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PAGE FOURTEEN That Capitalist War Tund. Discussed By Men Who Think and Act. i ■ e James Duncan, First Vice-President, American Federation of Labor. As Labor’s Independence Day (this year September 2) brings thoughts of emancipation from cruel, unjust, or unfair conditions, it sounds like a travesty to find in Mr. Van Cleave’s address to the National As sociation of Manufacturers that he had need for a fund of a million and a half dollars to be distributed over three years “to fight industrial op pression.” Could it have been the slip of a word? Perhaps, qfter all, he meant the word “effect” instead of the word “fight.” If his sesqui million fund is used at all, it will be to “effect industrial oppression.” Stripped of verbiage, Van Cleave wanted the fund to thwart the prog ress of organized labor, and if those he represents are making profits suf ficiently high to warrant their con tributing to such a fund, they have not much of an argument with which to go before the public and claim its serious consideration. Superficially, he reminds one of the saying immor talized by the Bard of Avon and em phasized by Puck, “What fools these mortals be!” and causes one’s mind to revert to the historic event wheir ft certain character perched him on his throne where the tide rises and falls twice in 24 hours and commanded the waves to keep back. Van Cleave with his $500,000 per annum for three, years will find himself in that posi tion, for if he had many times that amount to be used as he has in mind, he could no more hold back the swell of trade unionism than can water be held back with the rise of the tide. The Manufacturers’ Association is a protection organization. It has many muck rakes. Each is expected to bring its proportionate results. To this end the first million dollars of this corruption fund, if it is raised, may be applied. Van Cleave’s outfit wants unlimited immigration, espe cially from the countries of the world where education of the poor is low. It must have a surplus of that part of its “property” which new ju dieialism calls “labor.” This is free trade, but not the kind which in terferes with the protection on which this patriotic (?) organization sub sists. Van Cleavism demands “free trade” in labor, but * ‘protection” through Congress for its product. It stands for the employment of child ren in mill and shop and practices it in every direction excepting where estopped by organized labor. This commercial machine owns every sweat-shop in our land. Has it ever demanded free schools, free school books, free bath houses or play grounds for children ? Has it ever been known to advo cate anything for the uplift of down trodden humanity? Has it ever voluntarily reduced employes’ working hours that they might breathe fresh air or, through study, enrich and broaden their intel lects? Has it ever been knowm to stand for anything except its commercial WATSON’S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN. god, the almighty dollar, or to coal esce for any purpose other than to op press a portion of the human race? Thus portrayed, it is as dung-hill to diamond to compare the alleged principles of the Van Cleave outfit to the accomplishments and aspira tions of our great labor movement. To recount the thousand and one re forms, the latter has accomplished, would take too much space. It will suffice to say that, if Van Cleave raises the fund he asked for, and uses it for the purpose intended, trade unionism will increase its activity four-fold. If anything will spur the average toiler into wholesome protec-* tion of his interests, it is applying the goad; therefore, unfair employers will find us routing oppression here, closing a sweat-shop there, again, through the logic of events, securing new anti-child labor laws, betimes successfully placing on the statute books of a state an act for free and compulsory education and anon re ducing the working hours of those who toil more than eight in twenty four, with the sure concomitant of an increase of pay. We stand for equality before the law, justice under it and for the cause of humanity and fear no cor ruption fqnd, nor its sponsors.—- American Federationist. Jerome Jones, Organizer, American Federation of Labor. In raising a fund of a million and a half of dollars to fight organized labor the National Association of Manufacturers has taken the wrong course. Co-operation, not hostility, is the wise policy. Organized labor is as much a logical product of modern industrial conditions as organized capital. If one is bad, so is the other. If one is to be fought so is the other. But both have their good points— and both are here to stay. The w r orld must make the best of this condition of human progress and deal fairly all around. Let us take for granted that Mr. Van Cleave is a fair and honest employer, and is always willing to grant to his men an increase of wages in propor tion as his business prospers or . cost of living advances. Does Mr. Van Cleave believe that such a spi is prevalent among the employing classes generally in this day and time ? Do *not the material facts bear out just the reverse of such a spir it? And then we do not attribute to the employing class a greater spir it of avarice than is found in man kind generally. But what can Mr. Van Cleave hope to attain that will be beneficial to the country if his policy is carried to a conclusion? We take it that these men are pa triotic citizens—at least we so cred it them—and that it is not their pur pose to plunge this country into a state of anarchy. Labor organiaztions are the natur al outgrowth of the present economic systeiy. The working people seek or ganization just as naturally as the wild horses of the plains go in groups and form a circle for their protection and that of their young. Labor unions are founded on law and order and the highest attributes of civilized thought and progress. If it were in the