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k'OK Tltfc UKOHG.A CITIZEN. To an “Original Kaunas Man.” No. 1. Mr. Editor : —1 propose to show tlmt an “Original Kansas Man,” of the Au giHta Constitiltionali ; t, has not fairly an<l candidly stated the right of suffrage and the power of the Territorial Legis. lature over the subject of slavery, in the Utah and New Mexico and Kansas Bill. His expose of the power of the people, and the Legislatures of the Territories as above named, is not correctly made and shown. His comment on the right of suffrage in the bills named, is also incorrect in statement and conclusion, and 1 think unbecoming even a defender of alien suffrage in the Territories. What difference of opinion ex sted in the minds of statesmen, at and after the acquisition of Territory in on the subject of slavery in the Territories >— Prior to 1850, the North almost to a inan, with Mr. Buchannan at their head, h-ld to the doctrine that Congress had ex clusive and sovereign power over the sub ject of slavery in the Territories. Gen. Cas dissented from this doctrine, and the North, with Gen Cass at their head and in the lead in 1848, abandoned the Wilmot Proviso for the more sure, sub tle, ruinous and satanic doctrine of popu lar or Squatter Sovereignty. Mr. Cass insists that it is both an inherent and de legated power. lie argues that the peo ple and the Legislature of the Territo ries have the power, audit ought to be de legated whenever you give them Terri torial Governments. The Wilmot Pro viso being abandoned by the North, the question very naturally arises, how shall the Territories be governed? All agreed that Congress had the right to make all needful rules to regulate the Territories. How shall government for the Territo ries be formed ! Shall it be upon the equal and Republican idea of the States men of 1812, and 1830, or should it be upon the unequal and anti-Republicun idea of Gen. Cass, and Douglas, “ that the people and Legislature of the. Territories might exclude slavery while in a Territo rial condition I Mr. Cilhoun, Berrien, and the South insisted and voted against the doctrine o ’ Cass and Douglas in 1848, ’SO ana .851. Mr. Cass’ doc trine was termed the Northern doctrine of non-intervention. The Doctrine of Calhoun was, that the people of the Ter ritories could not legislate on the sub ject of slavery while in a Territorial con dition, neither could Congress in framing a Territorial bill permit or delegate the power to the Legislature of the Territo ry. Mr. Calhoun’s doctrine was termed the Southern and Constitutional doctrine of non-intervention, for it was supported by Clay, Webster and Clayton of Dela ware. Gen. Cass urged the doctrine that the pe /pie of the Territory, before they form'd a Constitution could exclude sla very. Mr. Calhoun held the converse of that doctrine, and that was, that they could not exclude slavery until they came to form their Constitution and apply for admission as a State, then they could, and Congress was bound to receive them with or without slavery. Out of this state of things, grew the legislation of 1850, and in ‘hat legislation the doc trine of Calhoun was secured. The coun try was quiet and remained so from 1851 up to the 20th day of January, 1854, when Douglas introduced and substitut ed a bill for Gen. Dodge’s, which had been introduced on the 14th day of De cember 1853, and had by the unanimous consent of the Senate passed a second reading. That bill, as to slavery in the Territories, was, in letter and spirit like the New Mexico bill. Mr. Douglas’ bill embraced and embodied the idea that the people of the Territory should be left perfectly free to regulate slavery in their own way. That was the doctrine of Gen. Cass’ Nicholson letter, in 1848, and for that, Stephens, Toombs, nnd even the Georgia Telegraph denounced Gen. Cass in 1848. I think Mr. A. 11. Stephens, in 1855, made a speech at Griffin, and in that speech he denied that the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty was in the Kansas bill, and said he was w illing to trust the rights ot the South in the. hands of Mike Wahh of New York. Let us see why Mr. Walsh voted for the Kansas bill.— He shall speak for himself: “1 stand sir, now, where I stood in 1848, when I tra versed every county of my Stute, and other States too, to sustain what ? the principle of self-government, as set forth in the Nicholson Letter. — Page 1231, of the 28th vol. part 2, of the Congress. Globe for 1853 and 1854, It seems that Mr. Stephens and his friend Mike Walsh, do not construe the Kansas bill alike. As they differed so widely in 1848, how is it they act togetln *r now, nnd differ to much, and so wide ly as to the construction of the Kansas ’ bill. Stephens in 1848 said Squatter Sovereignty was in Gen. Cass’ Nicholson letter, and opposed him for the Presiden cy. Mike Walsh too, said Squatter So vereignty was in the Nicholson letter, and for that reason ho supported Gen. Cass in 1848 for the Presidency, and for that same reason, he voted for the Kansas bill. How is it, Mr. Stephens, you and Mr. Walsh agree to support the Kansas bill, and differ so w idely as to its con struction 1 I deemed it necessary, Mr. Editor, to state distinctly the doctrines of non-in tervention as held by the North and South, ere 1 proceeded to show the wide difference between the legislation of 1850, 1851 and 1854. 