ofthe Court, upon the ground of ille gality in l he testimony. To this request the President replied, that he saw “ no thing in the proceedings,” “ which re quired his interference.” This is a simple and unvarnished statement of facts. The only question to he decided in this case is, whether or not the testimony of the negro witnesses was legal ? Upon this depends the whole argument. If it was •legal, the course of the President was the proper one—if it was not legal, the pro ceedings of the Court should have been set aside. The legality of the testimony de-1 pends entirely upon the lex loci. If thej lex loci admitted the evidence, the dispute! is at an end. The question arises—Did it ] admit it ? We answer—No ! It will be recollected by our readers, that the Court Martial was held in Florida, where slavery exists. Now, the laws of the Territory render negroes incompetent to give testi mony ; consequently, the negrotestimony r j in the case ofLieutennnt Hooe, was unau- ] thorized by the laws of Florida, and, as a-1 matter of course, was illegal; consequently, I tile President ofthe United States, by refhs-j idg to set aside the proceedings, has noiJ duly connived at the violation of the lawfl .of a respectable Territory of this Union—B fbut has done great injustice to the charac-J