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PAGE TWELVE HARRY FISHER’S LUNCH. (Continued From Page Nine)., important reform measure was done to death by Maj. Hanson’s Senator, T. B. Felder. The Southern Railroad was doubtless charg ed a good, stiff price for that lunch, but it could afford to pay the bill without a mur mur—no matter how steep the charges. Harry Fisher’s lunch gave the big, rich law breakers one more full year to LAUGH AT THE GOVERNOR, TRAMPLE UPON THE LAW, AND PLUNDER THE PEOPLE. H M K WHERE IS THE PARTY “AT”? What are we to think when that ancient and hon orable arch-democrat, Henry Watterson says things like this? v “I do not say that party government is a failure, but I do say that party government, claiming to be the representative of public opinion, is a humbug, it is a mischievous humbug.” In other words, according to Mr. Watterson’s view, party government no longer represents the people, nor have the people any longer any party govern ment What is it, then? It is an assumption of the reins by all the people, regardless of party lines, of party principles and party platforms. Members of the legislature boldly proclaim their disregard of the Macon platform by word and vote; its binding force is nil; its solemn pledges are naught if they chance to cross the personal convictions of the very men who made it. “The party has spoken,” they say, “now let it retire, for we have the floor.” One former populist nominee for governor against the democratic candidate comes forth as a leader in behalf of state prohibition legislation, in open defiance of the dictum of the Macon convention; another is a prospective appointee to supreme court honors. “Open the Georgia treasure house to the prohibition leaders; give them of its bounty,” is the promulga tion that follows. Let’s look for a moment over in Mississippi. Fol lowing the senatorial primary we find the success- SUMMARY OF NEWS. (Continued from page five), scale of wages Jias not been reduced. “In other words, the real sources cf the people’s vzealth have not yet been affected, and the ability of in dustrial concerns to pay dividends is not measured by the market price of their stocks.” “Married Life Hell,” P. 0. Depart ment Hears. Amusing answers are pouring in at the postcffice department at Wash ington from government employes re plying to a dozen questions, including one as to their “marital relations.” One veteran says his “marital” condition is very “timid.” Another man, who is younger, gave the com prehensive reply that his married life was “hell!” The majority answer ed, “Very good.” Still others think the question should bring forth a story of their domestic woes and pour out their souls. One said his relations we r e “all right, but my wife is dead.” Another said they were “very good; my wife is at the point of death.” Yet another insists that “his mari tal condition is very good, since he has been a widower for ten years.” Standard Oil Says It’s a Victim. The Standard Oil Company issued a thirty-two-page pamphlet. It was addressee! “From the Directors of the Standard Oil Company to its Em ployes and Stock Holders.” Two of the printed pages, headed, “A Word in Advance,” are devoted to declaring the company’s innocence of all charges made against it and ac cusing the Federal Administration of unfair taotiee and Federal officials with carefully timing their broadcasts against the company so as to provoke hostile public opinion. The statement says, in part: “The directors of the Standard Oil Company desire to emphasize for the half million people directly interested in its welfare the assurance of the company’s • absolute innocence of wrongdoing in any of the prosecu tions lately instituted against it in the Federal courts. Particularly is this, so in the recent Chicago and Al ton Railroad case made notorious by the sensational fine of $29,240,000 im _ posed on the Standard Oil Company of Indiana. “It should be known as widely as possible that this is no case of rebate or discrimination, but simply of the legality of a freight rate. It should be known that the verdict was ob tained by the government upon the most hair-splitting technicality, aided by the rigorous exclusion of evid nee that would have removed all pre sumption of guilt. “The case has been taken on ap peal to the higher courts, to which we must look for that calm judgment which will rescue the rights of the citizen from the field of public clamor and from the domain of vindictive politics.” Five Hundred Hurt in Battle. In a pitched battle between 10,000 persons who attended an outing given by the Tammany Jefferson Club— Louis J. Haffen’s organization—and 2,000 policemen, waiters and long shoremen at Witzel’s Point View Grove, College Point, L. 1., more than 500 persons were injured. The police obtained only a few names. Revol- WATSON’S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN. ful candidate, John Sharp Williams, charging that Vardaman was in league with the former antago nists of organized democracy in the state, and admon ishing the people that the closeness of the contest indicated that the old line democracy had better look out, or “the goblins would get it.” At Yazoo City, following his nomination, Mr. Williams said he first looked upon the contest as a friendly competition be tween two democrats, but “I soon began to be unde ceived and to discover that there was an effort being made by my competitor to play to the populists.” Continuing Mr. Williams said: “This was shown by his introduction of Tom Wat son as a man ‘easier to criticise than to answer.’ I did not hear his introduction, but I have been told that was substantially the language of it. This was followed by a letter of eulogy to Watson, which was published by Watson in his magazine, and then by words of eulogy written concerning my competitor by Watson. “The intent of all this was obvious, but I continued to hope until after the primary that it would fail of results, believing that the men who had come back to the democratic party to participate in its party election had come in good faith, and would decline to be led by Tom Watson, the leader of the national populists, or the leader of any other party. The result, however, showed that I was mistaken. My competitor received the fifteen or twenty thousand populist votes of this state almost en masse. They took their marching orders from Thomas Watson. “There is one great benefit that has been attained by this lesson taught by the late primary. The plan of Tom Watson and his adherents to capture the democratic organizaztion in this state by holding the balance of power between democrats came so very near being successful that the plan itself has been exposed and the eyes of democrats who love their party have been opened. They will not be caught napping again.” Yet further on there is just a suspicion of doubt in what he says: “Yet here are fifteen or twenty thousand men participating in a democratic primary in the state of Mississippi who receive and acknowledge march ing orders from Tom Watson. What are they going to do when the presidential election comes and Mr. vers, knives, blackjacks and all sorts of weapons were used. Farmers Need Not Whine and Want No Petting. The Executive Committee of the Central New York Farmers’ Club met at Utica, N. Y., and passed resolu tions denouncing the proposed calling of a convention to take cognizance of the condition of farming in this state. The resolutions declare within a few years there has been a strong drift from citv to country; that farm lands are not depreciating in value, but are slowly rising in price; that farmers receive from one fourth to one-third mo r e for all pro duce than thev d ; d ten or fifteen years ago, and that there are no abandoned farms in this state. Plot to Crush Labor. Following the suit of Prpsident Van Cleave, of th° National Manufactur ers’ Association, for an injunction against the use of the “unfair list” bv the American Fpderation of Lnhor, President Gompprs said at Washing ton that probably the Federation would bring a counter suit agm’nst the Manufacturers’ eharcnng that bodv with consnirgey. “We havp learned.” said Gomp ers. Mr. Van Cleave has heen instigated bv direction of the Manu facturers’ Association, wHch met in New York recentlv. and decided to raise a fund of $1,500,000 to crush out organized labor. • “If Van Cleave exnectg us to sur render the rights that cost centuries of struggles by the peopb, he is mis taken in his men. We know we are within our legal rights and we pro pose to exercise them regardless of Bryan is nominated by the democrats and Mr. Wat son by the populists? From whom are they going to take their marching orders then?” And all this sounds very much like some of the warnings shouted from the housetops in Georgia last year—but in Georgia Mr. Watson had his way, and he is today, as everybody knows, the master of the political situation. And the most hopeful sign about it is his expressed determination to hold the ad ministration to its pledges of reform —or to know th® reason why! These are the conditions with which the organized democracy is confronted today, when Mr. Watson an nounces, in effect, that the time has come for th® substitution of the Ocala platform! And so we, why try to hide thefacts? Why, ostrich-like, shut out from view the inevitable, if somewhat painful, sight of party disorganization? In Mississippi the successful leader of the party in the national house denounces Watson’s political activity in stirring up discord in democratic ranks, and repudiates the concerted effort of former antag onists of the party to control party action by going back to its ranks for the purpose of punishing those who have battled for the organization. In Georgia exactly the opposite policy prevailed, and the people approved. There can be no doubt about that! Therefore, if Mississippi is right, Georgia is wrong. If Georgia is right, Mississippi is wrong. If we are to have a party on the plan outlined by Mr. Williams, then there will have to be some shifting of positions in Georgia. If, on the other hand, the Georgia position holds as a<national policy, then where does it leave the democratic hous® leader and the senator-elect from Mississippi? In the meantime, while all this is developing, Mr. Watterson is denouncing party organization general ly as a “mischievous humbug.” And in the light of th® mad riot of the Macon platform, and of the con vention which The Macon Telegraph characterized as an "orgie,” the public will be inclined to think that Mr. Watterson is about right!—Atlanta Con stitution. personal consequences. ‘ ‘ I am strong in my conviction that when it comes to the test of surren dering my rights as an American cit izen or surrendering to an injunction of the courts, I shall not hesitate to exercise my rights. “The men behind the injunction proceedings are pitting their millions of money against human hearts and minds, and in the long run the hearts and minds will win.” G. N. SCHOOLS'FOR FARMERS. Among the farmers of Alabama the work of the summer institute at Auburn increases in interest and val ue every year. The methods taught are both practical and scientific. In fact, these terms are rapidlv becom ing synonymous in this enlightened age. The age of skepticism among far mers as to the value of scientific knowledge in agricultural pursuits has about parsed awav and the success of the efforts of Auburn has much to do with this important fact, espe ciallv so far as the Alabama farmer is concerned. It has alwavs been conceded that there is no more honorable calling than farming; and certain it is that men occupied in cultivating agricul tural products cannot possess too much knowledge relative to the best methods of raising and caring for all crons. Scientific farming not onlv pays directlv, but it makes life more in teresting on the farm—hence the farm more attractive to young men. whose minds are kept ever active in concert with an exercise of muscle.— Age-Herald.