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PAGES ERO PI PIE SCRAP ROOK LINCOLN’S PLANS OF RECON STRUCTION. A Bit of Secret History. By Allan B. Magruder. President Lincoln came to Rich mond on its surrender to the forces under General Grant in April, 1865. He came in the wake of the invad ing, victorious Federal army. He oc' cupied for a short time the late pres idential mansion of Jefferson Davis. There was no longer any resist ance. No useless signs of despair or defiance were exhibited. There was silence and calmness, but no unman ly regrets or repinings, no words of reproach or crimination. No people ever behaved with more firmness and dignity. The issue of the war —so disastrous to the Southern cause, to the hopes and wishes of the Southern people—had been foreseen and rec ognized for days, if not weeks, be fore it came; yet in the presence of the actual event, “the boldest held his breath for a time.” The late Confederate president and his cabi net had departed in the rear of Gen eral Lee’s retreat. s The governor of the common wealth, the legislature and the offi cials, both State and Confederate, with many eminent and substantial citizens, had followed in the some what general exodus. Os course many remained in the Virginia me tropolis because they could not get away, and many more from a gener ous and manly care for and sympathy with the weak, the timid, and the un happy, who feared violence or ill treatment from a rude soldiery, flushed with the triumph of victory and conquest, and scarcely capable of restraint. Among the latter was the calm, patient, self-possessed, and venerat ed John A. Campbell, of Alabama, formerly one of the judges of the su preme court of the United States, and but recently Assistant Secretary of War of the Southern Confeder acy. Regardless of his own safety, but full of sympathy with the citi zens of Richmond and the people of Virginia, and rightly interpreting the duties and responsibilities of the hour, he went forward courageously and sought an interview with Mr. Lincoln. This was readily accorded. Judge Campbell said, in substance: “The war is over. The Southern people have lost their cause, without any hope, I suppose, of redemption. This is neither the time nor the oc casion to consider the right or wrong of the conflict, or the merits of the questions involved in it. You are here in triumph, and are certainly the victorious masters of the situa tion. No resistance will be attempt ed further by those who remain in this city. It would be fruitless if it were designed or intended, but it is not even desired by any of the people of Richmond. I have felt myself at liberty, indeed impelled, in the inter est of peace and humanity, to seek this interview and acquaint you with WATSON’S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN. the spirit and temper of the people here, and to venture to remind you of what I am sure you will not for get, that with really great and good men the hour of victory and triumph is also the hour of moderation and magnanimity. Though not a Virgin ian myself, I know the people of Virginia to be brave and honorable, and they will scrupulously respect any pledge or promise they may make. They accept the result of the war without sullen resentment on the one hand or unmanly despair on the other, and will abide, in good faith, by any fair and equitable terms of pacification and adjustment that may be offered them.” He added that he had sought this interview in order to learn the president’s views as to his course, and that of the govern ment, towards the people of the states lately at war with the Federal government, and particularly in re spect to the people of Virginia, now that the war on her territory had ceased. President Lincoln (who had lis tened with interest and earnestness) replied that he was so much im pressed by the words of Judge Camp bell, that, in order to consider his reply maturely, he would relinquish his intention of returning to City Point on James River, and give the subject a full night’s reflection. Accordingly, another and final in terview took place the next morning on board the steamer Malvern, moored in the river below Richmond. The particulars of this meeting were preserved in a paper written by Judge Campbell very soon after the event, to which by his leave the writer has had access. As the sub ject is one of such curious interest and importance, and possesses a rare historical value in view of the quick ly succeeding tragedy of President Lincoln’s death, and the events both political and social which followed, it seems every way proper that Judge Campbell’s narrative, hitherto un published, should appear. He says: “I recommended that he should sanction a meeting of the influential, leading men in Virginia at Richmond, and have their counsel and co-operation in reconstructing its political and social system so as to meet the new and extraordinary con ditions of society. But the calling together of the political body, ‘the rebel legislature,’ was the suggestion of Mr. Lincoln’s own mind. He men tioned it for the first time in our second interview as a matter he was considering, and that was desira ble in many points of view, which he specified, adding that if he came to a satisfactory conclusion he would make it known to General Weitzel on his return to City Point, by let ter. The general principles I had expressed included such a proposi tion, and I was grateful that the president had been led to its consid eration; but I did not intimate such a