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PAGE TWO Public Opinion Throughout the Union MR. BRYAN’S CANDIDACY. Mr. Bryan has taken pains latterly to make it clear that while he will not stand in the way of the nomination of any other presidential candidate who may be the choice of his party, he himself is perfectly willing to take the nomination and will not decline it if tendered. His rather definitive abandonment of the government own ership issue was obviously intended to increase his chance of preferment, and now Chairman Garber, of the Democratic State Executive Commit tee of Ohio, after consultation with Mr. Bryan, deems it proper to put the Democrats of his state on notice that the Nebraska leader will accept another nomination for the presiden cy. Mr. Garber, however, wishes to avoid falling into the error of the Taft boomers, who have precipitat ed an acrimonious contest by pushing the Taft candidacy too early in the season, and so he declares that > Bryan does not want the nomination tendered a year in advance, or i any other year than that in whicu the national convention meets. Yes, Mr. Garber makes it plain that he is announcing the Bryan candi dacy for the progress of heading oft' the anti-Bryan movement, which he characterizes as “semi-frantic agita tion.’’ He seems to think that such a movement is an element of party danger, in Ohio, at all' events, which he would avert by concentrating par ty sentiment on Bryan. That the anti-Pryan movement has attained sufficient proportions to war want a counter move on the part of the Nebraskan’s partisans would seem to be legitimate inference from Chairman Garber’s announcement to the Ohio Democracy, following so closely, as it does, on Mr. Bryan's repudiation of the government own ership issue. But the visible signs of the anti-Bryan campaign are not weighty or numerous. Its most prom ising aspect appears in the “good Southern man’’ idea, which has been industriously propagated by North ern agencies, and finds some response south of the Potomac. Several good southern men have been brought forth, and their merits canvassed, but with out producing any marked impression upon the country. At least one ot these suggested candidates would not attempt to dispute the nomination with Bryan, and it is probable that others are like minded. It is worth noting, in this connection, that the economic policies for which Bryan conspicuously stands are popular in the South, and that they are rapidly finding application in state legisla tion. So it is probable that the anti- Bryan movement in the South, as in the North, represents a conservatism that is not likely to count for much in deciding the next presidential nom ination in either party, or in settling the issues of tbo campaign. • Mr. Bryan’s nomination, in fact, is as good as settled, in the opinion of most people, even of those who want him least. It is the fashion in some quarters to picture him as an incubus lying heavily upon the De mocracy, of which it will be possible to rid the party only by a series of defeats. But, after all, who has a stronger party following than Bryan, for wl.at Democrat could poll a larger vote than he? If the Democracy has any real incubus weighing it down, it must be looked for elsewhere than in the personality of William Jen nings Bryan.—Washington Herald. MR. HEARST’S ALTRUISM. The reason Mr. Hearst and his friends urge for the organization of the Independence League is that the Democratic party is hopelessly con taminated with corporation influence and cannot be wholly relieved of the taint of the money power. A ma chine operated by Mr. Hearst alone will be one of unadulterated patriot ism, altruism and benevolence and for the sole good of the common peo ple. Mr. Hearst himself is a very rich man. Outside of his newspapers he has some millions invested in mining properties and various other enter prises, but notwithstanding his wealth he lives only for the public good, and is free from the corroding evil that attaches to riches in general. As August Belmont, and some other rich men who have money invested in wicked institutions like railroads, call themselves Democrais and con tinue to exercise more or less influ ence in the party councils, the pure and unsullied Mr. Hearst has shaken the dust of the historic party from > his feet and set up an organization of his cwn that will afford refuge for the oppressed and in which the pure of heart and unsullied in polit ical morals can find wholesome ex ercise of their virtues. The history of the Independence League in New York shows that when it was in position to command the surrender of the Democratic organi zalion that result was facilitated by a mysterious alliance with Charles E. Murphy, whom Mr. Hearst a short time previous had been jUbposing to put in stripes for alleged political corruption. The campaign was man aged by one “Fingy Connors” of unsavory political reputation, and some of its chief supporters were men who since then, as members of the New York legislature, have been blocking Gov. Hughes’ war on the insurance grafters. No political party has ever arisen in this or any other country that in all of its constituent elements was wholly above reproach, but no one for that reason will doubt Mr. Hearst’s capacity to create and con duct such an organization. The im maculateness of his own life inspires confidence and the Murphy and Con nors association in New York is but an episode that must be overlooked. —Nashville Banner. THE SAME AS TEDDY. Tom Watson said that trouble was ahead for the president of the South ern Railway, and in less than two weeks Gov. Glenn, of North