1 will resume the sub ject, daily, until my promise is redeemed. LOWNDES. From the Chronicle & Sentinel. Letter from lion It. H. Hill. Americcs, Sept. 19, 1857. Dear Sir : Your kind letter of the lGth was handed to me to-day at Oglethorpe.— You say the Democrats are now,as heretofore, circulating every species of falsehood against me, and you call my attention to one, viz : ‘‘That my name was prominent before the Convention that nominated Warner for Con gress, and my failing to get said nomination, quit the Democratic party,” &c. The charge is in every particular an unconditional false hood, either as to that or aDy other year.— The same charge was whispered in 1850, and was intimated in an article over an anonymous signature in the Independent Blade of that year. I then wrote a letter giving it the most direct and palpable con tradiction. The letter was published in the Blade of that year, and was directed to R. VV. Simms, Esq. Like many things now •<aid about me, it is a most miserable false hood, without eveua foundation in any sense to sustain it. I have also this day received some other documents , to which I deetn it proper to de vote a little attention. The first in order is the letter of Judge Brown, dated September 14th, and directed to one W. H. Burton. It pretends to have been written to correct some misrepresentations, which he seems to have been informed I had made, of his posi tion in reference to the sale of the State Road, in Carroll county, &c. What the mis representation was, he does not state in his letter, and the letter of Mr. Burton is not published in the paper I received. I made no misrepresentation of his position on tYat subject All 1 did say was true andean he proven, every word of it ! As far as his let ter goes it confirms all I said. He has no distinct position on the subject He says what the people can do—what they have a right to do, and if the Road shall be sold, and in a way to suit him, he says what might be done with the money, but all his arguments are directed against a sale. I did tell the people atßowdou, that iu the dis cussion at either at Athens or Lexington, the Judge did say, that unless his conditions were complied with iu the bill for the sale, he would veto it, and the very contingency as to the appropriation of the money, which I mentioned at Bowden, as stated by him as a ground for his veto, he did state, and the same idea is cautiously covered up in his let ter in the clause which talks about the Om nibus biU, <fcc. I have distinctly said on sev eral occasions, that Judge Brown would not -ay what, in his opinion, ought to be done with the Road ! Has he said it ? Every >ody knows what the people have a right to 10, but how can any man say in voting for him, he is expressing his opinion through the ballot-box, as to what ought to be done. His confidence in the intelligence of the people induces him to believe that they are competent to decide for themselves whether or not they will sell the Road, but that con fidence does not induce him to believe they are competent to take care of the money, and the whole of it might be wasted by a single Legislature ! “No bill for the sale of the Road can orig inate witli the Governor,” but the candidate for Governor can tell how the bill must he framed to receive his sanction. And one of the details of his bill requires, according to him, “an additional section to the Constitu tion,” which will require a two-thirds vote of two successive Legislatures, which cannot be secured during one Gubernatorial term, and cannot, therefore, be accomplished during one Administration. Ii the Constitution then be altered, and if the Road be sold, and if he shall be satisfied with the details, and if the funds is placed ■‘beyond the power of the Legislature to reach it,” then the proceeds could be secured —lst, to the payment of the debt of the State ; 2d, for the education of tlie children of the State. Rather a bad chance for the children, I should say. The Road is worth, say what it cost, $0,000,000, set apart two j or three millions for an educational fund, and * then the remainder (?) might be invested in J good stocks, or it might be used in lending j aid to the construction of other Roads. Ate., or it might he otherwise disposed of, as pru dence and wisdom might dictate for the ben- j efit of the people. What an explicit plan of j Statesmanship! Barumn once exhibited a thing which j some people said might be a fish, or it might be a man, or i t might be something else / I believe it actually turned out to be a hum buy / I have seen what purports to be speeches of Judge Brown delivered at Canton and Rome. 1 hope he has been misrepresented, for they abound in misrepresentations of both principles and fads. It would require too much space to point outall —I will men tion a few. He is reported to have said at Canton : j 1. “He was glad the American party had abandoned that part of their creed which proscribed the Catholic on account of his re- j ligion, and had, in their late platform in Mit ledyeviUe, deuonticed as unlit for office all persons who deny the great American doc trine of liberty of conscience ill matters of religion.” Here are two mistatements : Ist, the implied charge, that the American party ever proscribed anybody for their religion ; and 2nd, the iuliumtiou that tlfte doctrine was not abandoned until the late platform in Milledgeville, when the very sentiment which he quotes was distinctly set forth in tlie plat form of 1855, and re-aflirined in every plat form since ! 