power of Mr. Van Cleave and his associates to carry out their evil designs two events would follow that would bode no good to this country. First, the American workmen as such would no longer be free men at liberty to barter and sell their labor at the best advantage, and by best advantage is meant, not a personal advantage, but at a figure that would enable the men to meet all the require ments necessary to live 7 *and rear a family that would be a credit to the country in which we live. The Van Cleave idea would soon make unnec essary the erection of public schools that we now point to as one of the glories of our country and age. In fact, the public schools are largely responsible for the rapid growth and progress of labor unions, and if Mr. Van Cleave and his associates would make their attempt at destruction, sure they must first destroy all hope of the children of the workers gain ing a public school education. If by Mr. Van Cleave’s method we are reduced to the stage of bare exist ence what good has he accomplished, for surely this must be the object sought. His very proclaamation sug gests this. If the labor unions are not fulfill ing the mission for which they were intended, namely, to benefit the work ers of the various crafts —to increase wages when the business of the coun try justifies such a step, and decrease the hours of toil when the country’s prosperity justifies the action—why does Mr. Van Cleave want to put a stumbling block in the way of their progress ? If the labor unions are not becom ing a powerful and potent factor for the good of the working class—and that seems to be the head and foot of their offending—why do Mr. Van Cleave and his fellow patriots pro test? The simple truth is that the work ers are coming into some of their rights—nothing more, nothing le«s— -and it ill becomes such an American as Mr. Van Cleave to do aught to hinder or abridge in any manner any policy that makes for the uplift of American citizens. If it were possible to seriously im pede the progress of labor unions such action would only encourage a malignant fever of discon lent that could prove a fertile field for dis turbers of industrial peace. These manufacturers are surely sowing the seeds of future trouble. Let them and their descendants take heed. Among the grain may be found many tares. A good book, which has stood the test of time in the ages, has writ in it these words: “As ye sow, so shall ye reap when the harvest time is come.”—American Federa tionist. THE DEATH OF STUART. Veterans who have followed the gallant “Jeb” Stuart will read with interest the following account of his death written in 1882 by the wife of Gen. L. L. Lomax for the Philadel phia Times: “It has been said that Lee was the brain of the Confederate army, Jackson was its arm, but Stuart was its soul. The great calvary leader was a part of the history of an age that dazzled the world for a space, going out in darkness. The carriage of a noble person, the manners of a kind heart awakened interest, enthu siasm, wherever he was seen. His deeds, his exploits illuminated the gloomy scenes of war —all that was chivalric gleamed as light about the name of J. E. B. Stuart. In the sad dle he was the picture of the war rior; _ out of the Saddle, the man in him was devout at times, full of prayer; at other times gay with laughter, light of heart, full of song, full of music, which was a passion with him. “Stuart fell in a skirmish near Yellow Tavern, in 1864. ... At Ashland they were led to believe that Sheridan was moving on Richmond. General Stuart divided and placed his cavalry on three roads leading to Richmond, with directions to watch the movements of the enemy and en gage him at all hazards, in order to prevent his entrance into the city, and with the understanding that the Confederate cavalry should reunite at Yellow Tavern. Stuart accompanied the march of the! brigade. Upon reaching the vicinity of Yellow Tav ern he found a strong picket of the enemy in front, which he succeeded in driving before him. He shortly encountered two brigades of Federal cavalry drawn up in line to support the picket. This was morning, and the fighting continued incessantly with varied success until high noon. It could be seen by the Confederates that the enemy had been re-inforced. From high noon tin three o’clock the fighting, which had been severe, seem ed to stop by common consent. Field hospitals were established and the men rested. At three o’clock it was announced that the enemy was ad vancing in stronger numbers, a larger force than had hitherto been seen. The artillery was immediately placed upon an eminence by General Stu art’s order for the purpose of com manding the approach of the Feder als. The cavalry was hurriedly mounted and moved to the support of the artillery. “Upon that eminence may brave men were lost, and the star of a great and glorious leader went down. As soon as the artillery opened fire the enemy could be distinguished by the naked eye preparing to charge in full force. Every' effort was made by the little brigade to meet this charge gallantly, but it was thrown back again and again by overwhelming numbers. ‘ ‘ Stuart held his position by the artillery, never leaving his post ex cept to rally the men or lead them back to the charge with flaming sword. Nothing could have surpassed the supreme courage displayed by him. He was cool and clear as his command went forth clear and de termined. Stuart fought without re spect to numbers until a shot cut him down where he stood battling for the guns. Crash on crash pealed forth. One malignant shell touched the ‘bravest and the tenderest.’ The first intimation the men received of the truth was to see him dismount from his iron gray horse, hold it by the reins, his black plume tilting to one side as he staggered and fell down among the ranks of the enemy. The enemy seemed unconscious of the presence of the cavalry hero, who had been a target for their bullets and