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Republicans to disarm the National Commis sion. You helped the railroads snatch away from the Commission a most effective weapon which had been put into its hands by Judge Reagan of Texas. Why did you do it? The editor of the Jackson News, appeals to the Congressional Record, and challenges the accusers of Mr. Williams to find these votes which Mr. Watson criticises. Like the Act of Congress which increased the salaries of members, there was no record vote on these propositions. Statesmen who wanted to emasculate the Rate bill did not want their names down on the record. So the vote was by sound of voice, and not by Ajes and Nays entered of record. Consequently, the editor of the Jackson News might feel safe in denying that Wil liams voted as Watson said. But Mr. Williams wouldn’t. The Hon. John Sharp Williams will never deny, over his own signature, that he voted precisely as Mr. Watson charged. The worst of it for Mr. Williams is this: He knows that had the people of Mississip pi been aware of those votes two weeks ear lier, he would have been beaten out of his boots. In view of these facts Mr. Williams’ duty is plain. He owes it to himself and to his state to let his people be heard again. As a proud man, he ought not to let the matter rest where it is. It looks too much like getting valuable goods under false pre tenses. He owes it to himself and to his people to put this question to another vote. But he will never do it. HE IS AFRAID TO DO IT. * * M Tom Hardtoick of the 1 enth. A little bit of a fellow who looks like a sassy school-boy butting into the affairs of grown men, Tom Hardwick of the Tenth Con gressional District is today the brainiest man in the Georgia Delegation. He has demonstrated a juster claim to be ranked as a statesman than anybody in the bunch. Honest as the day is long, quick as a hair irigger pistol, brave as a Highlander, loyal as Douglas, “Hardwick of Georgia” will some day be the acknowledged peer of any Democratic leader in the Union. The beauty of it is, his Democracy can also be spelled with a small d —not only on the hustings and at home, but among the lobbyists of Atlanta and along the tell-tale pages of the Congressional Record. * * * Georgia’s Gobernor, and then again, Her Legislature. It has been known, all along, that Gov. Hoke Smith would have a big job on his hands when our blessed Legislature met. “The old gang” was well represented in the batch of Solons which gallantly rode to Atlanta on free tickets and settled themselves down in the seats of the mighty. “The old gang” dies hard, at all times; and, in the state of Georgia, it makes a peculiarly desperate struggle to keep from giving up the ghost. Consequently, Governor Smith had a diffi cult task. His friends knew this; and they knew that whatever he got from this Legis lature, he would have to fight for. If we were asked to pass judgment upon the net results of the work of the Legislature as a fair sample of what Governor Smith could have done had his hands been free to work his own will, we would be compelled to say that the results are disappointing. But that is not the proper point of view, from which to measure the value of the Governor’s work. , ' We must bear in mind that the Legislature was not in sympathy with him, and that what >ver he sot wu just that much wrested from Watson’s wbkkly jwfftrsontan. unwilling members. Judged in that way, the Governor’s work is seen to be magnificent. The disfranchisement bill, alone, is a monu ment to his courageous persistence in the determination to make good the pledges pf his campaign. The Candler-Overstreet bill, enlarging the powers of the Railroad Commission, is an im mense advantage gained over “the old gang,” and over the Yankee corporations that are plundering the state. That the Hardeman Resolutions failed to pass, is a cause for profound regret, but the Governor is not in any way responsible. *The Wall Street law-breakers will continue for one more year to trample our Constitution under their feet, by continuing the control of the Central by the Southern—but one year will be the extreme limit of the state’s forbearance. Mark it well Mr. W. W. Finley! Mark it well, Mr. Barbour Thompson! You two men are violators of law! BY THE GOD THAT RULES! YOU TWO CRIMINALS SHALL YET BEND YOUR ARROGANT HEADS TO THE ROD OF PUNISHMENT. _ Os course, one of the chief reasons why so many things which ought to have been done were not done, was the length of time consumed by the Prohibition bill. Thirty days taken out of a session limited to fifty, was the high price which had to be paid for that piece of legislation—a price exacted by such obstructionists as Joe Hill Hall. A speaker who wanted to squelch such fel lows as Hall could have found away to do it — but Speaker Jack Slaton was not the man to do it. Incidentally, we have been shown the un wisdom of limiting a Legislative session to a fixed number of days. On the whole, a great