Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

PAGE TWELVE ON A TARE. (Continued from Page 9.) In Tompkins these 6 yards of bagging and 6 ties actually weighed 21 poiftids—at ten o’clock, of a Saturday morning, October 20, 1907. At least, that’s what a man told us over the ’Phone. Sober man —charakter, good middling. Now, the cost of the bagging and ties is sl.lO. In Tombkins, mind you. That’s what the man said over the ’Phone. All right—pow let’s figger. The farmer buys the bagging and ties at sl.lO and sells them as 21 pounds of cotton at, say, 12 cents per pound, or $2.52. Is that right? Well, it looks so, to us; but we are not swearing to anything. Apparently, the farmer has cleared one dol lar and forty-two cents on that bagging and those ties. So far, so good. But the farmer lost 30 pounds of cotton worth, at 12 cents per pound, $3.60. Is that right? Be keerful. Steady! Now—hie on! The farmer gained one dollar and forty two cents, but lost three dollars and sixty cents. If this doesn’t leave the farmer with a net loss of two dollars and » eighteen cents, then the Jeffersonian has gone crazy. We were afraid, all along, that these Dem ocratic editors would get us so mixed up that we shouldn’t be able to tell B from bull’s foot. And they’ve done it. P. S. The error in the calculation of our Texas friend consists in not counting,the whole 30 lbs. as a loss. He bases his figures on the assumption that the farmer gains the weight of the bagging and ties and does not lose them, at all. In fact, the farmer gains them by paying for them, but he loses them utterly, and without compensation in the 30 lbs. knocked off. •tn* Foolish. Why should the Atlanta Journal endorse /‘such a foolish thing” as the Credit Cur rency Plan of the National Bankers? Says the Journal: “It is believed that it will offer the safest and most elastic system that has yet been de vised.” It is believed—by whom? A more undem ocratic scheme of High Finance was never proposed. A more shameless piece of class legislation was never conceived. A completer trap, to catch the average business man in, was never built. It marks a most infeolent en- THE GORMAN INFAMY, AUGUST 28, 1894. “Much has been written of the ef fect of the tariff upo ntrusts. More fittingly might we write upon the ef fect of the trusts upon the tariff.” Never had the people spoken so emphatically and unanimously for tariff reduction as in 1890 and 1892. Grover Cleveland was elected and the republican majorities swept from both branches of congress. Prof. Wilson, who had charge of the tar iff revision, was wise but conserva tive; like a physician who believes inebriety can best be cured by slight ly diminishing the daily drink, he provided for slight reduction in du ties, such as could not unsettle es tablished industries. If his bill could have become law, and continued in force, it would have conserved un told millions in the hands of con- WATSON’S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN. croachment of favored corporations whose very existence is in defiance of the democratic principles of Jefferson and Jackson. It marks another step in the greedy usur pation of the Pet Banks, who demand the right to do what the Government alone should do. * It enlarges the baleful power of those gigan tic institutions to inflate and contract the cur rency at will, thus fixing and unfixing prices to suit themselves. Its sinister purpose is to throw the country on to a bank-paper basis, wherein nobody will know good money from bad. And the insatiable graspers who evolved this precious plan actually have the brazen impudence to demand, that in case they don’t pay those credit currency notes, the Govern ment shall take your gold out of the Treasury and use it to pay off the bad debts of the National ,Banker. And the Atlanta Journal declares that “it is believed” that this profligate plan to ex ploit both the people and the Government is “the safest and most elastic system that has yet been devised.” Does the Journal believe it? Let the Jour nal come out, fairly and squarely. Let us taboo the side-step. KUH Editorial Notes. e The Tallahassee Sun, one of the best weekly papers in America, appeals to Gov. Broward to call an extra session. The Sun mentions quite a lot of things that need to be done, right away. The catalogue bears a striking resemblance to the inventory of the things which we Georgians thought we wanted, last summer. Don’t want ’em now, though. The Atlanta Journal —which has been to Europe—tells us that an Extra-session would be “foolish”; and that settles our hash. John Spooner was the Senator who shame lessly represented the Corporations in the U. S. Senate. He is now representing them in the Federal Courts of Georgia, asking that the Governor be enjoined from acting as Gov ernor. The Yankee corporations that are bleed ing the Southern people, are trying to nullify our statutes as they have nullified our Consti tution. They are asking a Federal Court Judge to say that a Governor can’t be Governor, un less he says so. They are asking the Federal < Judge to say that a State shall not exercise State functions, unless he says it may. , Beware John Spooner! You are sowing the wind—take heed lest your greedy, lawless, heartless Yankee Cor porations reap the whirl-wind! What do the Wall Street Corporations im agine will be the state of Public Opinion if they keep up this defiant and insolent fight sumers and producers instead of piling their earnings in the coffers of multi-millionaires. But such was not to be its fate. The cormorants of the senate swept down upon it and plucked from it its every provision for the relief of the people. Every protected interest log-rolled with the others to protect its plunder. Pres ident Cleveland refused to sign it but allowed it to become law because it was by a shaving less bad than the McKinley tariff. It is remembered principally for its sugar* and free wool clauses. The wool industry. had become terribly depressed (wool brought but 20 cents in Boston) under the McKinley and preceding tariffs. (See table of pricee, p. 225.) This tariff was in force too short a time to have any effect whatever on the price of wool but ignorant men were made to be- lieve they had had four years of free trade from the day of Cleveland’s election. Manufacturers of woolens and stu dents of statistics agree in the belief that if the kinds of woo! needed to mix with ours could be imported free ly, manufacturers of choice woolens 'Would establish themselves in this count) v (many -did plan to do so when it was expected the Mills bill would become law) and the demand for American wools and their prices would b? greatly increased. This of course takes time, hut before this tariff went into effect it was known that the next congress would repeal it, so any virtues it may have had were of no effect. The sugar clause is fully discussed in Part V of this work under tiie Sugar Trust. » Much was In aid in 1892, 1893 and against the states, against the law, against the common people? Have these men allowed their infernal greed to blind them to the furious passions which they are arousing? Doesn’t every man who keeps posted know that the railroads are mak ing more money than ever before? Doesn’t every man of common sense know that these Confiscatory Pleas are mere protests against public regulation of public utilities? The arrogant, despotic Wall Street Kings resent the idea that such a puny thing as a State should dare to interfere with their con trol of their roads. That’s why they fight. n Underneath everything else that is where the issue is joined in a fight to the death. We, the people, are determined to make these Wall Street Magnates understand that the railroads are our public roads, and that they shall be operated partly for our benefit according to the law of Franchise duties.- On the other hand, the Wall Street Kings are inspired by the old Vanderbilt spirit of “the Public be damned,” and they don’t intend to submit to any real state control. That’s what the fight is about. H Before a Republican Judge, John Spooner, the great Republican lawyer, who has been employed by the three Republicans, Morgan, Hanson and Scott, who—through Hamp Mc- Whorter —have been bossing the state of Geor gia, is contending for an order against the Governor which would, in effect, put a great Sovereign State at the mercy of any foreign Corporation. Governors could not move a hand, Legislatures could not pass a valid stat ute, without running the risk of being enjoin ed, halted, made powerless, rendered ridicu lous, by any little one-horse corporation that didn’t happen to approve of our state govern ment. Wouldn’t it be strange if these federal Re publicans could go “marching through Geor gia” at that high-stepping gait? •t Every state in the Union should be study ing the situation in Georgia and Alabama. The Wall Street marauders mean to use the Federal Judges to prevent public control of public utilities. That’s the issue. Get ready to meet it. n n n Honor Foil. • A few of the true and earnest friends who help the two Jeffersonians: T. J. Ricketts, Maxwell, Ga. Dr. J. T. Dickey, Sycamore, Ga. S. B. Hunt, Powder Springs, Ga. R. L. Durham, Farmington, Ga. J. F. Durrett, Temple, Ga. C. G. Woodall, Sandersville, Ga. W. F. Dunahoo, Winder, Ga. 1891 of the “threat of free trade.” Now free trade can offer no possible threat except to those exacting extor tion. But it is certain if you prom ise 70,000.000 people that they may next year buy more cheaply, it does tend to lessen present purchases. It may be true that a patient’s fever is increased by his anxiety for his physician to arrive. But it could hardly be an argument against the practice of that school of physicians, unless it is the practice to be late in arriving. The enormous rates of the McKinley tariff and the promise of lowdl* prices soon brought business to a standstill. We did little but wear out our old clothes, carpets, fur niture and implements. The lower rates on imported raw materials might have encouraged manufacturers but they knew the rates were to be repealed before a single factory could