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CHICKAMAUGA—THE OPENING.
Within an elbow formed by the
sweep of a broad river, and nearly
closed in by a range of hills trend
ing toward Georgia on the west side,
and by a mountain ridge stretching
laterally toward the east, stands a
city whose name is historically asso
ciated with some of the most stirring
events of the war of the rebellion.
Tb.at city is Chattanooga, the river
is the beautiful Tennessee, the moun
tain in the west is the Lookout, and
the spur locking eastward is Mission
ary Ridge.
Between the mountains a valley
opens southward toward the battle
field of Chickamauga, the scene of a
brilliant but fruitless Confederate vic
tory. In the latter part of August,
in the year 1863, a column of Con
federate cavalry was winding its
course toward this city of Chattanoo
ga. The dust-covered soldiers were
East Tennesseeans, singing, whistling,
jesting, and apparently happy in do
ing, regardless of the outcome, just
what they were ordered to do. The
writer was a rider in this column of
troopers, and purposes to re-collect
and jot down the confused events of
the period, as nearly in their proper
sequence as possible, from a memory
whose tablet is much blurred, where
weeks are condensed into days, and
dates mingled together beyond the
hope of good repair. To do this he
has in fancy set the column in motion
on the highway, halted it near what
seemed to be a court-house, and in the
exercise of his office as adjutant,
made an immediate detail —for what?
These rough-looking horse soldiers,
with their long Enfields resting on the
saddle before them, knew what it
meant, and for the moment had no
desire to jest or shout. Every man
of the dismounted picket detail, as he
filed into Ihe trench by the riverside,
knew what it meant; and the silent
soldiers resting near the old court
house, looking at the relieved infant
ry, as wit hsteady tramp it moved
through the darkness (up the main
street and out of town), knew that
the Confederate army was evacuating
the gate city of the South, and that
their Tennessee homes were held for
the Confederacy only by a cordon of
calvary, acting as infantry, to conceal
the retreat of the main army.
This is what every soldier in the
ranks could but sea; but history
says that a stunning Confederate vic
tory was necessary to give the West
ern army that prestige of success that
rendered the army of Lee well-nigh
invincible, and that Longstreet’s
corps was railroaded to Chickamauga
to insure this result; but the truth is
that the Tennessee river had been
pontooned above Caperton’• Ferry
on the 27th of August, and that Da
via’s, Johnson’s, and Negley’s divi
sions, of Thomas’s corps, were sever
al days on their southward march be
fore General Bragg—as was the us
ual practice—was outgeneraled. This
doubtless accelerated the the retro
grade movement of the Confederates,
though it may not have caused a
change of plan. Like the boy who
stops back to get in a telling blow, it
if mM that Benwal Bragg retreated
from a strong city in order to strike
his antagonist such a blow as would
send him across the Tennessee River,
and he would regain the lost city. In
other words, he left Chattanooga that
he might fight for the same prize.
Both armies raced southward, and
Rucker’s Legion, of Pegram’s Divi
sion, and Waldron’s Tennessee Bat
talion, held the line of breastworks on
the mountain and by the liver.
Rucker’s Legion, consisting of the
twelfth and sixteenth Tennessee bat
talions, was the writer’s command.
He well remembers when the last
Confederate soldier passed through
the town, and vividly calls to mind
the consternation of the Southern
citizens when they were told that the
“Yankees” would be there in a few
minutes; but he fails to marshal in
mind the events of the retreat in the
order of their sequence. He remem
bers when his brigade (Pegram’s)
encountered the forces of General
Wilder, near Leed’s Tan-yard. This
was a spirited affair of several hours'
duration, and it closed by the with
drawal of Pegram into camp about a
half mile distant, and the resumption
by Wilder of his march on the road*
he was traveling when Pegram
struck him. In military parlance, the
Federal General met the Confederate
General Pegram, pushed him aside,
and continued his march.
On the eighteenth of September,
General Forrest received orders to de
velop the enemy as soon as possible
the next morning, and Pegram was
selected to do the developing with all
his division (haring that morning
taken charge of the division, his bri
gade being assigned to General H.
B. Davidson) except Rucker’s Legion.
Dismounting his men, Pegram vigor
ously charged the enemy’s skirmish
ers, and, driving them back, discov
ered a large Federal force overlap
ping his right. Rucker (mounted)
was ordered to charge these, which
was gallantly done, with considerable
loss, yet resulting in the capture of
some prisoners.
The next event called up in mind
is that which occurred as the column,
moving by “twos,” right in front,
was making toward the exposed point.
Just then a sweeping discharge of bul
lets came, in the nature of a momen
tary surprise, when General Forrest
himself, in a stentorian voice, gave
the order to dismount, and, unsheath
ing his sword, shouted, “Forward!”
Then, with him in ths lead, on horse
back, the men double-quicked in the
direction of the firing, and fought
long and determinedly, like Indians,
moving forward from tree to tree,
while all wondered why the infantry
•o long delayed in coming to the sup
port of the dismounted men. This
event is distinct in memory, because
practically it was the opening of the
bloody battle of Chickamauga, and
because the writer, who that day
served on General Davidson’s staff,
saw the greatest cavalry commander
of the Confederacy in his element,
looking the warrior in love with his
work, and his keen eye—in the lan
guage of an artist to whom ths Gen
eral afterward sat for his portrait—
“so bright that its flashes wars like
WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN.
the scintillations of an electric light. ’ ’
An incident of the battle illus
trates Forrest’s method, or rather lack
of method, and, in order of recollec
tions, fits right here: General David
son sent the writer with a message
to General Forrest, urging the im
portance of an immediate answer.