beginning has been made. We cannot expect to do everything at once. But we have made a good start; and we are not going to stop a moment. We are going to push right on. We are going to redeem this state, in spite of all that “the old gang” and its Wall Street bosses can do. And when the job is finished, the people are going to send Hoke Smith to the Senate, in order that he may help such heroes as LaFol lette redeem the democracy of the Union from the Special Privilege which is eating its life out. * * * MR. WATSON’S APPOINTMENTS to make speeches, or to .attend public meetings will always be announced in the Weekly Jef fersonian. Unless you see it in this paper, you may know that the publication of such an appoint ment is unauthorized. * * '* Judicial Nullification. The Amendment to the Constitu tion is no longer good law—for corporation at torneys and corporation courts. They have set it aside, Ichabod, Functus Officio, Dennis, Tekel Upharsin, Mud, Requiescat in pace, and similar legends are written all over it—by corporation lawyers standing within the bar, and corporation lawyers sitting on the bench. In the year 1793, the state of Georgia was dragged into the Federal Courts by a man Hamed Chisolm. The Supreme Court of the United States held that the Federal Courts had jurisdiction of suit, by individuals against states, and proceeded, to deliver judgment against the state of Georgia. Whereupon, the State of Georgia treated the “decision” with the contempt it deserved. The other states of the Union made common cause with Georgia; and the net result was the adoption of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. The intent and meaning of that Amendment is, that citizens shall not sue states in the federal courts. Judicial power of that kind; not conceded to the central Government, but is reserved to the States. For a hundred years, that principle has been recognized. Every lawyer who has read his books, knows that the 13th Amendment grew out of the attempted usurpation of power by the federal Judge in the Chisolm case. Yet, Pritchard, of North Carolina, and Jones, of Alabama, are now trying to do the very thing which the states were so determined to prevent that they put their determination- into the shape of a Constitutional Amendment. When Judge Pritchard, at the instance of an artificial person—The Southern Railroad— enjoins the State Commission of Virginia, and attempts to prevent the State of North Car olina from enforcing its laws, he violates the 13th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. When Judge Jones of Alabama, at the in stance of the Louisville and Nashville Rail road, restrains the State from enforcing state authority and law, he violates the 13th Amend ment. These two Federal Judges are now doing precisely what Chief Justice Marshall decided could be done, but which the states—deter mined that the Federal Judiciary should have no such revolutionarv and despotic power— CHANGED THE CONSTITUTION TO PREVENT THE FEDERAL JUDGES FROM DOING. With their monstrous decisions confusing the right to net profits with the security of title —these corporation judges have grafted on to the law of property a principle hitherto un known to the history of jurisprudence; and now, by enjoining states at the instance of railroads, they have made the 14th Amendment to the Constitution SLAY ITS ELDER BROTHER, THE THIRTEENTH. If these two men, Jones and Pritchard, es cape impeachment, they will not get their just dues. And. Alabama allows herself run over by the railroads and their lawyers, we shall be greatly surprised. States do not have to beg Federal Judges for permission to make and enforce Jaws. States are vested with ample powers to pro tect themselves from corporation greed as well as from judicial usurpation. AH the state needs is a Governor with a head on his shoulders, and a heart that is in the right place. > «» I would like to see August Belmont of the L. & N.. or Finley and Thompson of the South ern, or Ryan’s crowd on the Seaboard try that ‘ game on the State of Georgia. . I venture to say that when our Extra Ses sion comes on, and something is done on this Railroad situation, railroad lawyers, off and on the bench, will think twice before thev tack le Hoke Smith with their ready-made injunc tions. The reason why the lobbyists are fighting so desperately to prevent railroad legislation in Georgia is. THEY KNOW THOSE LAWS WILL BE ENFORCED, Federal Judges to contrary, notwithstanding. * * * Death of the Tribune. Elsewhere will be found a card from J. L. Cartledge which explains itself. It will be read with interest by many of our friends. Nearly 20 years ago, a one-horse farmer had something he wanted to say in the Augus ta Chronicle, and the paper wouldn’t let him say it. Have been right there myself—be jabbers!— both in prose and poetry, and I know just how it feels. Had rather hit my funny bone, any day. This one-horse farmer was not a submissive (Continued on Page Twelve.) PAGE NINE