Carolina, had him arrested for failing to obey the law giving the people a cheaper passenger rate. —Gwinnett Journal WATSON’S WftftKLlfl JEFFERSONIAN. STARVING IN THE WORLD’S ' RICHEST CITY. Cases of death from hunger are so common in New York that only those attended by peculiar circum stances receive mention. The latest of which the public has knowledge involved the death of an old woman in one of the parks. Too proud or too timid to beg, too honest to steal, this friendless and deserted being went daily to one of the park benches and sat there in wistfulness and agony until the end came. New York is the richest city on earth. Yet, if this be any criterion, it is likewise the poorest. Its wealth consists in great buildings and cred its, but not in human kindness. It has an abundance of the external, with a poverty in the hearts and souls of its people. Outward profusion and inward barrenness! A scram ble for the shadows and a neglect of the substance of life! This must be true, for otherwise these numerous cases of starvation could not occur. We have lavish systems of charity, but the trouble with all of them is that they make the recipient sacrifice his or her self-respect. Strange as it may seem in a materialistic age, there are people who think more of maintaining their own souls’ good opinion than they do of life. It may be a false pride, but it exists, and we must take it into account. —N. Y. American. THE COUNTRY MERCHANT. When Tom Watson made the fight for rural delivery in congress the argument used against it was that it would result in the discontinuance of thousands of small postoffices, destroy the trade of the small country store, and all those interested in that trade joined in the cry against it The same argument is now used against parcels post, such as almost all other coun tries have long since adopted. The free delivery now extends from sea to sea and from the lakes to the gulf, and none of the predicted disasters have followed. The same thing would result from the estab lishment of the parcels post. The country merchant knows nothing of the fundamental principles of politi cal economy and joins with the trade unionists in restricting the creation of wealth. The trade unionist would restrict the number of apprentices and the amount of work each man should do. The country merchant would restrict. the amount of sales by restricting the number of men engaged in the business. Both are equally wrong. In one breath the merchant will as sert that competition is the life of trade, and with the next advocate the restriction of competition, never realizing that he is contradicting himself. No interest can run successfully in opposition to human nature. The merchant denounces the farmer who buys goods of a mail house, but he himself would refuse to buy goods of a wholesaler located in the state if he could get the goods at a lower price of a bouse in some distant city. He expects the farmer to be actuated by philanthropic motives, while he must be left to act from the instinct of gain. Such a theory as that will never result in profits. Any restraint is detrimental to the whole community, whether it is accomplished by a big trust, a railroad or the small country merchant. It is rather a strange combination to find the small country merchant lined up with one of the greatest of trusts, the express companies, in fighting a parcels post system. The union is unnatural, but that is the state of affairs. It has been the opposition of the small merchant and the express companies that has killed every parcels post bill that has been introduced into congress. Such a system would, without doubt, increase trade and at the same time prevent the extortions of the express compa nies. It is, therefore, not at all sur prising that the express companies fight it through the senators they have sent to Washington, but it cer tainly would not be detrimental to ‘ the country merchant. When taken in connection with the telephone sys tem and rural delivery it would, no doubt, increase the sales of the coun try merchant. It is doubtful whether the mail order houses sell goods any cheaper than the country merchant, but if* they do, it is because they have ar ranged with manufacturers and goods « ordered from mail order houses are 1 sent direct from the manufacturers to the purchasers. The country mer- J chant can make the same arrange- } ment with manufacturers, and then ( on account of cheaper rents and lower <' taxes can undersell them. He would' have to also adopt some of the mod ern business methods, chief among which would be judicious advertising. Then, with the farmer’s telephone, rural delivery and the parcels post system, he could do more business than he ever did before.—-The Inves tigator. THE STEEL CORPORATION. Verily, there’s nothing like the enormous profits of the big Steel 1 rust, which shows unprecedented net earnings of $45,503,705 for the past quarter, which enable the cor poration to set aside $18,500,000 af ter providing for all fixed charges and for the regular dividends on its enormously inflated capital stock. Ihe statement is hailed in some quarters as showing great prosperity in an industry that is called the ba rometer of trade. It shows more i Lan that, however. It furnishes fur ther evidence of the urgent neces sity of a revision of the iron and steel schedules of our tariff law. The trust can easily afford it and stil? realize ample returns on its watered capital.—-Boston Herald. Ibo latest census yives Canada a population of 6,504,900. There is an increase every time an American bank discovers that a trusted employe has disappeared between two day*.