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fUei. is so mm h truth and just- I uess m the following article, and it if* a iposite to the present time, Si; a we take pleasure in transferring it. old as it is, to our columns. It vv.'l ae noticed that it appeared in %h*- Journal previously to the pass es of the Act of July last, reducing ii <i duties on in ports; and it’at that ,ti e tlic remark was true to the then existing Tariff, that “it was nothing Ktikc so ruinous as was represented,” \vitb Tiow much more force <loes it not apply to the recent Act? We ore Os anocrets, and are not afraid (to trust the people; but like Thomas II aynes. retain our confidence in [‘The great democratic principle, A vhich lies at the foundation of our ■government. With the editors of the Journal we believe, that “if one < xerf,” (hat have been manifested hy onr ad Jjfcguries, “had taken the field for |?ree Trade at the same time, ! -tlr.—ballot boxes w Would long ago have vindicated our rights” ; and with dr. Forsyth, that “with half Aj the time that had been employed— hair of the industry and talents that ; had been exercised in producing and maintaining the excitement south of the Potomac, a revolution might be accomplished in N- York, N. Jersey, Pennsylvania and Ohio, without whose a'd the high Tariff party is in a hopeless minority in the Union & in Congress. Ours is a government of the people. Upon their intelli gence and virtue we relv with a con lidencn equal to oiir devotedness to I'fjjjfHjblicßn government. And though they may he seduced into error for a we believe in the omnipo tence of truth, anti are therefore dis posed with Jefferson, to tolerate error while those are left to combat it. In such a government* a revnlu jfV>hv other than of opinion, should Sever he countenanced, so long as a ■kftwHtlori of opinion is not hopeless. Bjfl [Snv. Republican. Hithe(jPd>Joiir'< of June 7,1832. Fe ‘'Tariff- Parties ra<re. In of the strife the Secretary of freasury, an upright man, is is opinion. lie an losition to repeal the I enact anew one rthe middle ground •ecrrOjET tn'nfe~p'reju idling the interest of ich ns he thinks can Ft, consistently with the Union and the le. The Ultras on the proposition out* this is perhaps the isonableness. Now s on either side ; the r better than Rome, illingr to burn down ’ Rome to save her from destruction, while in a calenture of delirious fury, doing their utmost to raise a whirlwind of civil commotion, it seems to us to be the solemn duty of everv sober, temperate friend of peace and union, to come frankly fnnvard and place bis weight, if it be fenfVn ounce, where it will help to steady our course, to calm tbe tu mult, and keep the peace between tbe exasperated antagonists. Not that we have much apprehension of octuai violence. A civil war m these stated, while education is kept up e yen to what it now is, we consider next to a moral impossibility. The injury to be dreaded, is that of dimi nishing a love of the Union, and a faith in its continuance. We yield to none in our devoted and irreconci ieable oppositions to the protective policy; but let us view the matter calmly and candidly. Our brethren’ Njfiftit IVoffh are no doubt sincerely of opinion, that protection is a sound principle of government. The books are full of it; and their leading men were educated in it, They have, it is true, a present interest oil that side of the question ; but does that circumstance render them the less sincere? The Tree Trade doctrine, we must admit, is of more recent date. It is not more than fifty years from the closet; it has not been ex tensively admitted, much less acted on i:i Europe, for more than half that period ; and in this country it has not been much discussed till ve ry lately. Indeed it is not even yet fullv and familiarly before the pub lic. The protectionists consider our doctrine as anew heresy : we know • * theirs to he an old superstition ; and when was a superstition subdued, in a day ? Is it wise and rational for us to rush on, with the fiery zeal of new converts to a new creed ; and peremptorily demand of the other] members of our communion, that they shall totally and at once renou nce, and abjure their faith? Or does it better become the brethren j whose fathers mingled their blood j for independence, to wait and abide] hc gentler, Sfirer process of truth & ! reason?