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PAGE TEN National and World Movements LYNCHING WILL BE DANGEROUS When the Federal Courts Ar© Given Power to Punish It. Last week Watson’s Weekly Jeffer sonian made reference to a recent de cision by Judge Tom Jones, of the Federal district court in Alabama, that lynching a prisoner is a violation of the constitutional rights of a citizen and is cognizable and punishable by a United States court. On that decision The Washington Herald makes the fol lowing comments: Flanking Judge Lynch. “Judge Thomas G. Jones, of the Ala bama Federal bench, has just rendered a decision concerning lynching that will, if affirmed by the Supreme Court of the United States, go far toward solving one of the most vexing prob lems this country has ever had to face. “Judge Jones holds that a person who forcibly takes from the custody of any official, state or otherwise, a prisoner accused of crime, and, after such taking, lynches, helps to lynch, or attempts to lynch the said prisoner, is guilty of violence to the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and that it is the duty of the officers of the United States to take cognizance of the same and assume jurisdiction to punish the offender. Judge Jones bases his decision, of course, upon the thirteenth and four teenth amendments to the Constitu tion. “The attorneys for the defendant, one Powell, have appealed to the Su preme Court of the United States, where this principle will either be firm ly established, or rendered null and of no effect. It is to be hoped the finding will be affirmed. It would at once put the matter of lynching upon an entirely different footing from that upon which it now stands. Those who have lived in sections where lynching is common know that the better ele ment of society in all such sections deprecates the crime and deplores its every appearance. At the same time, local environment being considered, it is extremely difficult to secure convic tions because of the almost impossible task of securing evidence against the lynchers. In the hands of the Federal courts it would be quite a different matter. * | “There is no- principle of ‘state J rights’ in this case which ought toj weigh with any right-thinking person! so far as concerns the We Commenced Selling' Good Clothing' Sixteen Years Ago Wfc improve our Manufacturing facilities with every season’s advent. We can’t possibly see where there’s any room for improving our Clothing. We know there’s no room to improve prices. But they have always been very reasonable. New Spring Suits for Mens7.so, sj2 s j 2 60> sls S2O s2g Boys and Children’s Suitssl.so, $2 , ?3> $5 $6 , 50 . Men s Cantssl.so, $2, $2.50, $3, $4, $5, $6.50, $7.50. Everything that ’s right in Hats and Furnishings. Mail of Suits or Pants will be sent to any address. But always give size and price goods wanted. THE GLOBE CLOTHING COMPANY 89-91 WHITEHALL ST., ATLANTA, GA. WATSON’S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN. of the ultimate great good to come of the application of the principle laid down. The lyncher—who, nine times out of ten, is an arrant coward at heart —will desist from his crime just as soon as he finds that his own worth less neck is endangered. The grip of the Federal courts, with their rights and powers to change the place of trial, especially in jurisdictions cover ing sparsely settled sections, from the immediate county of the crime to some point, perhaps a hundred miles away, would put the lyncher face to face with a condition of affairs that would give him considerable pause. “The decision seems founded on good law and sound reasoning. It will help wonderfully if it be sustain ed.” THE THIRD TERM HERESY. The Democrats Denounced and Defeat ed It in 1875. Concerning the third term in the presidency, The Washington Herald mentions some interesting history, but ignores the fact that President Andrew Johnson was the first incumbent of the office to recommend to Congress that the President should be elected for six years instead of four and thereafter be ineligible for re-election. The article from the Washington newspaper is as follows: “In Eighteen Seventy-Five. “Thirty-two years ago the House of Representatives, then overwhelmingly Democratic, put itself on record by formal resolution as opposed to a third term. At the White House last week this interesting fact was called to the attention of friends of the administra tion. The resolution referred to was introduced by the late William M. Springer, of Illinois, then one of the leading Democrats of the country. It declared that a third term for any President would be ‘unwise, unpa triotic, and dangerous to our free in stitutions.’ Every Democratic member ' of the House voted for it, and so prom inent a Republican as James A. Gar field did, too. Its chief purpose at the .time was to head off the candidacy of [[General Grant, whose ‘second elective’ [term was nearing its close. It is said jto be the opinion at the White House /that the resolution did more than any thing else to stop the third term move pent for Grant in 1876, and even to Jmake it impossible when four years Slater it was renewed. “Moreover, the White House has called attention to the fact that George Washington did not serve two full terms, though he regarded his first somewhat abbreviated service in the Chief Magistracy as his first term. The Father of His Country was first inaugurated on April 30, instead of March 4, and thus his first term was nearly two months short of ‘full.’ Pres ident Roosevelt’s first term was only a little more than five months short of Washington’s. “Several Presidents have advocated a one-term policy. Mr. Cleveland did this in his letter accepting the first nomination. Mr. Bryan did the same thing. In his first inaugural address President Hayes recommended the one term principle, but would extend the time from four to six years.” FATE OF SOCIALISM IN JAPAN. Greatness in nations —the power to do things and preserve the regard of the world —chiefly implies a respect for law, obedience to authority, and the maintenance of public order. In making the most of these attributes Japan has been singularly fortunate. Possibly alone among the nations of the world, her advancement has chief ly been brought about by concessions made by those in power working downward and not by revolutionary movements from below. No “Reign of Terror” forced the Emperor to part with his traditionally God-given leg islative powers, or coerced the nobles to surrender their patents of nobility. What happens, therefore, when a body of Japanese inspired by the exalted aims of Occidental Socialism break laws, defy authority, and turn to de stroy life and property in order to en force their ideas that wealth, labor, and authority are inadequately di vided? The rebellion at the Ashio Copper Mines, near Nikko, serves as an eloquent answer. These mines, the property of the Furukawa family, were equipped with the best modern machinery and gave employment to about 10,000 men. All known modern appliances, physical and mental, were employed to pre serve the health and lives of the op erators and to make them happy in their work. Wages were regulated ac cording to profits. Grievances of all sorts were adjusted by a committee of managers representing the prop erty owners and of delegates elected by the men. Justice and tranquillity seemed permanently established at the Ashio Mines when operators from the Occident began to introduce the insidious doctries of immature So cialism —the proletariat must organize and by force obtain a larger percent age of the profits; it must organize as a guarantee of its future suprem acy. The reply of the Furukawa family is memorable: They could permit no organization of employes which at any time might be used to ruin the business any more than the national government could permit the pres ence of a rebel army ready to bring about a revolution the moment things did not go to suit it —neither an in dustrial concern nor a government could tolerate a condition of armed neutrality on the part of its employee or citizens. Then it was that socialism deter mined to adopt a policy of force. The mining plant, the property of the Fur ukawa family, representing many mill ions, was blown up, the homes of the officials were destroyed, and members of their families murdered or driven into the mountains. Soon the prole tariat was left in full possession of the ruins. The Socialistic organization suddenly found itself dissolved into a band of individuals each striving for individual mastery. Those few days witnessed Japanese civilization revert ing to its primary elements. At length the government took a hand. Troops were sent. Law, author ity, and public order were enforced by bullets and at the point of the bay onet. Arbitration was not even hinted at. When these things had been done, the troops repaired as best they could the damage, and the plant was restor ed out of the Furukawas’ reserve fund. The Ashio Copper Mine is again ready to be operated, but —and this is the most potent lesson of the whole matter —wages, reckoned, as formerly, on a percentage of the profits, will be about 40 per cent lower than they were, and the Furukawas still main tain their right to conduct their busi ness under the law, insist on obe dience to authority, and the mainten ance of public order. PROSPERITY THE LODESTONE. (The New York American.) The stories of the prosperity of this continent which are attracting Euro peans by the thousands daily and caus ing an aggregate arrival of more than 1,000,000 a year, are not exaggerated. I JI