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WATSON’S EDITORIALS
Monstrous Judicial Usurpation.
The Federal Judges continue to verify the
prophecy of Thomas Jefferson.
That long-headed statesman predicted that
these life-tenure office-holders would under
mine the Constitution, and they have done it.
Think of these arrogant usurpers “holding
up” half a dozen sovereign States, at one time,
and by Injunctions restraining the enforce
ment of state laws! What spectacle could be
more anomalous —more alarming to lovers of
the principles of democratic government?
Alabama, North Carolina, Virginia and oth
er states have gone forward, in the regular way,
to make laws for the regulation of the rates
to be charged to the public by corporations
chartered by the states. These corporations
object to the laws, and the Federal Courts nul
lify the law, by Injunctions.
The pretext upon which these laws are nul
lified by the corporation lawyers and judges
is that the rates fixed in said laws are confis
catory, in that they will deprive the corpora
tions of net earnings. These lawyers and
judges contend that when the rate deprives
the railroads of net profits, their property has
been confiscated.
The most marvelous thing about the whole
business is that this unheard-of principle is
admitted by the lawyers who represent the
States.
Yet any lawyer who is familiar with the
rudiments of history should know better.
Listen :
When William the Norman defeated the
English at the battle of Hastings, King Har
old was slain, and the English had no other
leader to whom they could rally. This ex
plains why a great nation was conquered in
one fight. William the Conqueroi ruled with
a high hand, his royal will having no limit
when he was dealing with the beaten English.
To reward his Norman followers, he seized
upon the lands and chattels of the English at
his own pleasure.
Confiscation of English property for the
glutting of Norman greed, was practiced for
many years. Besides this, Englishmen were
thrown into prison, arbitrarily, and kept there
without trial as long as it pleased the Norman
King and his favorites.
'The will of the monarch was supreme over
the Englishman, whose property, liberty, and
life were forfeited at the pleasure us the tyran
nical king.
In other words, the rule which the conquer
ing Norman Kings set up in England was one
of unlimited prerogative. It was ABSOLUT
ISM, pure and simple.
Against this system of government by Royal
Prerogative, the English always protested,
and often rebelled. So long as the Normans
were united, English struggles against this
system were in vain.
But in course of time, the Normans them
selves became divided. When Normans be
gan to feel the intolerable oppressiveness of
arbitrary Royal Prerogative, they rebelled
against it.
Thus it came about that one of the Norman
kings (John) found himself face to face with
a revolt which he could not put down. The
consequence was that he had to make terms
with the rebels. These terms, dictated by the
WATSON’S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN
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ATLANTA, GEORGIA, THURSDAY, MAY 30, 1907.
rebels, and signed by King John, is known to
English History as The Great Charter.
In this written agreement, the abitrary king
bound himself to quit having people put to
death, thrown into prison, and deprived of
their property, or otherwise damaged, save by
the law of the land.
It was a pledge proceeding from king to sub
ject, and THE EVIL TO BE REMEDIED
WAS ARBITRARY ROYAL SEIZURES
OF PERSONS AND PROPERTY.
Magna Charta was nothing in the world but
a limitation of royal prerogative. It asserted
the supremacy of the law of the land, as
against the personal will of the king.
When the Fourteenth Amendment to the
Constitution was proposed the sole purpose in
view was the safe-guarding of the recently
freed negroes from the arbitrary passions of
the angry South.
It was feared by Congress that the Legis
latures of the former slave-holding States
would enact laws which would, in ef
fect. deny to the negro those rights
which the Barons wrung from King John at
Runnymede. The North wanted to make
sure that the negro should be given, by the
South, the equal protection of the laws of the
land which safe-guarded life, liberty and prop
erty. The North did not want the South to
treat the helpless negro as the Normans had
treated the helpless Englishman. Therefore,
the Fourteenth Amendment, whose sole sub
ject-matter was the negro, simply re-stated
the old doctrine of “The Great Charter”
against arbitrary seizures which disregarded
the lav/.
That was all.