—Changes in public opinion are generally slow, and it is best they should be so. The sciences are the growth of centuries, and that of po litical economy is perhaps as slow in its pi ogress us any ; it is indeed yeti in its infancy- Mankind are accom plishing their freedom, but they do it by a step at a time. The freedom ofconciencc the freedom of the press, the liberty of speech, and of the per- son, have been successively achiev ed by the diffusion of truth, and the persevering zeal of their advocates. They have now taken in hand the freedom of industry, and as sure as the earth exists they will accomplish it. As sure as truth is stronger than error, and light brighter than dark ness, it will he made manifest to the civilized world, that the freedom of industry and the freedom of trade is the right of all. This controversy has yet been discussed but on one : side; much has to he sure, been said, and ably said in Congress and in books, which not one in ten of the people see ; but wlio shall say that our side of the question, wl ich by the wav is much the easiest argued, for its truth lies on the surface, who can pretend to say, that the justice and policy of free trade have been ever vet brought home ns they ought to the attention of the great body of the people? The fact is, that not one in five of them have yet thought much about it; much less reasoned upon it seriously. Wc have been lying on our oars, while our adversaries have been ten years in action. They have congregated and resolved, and mov ed in organized concert. They have written, they have calculated; the press has inundated the South and West with their essays and their pamphlets, till they are in our very . kneading troughs. The answers have been faint, aid slow, and few. We venture the assertion that if one half of the industry, zeal and con cert, had taken the field for free trade at the same time in the same way, - 4k* Ujid wo n L I/1 have vindicated our rights It was easier to prevent than it is to remedy the evil; hut the proper means being used, the same boxes can yet do it. The payment of the National i)*bt is certainly the time when the fet ters of industry ought to be knocked off. We have however slept while the Aristocracy have put in so many rivets, that we now discover we can not unclench them crtirely.—Then let us get off what we can. Our supineness has indeed postponed, hut it has not prevented our emancipa tion. Let us then neither pine it> despondency nor rave in despair; hut let us continue our trust in that which delivered us, and is now deli vering the world from bondage. Let the sober part of the Union stand calm and steady—gain all we now can to the cause of freedom, and let her final consummation he accompli shed as all her other triumphs have been won—by the force of truth and reason. They are invincible in the end; the only question is the length of the process; and that cannot be long, for our cause only requires we think tube adequately considered by the psople. The prerogative of ca pital is essentially aristocratic, and tends to the few. The rights of in dustry are essentially democratic, &, concern the many ; and how can we ! doubt the result, of the contests he- i i tween those parties? Reason aided ; by free inquiry, first conquered brute ! force. She then vanquished Super stition, and Ims now encoutered Ca pital. That, she will drive from the throne, as she has her predecessors. And let it be forever remembered, that thi battle must be fought whether we arc united in one nation or divided into tvwntij. But we may be mistaken in all this, as far as can vet be seen. Per haps reason, is to be less active and efficient with the aid of the press, than she was when opposed by it. Perhaps the spirit of investigation is to be bss vigilant in this republic, than it has been in former despot-, isms. Our nation of independent freeholders may prove more tfactible to indirect influence, and less resol ute to act for themselves than the tools and slaves of European Gov ernments have been. In a word, it may l>Cj that demonstration will hot yet do its office here. If this on ti ml be found to be so; and if it hence turn out that a combination ofCapi talists banded together, can bribe a majority of the nation for a time, we can at any time cut the cord ; but shall we so distrust ourselves and our cause, as rashly to conclude that it must always be thus, and madly break or endanger, or weaken our happy Union, the envy of the world; or shall we enjoy the unequal bles ’ sings of the Union and look to those causes that have given us all we have, to supply the little that is wan ting; shall we cast away the young fruit df all our fathers toils, because it does not ripen in a day, or shall we by zealous and persevering cul ture hasten its maturity. What is Mr. JelFeison’s advice in such a case: “We must have patience & long er endurance then with our brethren while under delusion ; give them time for reflection and experience of con sequences ; keep ourselves in a situ ation to profit by the chapter of acci dents; and from our com panions only when the sole alternat ives left, are the dissolution of our Union with them, or submission to a government without limitation of powers. Between those two evils, when we must make a choice, there can be no hesitation. But in the mean while, the States should be watchful to note every rriateria! usur pation on their rights, to denounce them as they occur in the most per emptory terms; to protest against them as wrongs to which our present submission shall be considered, not as acknowledgments or precidents of right, but as a temporary yielding to the lesser evil, until their accumu lation shall overvveigh that of a sepa ration. * . * * This is the course which 1 think safest and best as yet.” There are several other topics to which we have felt inclined to advert, but we have already transcended our usual editoriaflimits. Among them are, 1. That Georgia in vindicating the integrity of her own laws and territory, affords no precedent no for S.