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As to the “big scare,” Uncle Henry
doesn’t hit thejiail on the head. Not at all.
Nobody was afraid of the negro, as long
as the whites were united. But when the
whites divide, the negro is the balance of
power.
At last, that is the possibility.
And, this possibility was used by designing
politicians to intimidate the whites and to
keep them from dividing. The Democratic
leaders had everything their own way, and
wanted to keep it so.
Through the Democratic leaders, the North
ern and Eastern Capitalists were ruling and
robbing the South. Most of those rich Yan
kees are Republicans. Thus the novelty of
the thing was that the Republican Capitalists
were using the Democratic Party to rob the
people of the South! In other words, corrupt
Democratic leaders were helping the Republi
can corporations to rob the Democratic mass
es.
We could not stop this, while the negroes
were voting, because the whites were afraid to
divide.
And we were obliged to divide the whites,
because all of them can’t see alike.
Even some of the sufferers from the spolia
tions of these Yankee Capitalists seem to think
that it is all right.
Sb we had to put the negro out, in order
to give the whites freedom of action.
This was best for the negro, himself. As a
worker, as a producer, as a citizen whose
true welfare is inseparably connected with the
section which will always be his home—the
South—it is best for him that he should not
embarrass the reformers in their struggle for
his rights as well as ours.
Let him step aside. Too many negroes
could be deceived, or bought, or corrupted.
The white men who did these things were as
bad as the negroes who allowed themselves
corrupted, but that didn’t mend matters.
We had to put the negro out, in order to
make room for the growth of political inde
pendence.
Now that the “nigger scare” is, buried out
of sight and beyond the hope of resurrection,
we mean to show those Yankee Corporations
a thing or two.
Henceforth, Republican Capitalists, like J.
P. Morgan, will find it harder to use Demo
crats to rob the Democrats.
We mean to march right on, until these
predatory corporations and their swarms of
corporation lawyers, and their herd of corpor
ation judges are put to flight.
The South and the West are suffering, alike:
THEY MUST BE POLITICALLY COM
BINED TO destroy the horrible system of
Hamiltonian class-law that fetters us, while
the Capitalists of the North and East rob us.
n n *
Won *t You Do This Much ?
My friends cannot realize how much the
treatment given me by C. Q. DeFrance and
Col. W. D. Mann damaged and handicapped
me.
They conspired against me, organized a new
company on the half and half plan, and divid
ed my magazine between themselves. Then
C. Q. DeFrance wrote me a most insolent let
ter, in which he put me on notice that I
was at liberty to continue to edit the magazine
(no salary!) provided I wrote no more such
articles as the “Sepoy” editorial in the Sep
tember number. That article was an attack
upon the methods of Sam Spencer and the
Southern Railroad.
' When their silly plot, for running a Watson
Magazine without a Watson, met with the
ridiculous failure it was bound to meet, the
two conspirators sold the magazine to a
wrecking concern, for $2,000; and they divid
ed the spoil.
They left th? subscribers in the lurch, of
WATSON’S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN.
course. To the very last, as is to be proven by
letters written me, they continued to pocket
the money of those who sent subscriptions, in
ignorance of the true situation.
After they knew they were going to sell
out and quit, they continued to pocket sub
scription money. The conduct was criminal;
• the crime being Larceny after Trust.
This Mr. C. Q. DeFrance was Secretary of
the National Populist Committee. He was
at work, on a meagre salary, in Lincoln, Ne
braska. He was telegraphed for by me and
brought to New York, where he was installed,
at a handsome salary, as Circulation Clerk.
, Upon my personal request, made to the
Board of Directors, he was promoted to the
Business Manager’s place, at S6O per week.
When he got strong in his new position, he
conceived the idea of ousting me and seizing
for himself a half interest in the magazine.
Col. Mann, who shows many signs of do
tage, fell in with that absurd proposition, and
I was frozen out as aforesaid. After they had
sold the wreck for $2,000, Col. Mann came
down to Florida, where his wife or daughter
owns property, and had the paper publish a
glowing account of how he had “won out”
in his fight with the Colliers!
.As all the world knows, he disastrously
failed in his suit against Hapgood & Collier
while he himself just did miss a trip to the
penitentiary, the place where he properly be
longs.
DeFrance shouldered himself, and went off
to Kalamazoo to take a position with the Du
plex Phonograph Co —carrying a copy of the
mailing list of the “Watson Magazine” with
him.
This list has been offered, it seems, at SIOO
per copy; and it is said that the Duplex Pho
nograph Company has had the use of it in
their business.
