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at large have an instinct for discov ering the new thing, and the Hughes method is unquestionably new. Join ing the stiff orderliness associated with extreme conservatism to an un compromising radicalness of idea, dis regarding alike the appeals of friend ship and of party, using no weapons except those drawn from the arsenal of reason—here is a man of whom anything is possible, even the perma nent lifting of American public life to a high level. “The young man of today will do well to watch the life and doings of Charles E. Hughes. “Among the number of letters sent me asking for information from all over the country regarding th ? new discovery * German Grains,’ for the cure without drugs of indiges tion, etc., there were some who failed to give addresses, and if they see this they will understand why th New York end of this paper did not comply. ’ ’ Looking at the proposition, isn’t your first impression that this agent is “out for the money”? After reading his New York article, are ’ not left with the opinion that he gets a graft from the man so nicely and voluntarily complimented? Then, is it right that cleverness in such away should be so generally recognized when the numbers must pay ttrer price, and it is the price, after all, that is at the end of the string? THOMAS EZRA M’DONALD. WHAT ONE OF THE LEADING ENGLISH PAPERS THOUGHT OF “THE STORY OF FRANCE.** We give the communication in the exact shape in which it reached the author: Telegraphic Address “Publish, London.” Telephone Number, 2686. Macmillan & Co., Ltd. St. Martin’s Street, W. C. Messrs. Macmillan & Co., Ltd., beg to forward the accompanying cutting from Progress, of June, 1902: “The Story of France,” by Thom as E. Watson (London: Macmillan and Co., Limited; two volumes, 21 -) In every sense of the word this is a great work. The subject dealt with is a great one, and the treatment of it is both exhaustive and masterly. We iegret that tpace will not allow )f cur giving even the baldest outline of the work; but we ought to say that it deals with the history of France, and of its fasci nating, though eccefitric people from the earliest times down to the Con sulate of Napoleon Bonaparte. The author must be a man of extraordi nary industry, for the work bear’s evidence of the most exacting re search, and of every care having been exercised so that it should be full, accurate, and entirely reliable. But Mr. Watson is a good deal more than an industrious man, or he could not have produced a work so emphatical ly fascinating and useful. He is un doubtedly a born historian—over flowing with knowledge of his sib ject, and possessed of the nejessary qualifications to enable him to im part that knowledge in a clear, con cise, an impartial, orderly, and emi nently readable manner. KEEP HER OUT. Emma Goldman, whose hate for the United States is professedly as high as the sky and as broad as the ocean, will not be able to get back to this country, it seems, unless present plans and determination are changed. She has been permitted to go where she pleased heretofore, not withstanding her admittedly danger ous intellectual qualities and her vi cious and bloody advice to the de luded ones who follow her teachings; but now that she is out of the coun try, she may not be permitted to re turn. Every half way decent American must hope in his or her heart that this is true, and that the government is prepared to stand firm, and with legal right, upon its decision. That she was at least indirectly responsi ble for the fanatical act of Czolgosz is hardly to be doubted. Whether she was or not, however, she has trav eled this country around, glorifying that cruel and inhuman deed, and holding its perpetrator up before her dull-witted and generally vicious au diences as a martyr. She is a dangerous —an extremely dangerous—woman. She has the fire of a great orator, the skill of a prac ticed demagogue, the love of noto riety fully developed, and the deter mination of a crafty and powerful leader. She is not wanted in this land; it is no place for her. What she has done cannot be recalled. But she can be prevented from doing fur ther damage—and it is our hope that she will be. Keep her cut! —Wash- ington Herald. AS WORKINGMEN MUST SEE IT. (Continued from Page Seven.) He has learned that if he steals SSO, he goes to the penitentiary; but that the man who steals millions is admitted into “high finance” and i heralded as a foremost American. He has found that if he violates the injunction of a court, he goes to jail, and his home is sold to pay the court’s cost; but that when the poration magnate violates an injunc tion, he gives bond and goes free. He has learned that when a cor poration is the