-Carolina to arrest the laws of the Union. I p n'lTjfVli Hr which the Colonies bore Britain, had any resemblance tcjf . in which S. Carolina stands t<9 16 Union—and 3. That the present tariff though a fraud op the Constitution, and a practicial oppressive wrong to the South, is nothing like so ruinous as is represented. We publish below the memorable “Veto” of Vice President George Clinton, on tho bill to renew the charter of the old Bank of the United States. Ilis opinions, particularly at this Crisis, will be read with deep in terest. This document, like the President’s Message, evinces the same fearless devotion to what its author deemed the principles of our constitution—the same moral cour age which shuns no responsibility, and that noble-ambition which pref ers imperishable fame to trancicnt popularity. It will be seen that the more important doctrines of Vice President Clinton and General Jack son, relating to the form of the hank, j its violating the r ghts of the States ‘ and its constitutionality, are essen tially the same. But, how different were the circumstances under which these distinguished men were called upon to decide the question ? If the venerated G. Clinton felt it to he his duty to put his veto on the old Bank of the U. States, how much more powerful were the reasons which o perated on the mind of Gen. Jack son. The charter of that bank had but a few months to run—the pres- though by law expiring in 1836, does not in fact close its con cerns till 1838. No important char ges were preferred against the old bank. It was not accused of over trading for electioneering purposes— of starting its own candidate for the Presidency—-ofloaning large sums to members of Congress while the question of renewing its charter was pending—nor of subsidizing editors, and attempting to destroy the inde pendence of the press. The public had not then tipe proofs to sustain a ny such charges against the old Bank of the U. States.—Notwithstanding the comparatively high character of that institution, when the Vice Pre-i sident was . called! ujjon to decide ] whether its charttM ewed for another u awed hv the addressed the sejßE Gentlemen; j| which I am caUK I has cx4j£pd [solicit me indulge! whilst I which influence my Permit me tor question to be d4fc| pend simply lish, unde but upon ontmnal ) -i/.;-. /;■ not I-. 1 e m to and 1^ not r - States nor - ~. nerally It cannot be may pass all laws for carrying into powers specially granted t<9|j vernment or to any officer thereof; hut, in doijHo| means must he suited ate to the end. The ‘ ate corporations i •fT not granted ; it is a high attribute c vCreignty, and in its nature ni eessorialor derivative by imnH but primary and in< 1 cannot belie tat ion of the ny degree, deleat ■< ■ v.| ry, it does appear to ‘wSShShE positc exposition has^^^^^B tendency to fords just and serious In the course ot a IhBBHH found that GoverniuhHHl strengilfened by doubtful powers; energetic execut are i ucontest i faiis to trust, whilst ’ pert anil co If, h o\ve the ernment m'-’ j Ito the nit® ‘ which it® tution 3 for ic.ixal in J event anTm®®HHH| ism and good sense oijßjjl ty, it will be wisely I will jot trespass upc®§ ence of the Senate any *k to say, from the best exarm have been able to give the'& am constrained by a sense .j to decide in the affirmative that the first section of the stricken out. From the Southern Patriot . State CoNvExNTioNi— We yes terday asserted that an act ofNullifi cation, whether passed by the Legis lature or in Convention, would have no legality, as in either case judicial functions would be assumed, which are not given by the Constitution of the Statu, either to a convention or the Legislature. W e have affirmed that such an act would not be bind ing, either to the Judges or the Peo ple. It would be flat usurpation. In this opinion we are sustained by com petent Judges of the Laws and Con-, stitution. The Mercury expresses astonishment, whether affected or. real we know not, at our propositiij^j Let the question be made, and^M independence of the Judiciary erved, and vve hazzard notln^^S saying that the judgment whether the Legislature or vention pass an act of that it is illegal and not JgH|®||R|J the citizens of South will be. recollected Judges have taken port the Constitution States. If the State v conflicting with that Judges must disregai® ‘ l the illegal usurped au er that be the LegisliSj^§4®| volition. It will not do to say that in Convention can do The people have, by various (SB sions in the State Convention,'Vß themselves under voluntary restrajO They have checked tlemsefaes ® saying that a convention shall noU called by less than two Legislature. They have a Judiciary, which has setting aside Acts of thsjO or thllßßlli lishod Courts this is an actj the wffiedjlnjj tlifU powcngH liar) vd® cent®...- at® I'm-'.-*.'! ch® Ik®