Everybody who was willing to pay for it,
has apparently had access to it.
Having no copy of the “Watson Magazine”
mailing list and not being willing to purchase
.of De France that which morally belonged to
me, I have been at a great disadvantage.
For DeFrance was not content with merely
betraying me: he maligned me,- at great
length, in the magazine which bore my name.
In the article headed “Explanatory,” he and
Col. Mann left nothing unsaid that would mis
represent me to the world, and prejudice
against me the subscribers of the New York
“Watson’s Magazine.”
Having no copy of the mailing list, I could
make no reply that all the subscribers would
see. <
So, you can see the fix I was in. To this
day, thousands of those who believed in me,
and who were attached friends of my maga
zine, do not know my side of the New York
affair; and do not know that I immediately
established publications of my own.
It all edmes to this: Do you feel interest
enough in the matter to help me get in touch
with my old friends and subscribers of the
New York Magazine?
If you do, then make out a list of those
yon know to have been of your own w!!y of
thinking, and send me the list. Upon this list
will doubtless be a few of my old subscrib
ers. If many lists are sent, in response to
this appeal, I will get most of those who were
with the New York Magazine.
When they read the “Foreword” article,
published in the January, 1906, number of
“Watson’s Jeffersonian Magazine,” they will
understand that New York business and will
have no doubt as to who it was that acted
basely.
HUMS
Notice the Offer of Cash Prizes.
Send your name to Mr. Watson and go into
the contest for one of those Prize*.
Gobernor Smith and the Senatorship.
Below we reproduce a paragraph from The
Vidalia (Ga.) Advance:
“Tom Watson says that when the people
are through with Hoke as Governor they will
send him to the U. S. Senate to help such men
as LaTollette. Well that suits us all right,
but we prefer to say nothing much about it
yet awhile for we are in dead earnest about
keeping Hoke Smith where he is for the full
four years.—Swainsboro Forest Blade.
hat all depends. If Hoke gets things in
shape so he can leave the Governor’s chair
we are willing any day for him to go to the
Senate. If not, let him serve as Governor the
full four years. But we may elect him Presi
dent, you know.”
Yes, it all depends. The people elected
Hoke in order to get certain things. A fair in
ventory of these things was prepared by Hoke
and his friends. That Inventory is called “The
Macon Platform.”
As yet, we cannot “check up.” The goods
to tally with the Inventory have not been de
hvered.
. My own deliberate opinion is that the Leg
islature ought to be called together in extra
session, and the Macon Platform put into stat
ute law.
No true friend of Governor Smith will ad
vise him to run for another office until he
redeems the promises on which he got the
one he now has.
Nobody can do , the work which he is
pledged to do but himself. To call him off
from that, when he has just begun to get
started, would be a public calamity.
Let us stay united, and do what we prom
ised.
Whenever that is done, the friends whose
combined strength made Hoke Smith Govern
or will make him Senator.
l he glory of redeeming, in good faith, the
pledges made to the people during the cam
paign, will far surpass the honors of a sena
torship.
Let us have an extra session of the Legisla
ture; and let us have the names of those fel
lows who went back on us after they got to
Atlanta. Let us catalogue the black sheep.
Let us find out who are the chaps that can
be led astray by Harry Fisher and his artful
assistants. ,
Give us an Extra Session, Governor, and let
us see who it is that dares to say that the
people of Georgia shall not have what was
promised them.
MM*
Losses on Cotton Tare.
One of our friends and subscribers writes to
inquire whether farmers are “allowed six per
cent tare on every bale of cotton. That is
upon a bale weighing 500 pounds, is he
allowed 30 pounds—or 530 pounds—instead
of just the 500 pounds?”
No; it is just the other way. The farmer
loses the tare. Every Liverpool order to buy
carries with it the instruction to offer such
a price as will allow for “C. I. F. and 6 per
cent.”
C. stands for cost.
I. stands for insurance.
F. stands for freight.
The 6 per cent stands for tare.
Therefore, the fanner loses 30 pounds out
of every bale of 500 pounds. In other words,
the deduction for wrappage (Tare) is made
against him.
The weight of the bagging and ties is us
ually 18 pounds. The farmer pays for these;
and he gets pay for the 18 pounds, when he
sells his cotton —just as though the 18 pounds
of bagging and ties were 18 pounds of cot
ton. But on the entire bale of 500 lbs., he
loses 30 lbs., as tare.
Hence, his net loss in pounds, is 12.
(Continued on page twelve.)
PAGE NINE