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PAGE FOURTEEN BISTORT OF PROTECTION. (Continued from Page 3.) to mean revenues should be reduced by so enormously increasing the du ties that competing products could not come here at all. Such was the interpretation by the committee and by congress of the Republican victory of 1888. Remember this was a minor ity victory achieved against the voice of the people by a base gerrymander only. The people had asked for bread they were given a stone, and a red hot one. They dropped it with a shout. One hundred congressmen who had voted for the bill were defeat ed for re-election, McKinley himself among them. The census of 1890 was taken that year. Its conclusions were not be fore them, but there were careful sta tistical estimates and, as assumed statesmen, they should have known the condition of their country. When published it showed that in ten years the manufacturers had not only made an annual profit of 21 per cent to 36 per cent, but had increased their cap ital by 141 per cent and by virtue (or vice) of the tariff were able to report their product as $9,370£L07,- 624. Half the people of America were still upon farms. More than half the remainder were directly dependent upon the farmer; there is never a dol lar comes to their counties except from farmers’ products sent out. The total product of farms, “sold, con sumed or on hand,” was but $2,430,- 397,454. Not enough in total to pay the men on the farms but three-fifths of average wages paid to shop hands, with no interest on their investment. Now can any one attempt to tell how these farmers and their depend ants, carpenters, blacksmiths, teach ers and professional men are to buy their three-fourths of 9 billions of manufactures 1 The only possible direct effect of a higher tariff was to stop incoming for eign goods (reducing revenue) and by the same amount stopping sale of farm products abroad and to enable manufacturers to combine and de mand higher prices and —wait. All this they did. None could buy—fac tories were idle; men were idle; merchants were idle; railroads idle; farmers despondent. If they hired, crops would not pay hands. President Harrison swung his far famed hat and shouted himself hoarse, “Wait I Wait!! Wait!!! Give the McKinley tariff a chance,” Cleveland was again elected with nominally a Democratic house and senate and on November 7 the press of the country, owned by protected monopolists, began to shout, “All this depression is due to Democratic free trade.” Harrison remained presi dent until March without revenue to run the government. (Yes, McKin ley reduced the revenue.) Harrison and his secretary had the plates en graved tor new bonds to borrow money “in time of peace.” By a questionable borrowing, from other funds he pulled through till March 4, and left Cleveland the odium of issuing bonds to supply expenses of government under the McKinley tar iff. “Wait!” said Harrison. We waited. On March 4, 1893, Grover Cleveland raised his hand and swore to support the laws upon the statute book. He did. In natural course con gress would not convene for more Ilian a year after the election. .No WATSON’S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN. tariff legislation could be enacted un •suooifßJLp pun ;ooj 'esroq ‘pernor wm ‘d ’0 D 8681 ni pay -pip til months later in 1894. But everv protection paper in the land ranted, “We are under free trade now. How do you like it?” We meet men on every street cor ner to this day who say, “We had free trade under Cleveland in 1893. How did you like it?” Thousands have repeated this until they believe it. Half of the Democrats even will shake their heads and say, We did have pretty tough times under that gold-bug’s rule. They forget to add it was while under his oath to en force the McKinley tariff. We have suffered from war and pestilence, from drouths and holocausts, from in temperence and turpitude, panics from lack of money and from worth less money, but never, nevei’ did wrong headed legislation cause such distress, desolation and despair as was caused by the McKinley tariff. All in time of peace and when all forces of civilization, of nature, and of art were conspiring to add to our wealth which a few millionaire mo nopolists said we should not enjoy; and rather than see us possess it they conspired that we should not pioduce it. Do you doubt if capitalists would conspire to reduce the production of capital for a time? Think of what they had at stake. If they could dis credit Democracy and tariff reform a Dingley tariff might follow with all the opportunities it would offer them to absorb the wealth of the world. — From “Farmer’s Tariff Manual,” by Daniel Strange. Brother Jeffersonian. Get up a Club and send it in at once. THE WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN ATLANTA, GEORGIA Editors Weekly Jeffersonian: Please send send your paper to the following names and addresses as indicated: NAMES POST OFFICE STATE R. F. D. TIME AMOUNT . * » * ••••••••••••••••••«•••••••« »a«aa ••••••«•» a»aaaaa aaa a a »»» - aaaaaaaa aa aaaaa a aeaaaaaaaaaa t” aaaaaaaaaaaaa.a.... —.. • •••• ••■•••••••••••••••aaaaaa •••••••a ••««««••««•••«■«••••••« a ••••••aaaa«aaaa«»eaea^» 4 — - ..... “•••••••••••♦•••••••••• •••••••••••••••♦•••••a»»»«aaaa»aa»aaaa»»aaa»a aaaaa•••<••••••••••>««••aaaaaaaa»aaaea«a aa al Amount of Subscriptions Dollars Name of Agent P Ost Office ...» ............. .... .................. * ...a..... Kindly Address Your Letters to the Paper, not to Individual/. This will Insure You Prompt Service. N Write Name and Address Plainly. * « KEEP HER OUT. Emma Goldman, whose hate for the United States is professedly as high as the sky, and as broad as the ocean, will not be able to get back to this country, it seems, unless present plans and determination are chained. She has been permitted to go where she pleased heretofore, notwithstanding her admittedly dangerous intellectual qualities and her vicious and bloody advice to the deluded ones who follow her teachings; but now that she is out of the country, she may not be permitted to return. Every half-way decent American must hope in his or her heart that this is true, and that the government is prepared to stand firm, and with legal right, upon its decision. That she was at least indirectly responsible for the fanatical act of Czolgosz is hardly to be doubted. Whether she was or not, however, she has traveled this coun try around ,glorifying that cruel and inhuman deed, and holding its per petrator up before her dull-witted The $2.00 Offer was never Intended as an agent proposition on which commissions could be charged. The purpose of the offer was to encourage the voluntary subscriber to subscribe to both Jeffersonians at the same time. From this date the $2.00 price for both Jeffersonians will be for the voluntary subscriber. In other words it is a net price. No com missions at all can be paid on that price for both Jeffersonians. October 9, 1907. and generally vicious audiences as a martyr. She is a dangerous—an extremely dangerous—woman. She has the fire of a great orator, the skill of a prac ticed demagogue, the love of noto riety fully developed, and the deter mination of a crafty and powerful leader. She is not wanted in this land; it is no place for her. What she has done can not be recalled. But she can be prevented from doing further damage—and it is our hope that she xsill be. Keep her out!— Washington Herald. Nothing jars a man more than to get the mitten from his lady love aft er he has busted several pairs of suspenders while stooping to tie her shoe laces. “The Hughes boom is almost strong enough to stand alone,” says the Florida Times-Union. In fact, it seems strong enough to stand the indorsement of men whose support would queer anything else.