course in any remarks of mine be fore he suggested it. “At the interview on the Malvern, President Lincoln produced a mem orandum in writing, which he read over, and commented on the various clauses as he read them. When he had concluded, he gave me the paper. It is not dated, signed, or addressed. The memorandum is: “‘.The restoration of the nation al authority throughout all the states. “ ‘2. No receding by the execu tive of the United States on the slav ery question from the position as sumed thereon in the late annual message and in preceding documents. “ ‘3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war and the disbanding of all force hostile to the government. “ ‘That all propositions coming from those now in hostility to the government, not inconsistent with the foregoing, will be respectfully considered and passed upon in a spirit of sincere liberality. “ ‘I now add that it seems useless for me to be more specific with those who will not say they are ready for the indispensable terms even on con dition to be named by themselves. If there be any who are ready for the indispensable terms on any condi tions whatever, let them say so and state their conditions, so that the conditions can be distinctly known and considered. It is further added that, the remission of confiscation be ing within the executive power, if the war be now further persisted in by those opposing the government, the making of confiscated property at the least to bear the additional cost will be insisted upon, but the confiscations (except in the case of third-party intervening interests) will be remitted to the people of any state which shall now promptly and in good faith withdraw its troops and other support from further resist ance to the government. What is now said as to remission of confisca tion has no reference to supposed property in slaves.’ “The president, after reading and commenting upon the various pas sages of this memorandum, noticed that he had said nothing on the sub ject of fines and penalties as applica ble to individuals. He said, in ref erence to this, that he supposed that he ought not to force a pardon upon any person who did not want it; that, for instance, ‘lf Mr. Davis, whom we familiarly call Jeff Davis, will not take a pardon, we ought not to press one upon him.’ But this he would say, that ‘almost anybody could have anything of that kind by asking for it.’ “My intercourse with President Lincoln, both here and at Hampton Roads, impressed me favorably and kindly toward him. I believe that he felt a genuine sympathy for the be reavement, destitution, impoverish ment, waste and overturn that the war had occasioned at the South, and that he fully and exactly discriminat ed the wide difference, both in rea son and policy, between the mode of proceeding in reference to the disor- derly or criminal acts of individuals which disturb the security of a state, and the course to be taken in regard to those civil dissensions and com motions which arise from the agita tion of great questions involving the social and political constitution of a great empire, composed of distinct and in some respects independent communities. “My direct interview with Presi dent Lincoln terminated with my vis ’it to him on the Malvern. I never spoke to him or wrote to him after wards. “The following day General Weit zel sent for me, to read the letter of President Lincoln to him on the sub ject of calling the Virginia legisla ture. Mr. Lincoln in the course of his conversation had expressed his object in desiring them to meet and to vote. It was desirable that that very legislature should recognize the national authority. It was ‘the sit uation of a tenant between two con testing landlords, who was called up on to attorn to the one who had shown the better title.’ This was his remark.” Here were no humiliating terms of submission imposed on a brave peo ple; no amnesty qualifications exact ed; no banishment or confiscation laws; no test-oaths, to incite to per jury or foster the resentments of war. On the contrary, relief and protection should be denied to none, while the common rights of fraternity and citizenship should be freely accorded to all. In propounding these conditions the president showed a just apprecia tion of the Southern people. Had the policy thus declared been carried out faithfully, what untold misery and suffering would have been pre vented I The humane and generous heart of President Lincoln repelled with horror the cruelty and weak ness which would involve in punish ments and penalties a whole people. Such wrongs and injuries, such in justice and impolicy, were reserved for those less moderate and magnan imous, who, on his violent and de plorable death, succeeded to the reins of government. The president returned to Wash ington filled with joy that the war was ended, and satisfied with him self at having secured, as he sup posed, just and generous treatment to the vanquished, who had suffered so severely in the late strife. His cruel death, so lamentable in itself, and so disastrous in its effects, w’hich occurred only a few days after these generous overtures of peace and kindness, inflicted new sorrows on the already crushed and smitten South. We willingly draw the veil over the unwelcome picture, and remit its harsh features to the verdict of im partial history, or to that oblivion of wrong and folly which, happily for mankind, time and our better na ture will ultimately bring. Already there is a gratifying (Continued on Page Seven.) PAGE THREE