Yet the ingenuitv of corporation lawyers has
been so great, and the servility of the judi
ciary so abject that we have seen this claim
in the Fourteenth Amendment distorted into
a monstrous shape which its own parents
would not be able to recognize.
States may enact laws which conform to all
requirements, and have the support of over
whelming majorities, but if these state-laws
WILL deprive a railroad of NET PROFITS,
in the opinion of a Federal Judge, then the
whole railroad has been confiscated—roadbed,
locomotives, depots, rolling stock, accumulat
ed savings, future possibilities—everything
confiscated.
HOW UTTERLY ABSURD?
Tn the July number of “Watson’s Maga
zine,” this question will be treated fully, and
authorities cited.
H H H
Why They Don 9 t Enlist.
Some months ago, the Jeffersonian published
the facts concerning the barbarous treatment
of a member of the crew of a United States
war vessel—treatment which seemed to have
been the cause of the man’s sudden death.
Incidentally, we remarked that it was a mys
tery to us why any sane man, in time of peace,
should voluntarily enlist in the military ser
vice.
Below will be found some interesting details
in a letter written to the New York Herald,
bv a seaman who knew better than to sign
his communication.
When Railway Postal Clerks get bounced
for writing letters to newspapers giving the
true reasons for Railroad smash-ups, men and
officers of the army and navy are not going to
be so rash as to sign a criticism like that which
follows:
“Pay Too Small, He Says.
“To the Editor of The Herald:—
“Having read recent statements in the Her
ald as to why men desert the naval service, ex
perience has taught me to believe the causes
of much discontent and desertion are as fol
lows :
“We have to pay for all our clothing and
soap and hospital fees. An ordinary seaman’s
pay is sl9 per month. He has to buy fifty
cents to a dollar’s worth of salt water soap per
month alone, and his clothing expenses will be
about $4 to $5 per month or more, which leaves
him sl3 per month out of which he has to buy
his tobacco, towels and shoe blacking and quite
a lot of other necessary articles.
“When he is made a petty officer he faces a
debt of SIOO to S2OO for clothing. We also
had to buy our own dishes until about a month
ago.
“When I first enlisted it took just five
months before I could draw any money, and
then only seventeen dollars. At the present
time every man on his first enlistment is al
lowed S6O worth of clothing, but this does not
help the man already in the service.
“Our navy is the only branch of service in
the world where the men have to buy their
own clothing. The captain comes around on
Sunday and says, ‘Your shirt has a spot on
it,’ or A our trousers are too old for Sunday in
spection,’ or ‘Your shoes have had too much
salt water on them.’ Those who have a moth
er or orphan sister to support feel a little dis
couraged. It is also the cause of much steal
ing of clothing, for the boys want their few
dollars to go ashore on once in a while.
“ \ ou will find a rough estimate of what ev
ery enlisted man in the United States Navy
loses on a one year basis in the following:
three suits blues, $20.40; three suits white,
$4.50; six suits underwear, sl2; three neck
erchiefs, $2.25; four pairs shoes, sl2; twelve
pairs socks, $1.20; two pairs rubber boots, $6;
one suit oilskins, $3.50; one overcoat, $10.50;
soap for one year, $7.20; hospital fees, $2.40;
total for one year, $81.95. Ordinary seaman’s
pay for a year, $228, less pay for clothing,
$81.95 ; balance due, $147.05, leaving him at the
end of the year the small sum of an average
pay per month of $12.25.”
* n n
Where Are We At?
Blessed is the man who knows his own
mind and dares to be true to his own convic
tions. His road may be rocky and his body
gashed with wounds, but within his own soul
will be Peace. Conscience will have no scor
pion whips for him. Remorse will not feed
upon his vitals.
Now, if it can be proved bv evidence of rec
ord that John Temple Graves stands today
where he stood, in circumstances much more
trying, during the Campaign of 1896. then al!
questions of mere proprietv and good f aste rel
ative to the now famous Chattanooga banquet
speech will be swallowed up in the greater
question, Is he Right?
In T 896, Mr. Graves had the wisdom and the
courage to advise the Democratic Party to