The General was found, the message
delivered, and the answer was: “You
go right over there, tell the holders
to hold ten or twelve horses, and fetch
the balance right here.” Doubtless
General Forrest was an uneducated
man, and his vocabulary of language
was limited, but the use of the word
fetch, spoken as it was then, struck
the writer with a force of meaning
as never before or since. It did not
mean “order them up here,” but
“get them and come back with
them.” That order was quickly
obeyed, and the ex-holders rejoined
their comrades at the front.
The infantry at last arrived, and
Forrest’s men moved around to the
flank. A charge through a ravine,
across an open field, in the face of
a sharp fire of musketry, and the seiz
ure of a ridge, which was swept by
the small shot of the enemy, making
it necessary for the men to take an
other shelter behind the trees —the
view of a trailing line of infantry
moving to the front —are all remem
bered. The victory is not forgotten,
the rout of the enemy is remembered,
and the anticipation of a triumphal
re-entry into Chattanooga is fresh in
mind.
The next day the column (mounted)
heads for Chattanooga, but veers
around to the right, and after a long
ride the command is halted on the
Tennessee a few miles eastward. Chat
tanooga, the gateway of the South,
is lost to the Confederacy, though a
well-earned Confederate victory has
been won.
M. MARRINER.
HISTORY OF PROTECTION.
(McKinley Tariff.)
In 1846 our tariff was revised by
statesmen in the interest of the peo
ple. They found manufacturers*
profits were 20 to 30 per cent while
agriculture yielded but one to eight
per cent. They abolished thia unfair
ness, greatly to ths advantage of all
concerned, and after twelve years of
mild tariff manufacturers as well as
all others were satisfied with the low
tariff and wealth had multiplied as
never before and, best of all, it re
mained with the people who were
thus able to become liberal purchas
ers.
When in 1890 tariff revision was
entrusted to McKinley and J. C.
Burrows the statistics of the last
United States census then available
told them the following facts: The
capital invested in agriculture was
4 1-2 times greater than that in man
ufactures. The men employed upon
farms were nearly three times more
than the men, women and children in
manufactures. (By fair count of all
hands more than three to one J The
manufacturers’ product was $5,369,-
579,191 and after paying for mate
rial, labor, salaries, ete., their annual
preflt was shown to be 36 8-4 per cent.
By the same census, 1880, the entire
product of farms “sold, con
sumed or on hand,” was not suffi
cient to pay the men the average
wages in factories by $455,929,000
and yielded no per cent of profit what
ever.
Had there been' a statesman upon
the committee he would of course
have said, reduce the profits of the
1 manufacturers until it will be possi
ble for men to buy; then manufac
turers will make more goods and em
ploy more laborers who then can buy
more of all products.
It is not recorded that McKinley
or Mr. Burrows had ever made scien
tific study of any economite question.
Through all the controversy over the
money question during 1893, ’4, *5,
and half of 1896 neither of them
knew whether he favored the free
coinage of silver until the St. Louie
platform of 1896 told them which
way to shout
Mr. McKinley was a young lawyer
of fine presence and some eloquence.
He allied himself with the Republi
can party as the party of enterprise.
It never seemed to occur to him that
the party of enterprise had secured
control of the party to advance their
own fortunes at the expense of the
public. The manufacturei’s of his dis
trict elected him to congress and ho
remained faithful to their interests.
It is matter of record that many of
the schedules are in the exact phras
eology as prepared by the manufac
turers. Like the horse leach their
cry was give, give, give; and the com
mittee gave, never once thinking of
the people whose money they gave.
lake notice that up to this time the
people had never once voted for in
creased duties. The first high tariff,
1828, as we have seen, was desired by
no one but was planned by low tariff
men to punish New England.
Reduction was demanded by the
people and the sliding reduction wag
satisfactory for nine years.
In 1840 they voted for an Indian
fighter and for hard cider. They got
an unexpected increase of tariff rates
against which they protested violent
ly and secured the reduction of 1846
followed by a unanimous further re
duction in 1857.
Those of us who recall the cam
paign of 1860 remember never a word
said of tariff outside of Pennsylvania.
The people voted lor non-extencion
of slavery and inevitable war tariffs
followed. The people patiently bore
the burden to procscute the war and
to pay the national debt. There was
never a demand for an increase cave
by the few wishing to profit thereby at
the expense of the people. Republican
presidents, congressional committees,
special committees all agreed there
should be reduction of at least 20 per
cent. In 1888 there was unanimous
cry, Yea, yes, that is so; but, Republi
cans added, it should be done by us,
by “its friends.” Ninety-nine per
cent of those who voted the Republi
can ticket did it with the understand
ing they were voting to “reduce the
revenue. ’ * Indeed that wm part of the
title of the McKinley Bill and yet the
McKinley committee interpreted thia
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