complainant, federal judges are not only prompt to a sume jurisdiction, but only too often they assume also the spirit of the prosecutor. He sees the leading business men of the country placing pride of pelf above pride of self. He sees them proclaiming and exemplifying the heresy that the dollar is the stand ard of success, and that this success is the standard of character, of worth. He hears himself patronizingly asked to accept a “full dinner pail” in lieu of a full share of civic rights and full opportunities in life. He has discovered that the devot ees of “high finance” have two sys tems of arithmetic. When they buy, they estimate the cost of labor, ma terial and machinery, by the formula of 2 and 2 makes 4; but when they capitalize to sell stocks and bonds, it is 2 and 2 make 22. He is told by the railroads that the rails made and sold by the steel trust —at exorbitant, protective tar iff prices—are defective, and are con tinually breaking, thus causing rni’ road wrecks, and daily and honrb endangering the lives of thousands of people; and he is told by the rail roads that the tariff protected steel trust monopoly turns out these <le WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN. fective rails so as to save money— the money going to pay dividends on hundreds of millions of watered stock. But no one in authority has even suggested that the steel trust rail makers are criminally respon sible. The government itself tells him the railroads, congressmen, senators, and men of large wealth have con spired to defraud the people of thou sands of acres of valuable mining and timber lands, but he sees one of these very senators at the head of the pros ecution of the mine union leaders of Colorado. He sees corporation lawyers ap pointed to federal judgeships. He sees corporation lawyers in the fed eral cabinet. He sees cabinet offi cers go direct from the administra tion to become intimately associated with Wall street leaders of “high finance.” He has been given ample evidence that even the United States Senate, the highest law making body of th? nation —and the body that confirms the appointments of all federal judges—is controlled, when necessary, by senators elected to represent rail roads, trusts, tariff beneficiaries, and other special privilege recipients. Then, too, he has learned that newspapers are selling their column even their editorial columns, to those w T ho fatten on special privileges, and who rob and oppress the people—• “lawfully.” Seeing and knowing these things, he feels that there is something rad ically wrong in the system of econ omy that brings forth, and in the government that permits, such an unjust and dangerous distribution of Berckmans* Trees NONE BETTER We offer an immense stock of Fruit and Shade Trees, Evergreen and Deciduous Shrubs, Conifers, ' Roses, Palms, etc. Our stock is free from disease or insects. Special Department for Landscape Work We are prepared to make surveys and plans for residential grounds, parks, cemeteries, mill and sub urban villages. Consult us and our experts will help you. Catalogue on application . P. J. Berckman Co. inc. FRUITLAND NURSERIES Drawer 1070 AUGUSTA, GA. Established 1856. We do not sell through agents- the profits of the products of labor. And he asks: Who has done most to breed a class spirit in this coun try? Who has done most to breed contempt for and defiance of law? Who is seeking to enforce the prin ciple that “vested interests” are su perior to human rights? If this country is drifting rapidly toward socialism as the only means to se cure “equal and exact justice to all, special privileges to none” —who is responsible for it? Again he asks: Is there no other punishment than fine—no adequate punishment—for the stock juggu the stock waterer, the trust highbind er, the trust fund speculator, ths criminally negligent trust manufac turer, the corrupter of the publie press, the briber of local, State and national legislatures, and the exploit er of special franchises granted for the public welfare? He asks, in conclusion: If there is not enough intelligence, moral cour age, honesty, manhood and patriot ism in the United States to put an end to special privileges, to corpo rate corruption and abuse of power, to plundering the people—no mat ter by what name it is called —and to make all men equal before the law, then is not socialism inevitable and preferable? Will the present current of reform cany the shop if state safely be tween the growing demands of or ganized labor for socialism, and the lawless rapacity of the privileged class, intrenched behind wealth and politics—until even the humblest citi zen can say with truth and with pride: All men are equal before the law?—Thornton West, in The Public. PAGE FIFTEEN