2. Someone is reported to have said, that I stated in my speech at Canton on the Ist day of September, that the alien suffrage clause had beeu stricken out of the Kansas bill in the Senate of the United States be fore the vote of the Legislature approving the bill on the 17th of February, 1854. What I said in Canton, was that this clause was stricken out before the bill passed the Ur ate, and mainly by a Southern vote, and was put back by a Northern man in the House, <sic. The substance of what I said is con tained in my letter of the 14th August, which, I presume, Judge Brown had read be fore he expressed his wonderful “ regret ” at Canton. 3. But this man, after expressing his “re gret'’ at what he pretended was want of truth in me, goes right on to make this won derful statement :J‘Mr. Hill and others had preached it all over Georgia, that there was squatter sovereignty in the bill. The Su preme Court of the United States said there is no such thing. Which should the people believe, Mr. Hill or the Supreme Court of the United States ?” Now I say distinctly, that the Supreme Court has said no such thing as is here represented. It is totally untrue. The Supreme Court has not said what is or is not in the Kansas bill. The Supreme Court lias decided that the Missou ri Compromise was unconstitutional. Did it therefore, decide that the act was never pass ed ? The Court has also decided that Con gress could not delegate to its agent, the Ter ritorial Legislature, a power which Congress itself did not possess, but it has not decided that the power was not attempted to be con veyed tK the (imwaUt Wbao-Ue- SAv, preme Court decided that neither CongrEv.V nor the Territorial Legislature could exclude slavery, it decided precisely what was pre viously declared in the American platform as far back as December, 1855, and therefore tlie Supreme Court instead of contradicting, absolutely affirmed what Mr. Hill and otli-t ershad said. It is due to Judge Brown to say, he did not originate the mistatemeU but borrowed it, and repeated it with toe American platform, proving his_ statement untrue, pasted in his book. In the speech at Rome, Judge Brown is reported to have said : “Hill has been asked on the stump, time and again, if he should be elected Governor of Georgia, would he, in case that Kansas should apply to Con gress with a pro-slavery Constitution for ad mission into the Union as a State—call a Convention to consider the mode and meas ure of redress. He refused to answer. He was asked this question three several times in one day at Carrollton, but failed to an swer. He has not answered since , though of ten requested to do so.” Now, when the reader remembers the 6th resolution of the Troup meeting, reported by me, before I was even nominated, nnd when he can he informed by thousands of hearers that I have often announced my views in the most decide and manner on this point, and without even waiting to be ask ed, he will know how to weigh his state ment. The Judge has the Troup resolution pasted in his book, and certainly knows my views, anil that the perversion about the Car rollton meeting has long since been correct ed. When he knows my position — lib i printed and in his possession—am I bound to answer every demagogue who ehoosg|jn a conclusion to ask a question, the to which he already knows? He is further reported to have said mat he told me “I was welcome at all hil ap pointments.” 1 hepe he was misrepresented in this, for it is the very contrary of the truth. That welcome was what I insisted on, but could not get. Had it been granted I should have made no appointments, but adopted his. He said I should be welcome “when invited,” and did promise to invite me, but has never invited me to any except such as conflicted with my other published appointments, previously made, and to which he had been invited as mutual appointments. He says he has attended two of my appoint ments, and that I have failed to pay them back. When the whole country knows I have attended three of his meetings—that lie claimed and had the conclusion at ail his meetings —that I alternated with him at mine—that I told him before the crowd at Franklin, if he would go with me, rather than fail, I would give him the conclusion twice to my once —and afterwards, publicly authorized his friends to say to him if lie would come to my appointments, which had been made long before he made his, If would give him the conclusion every time I I am willing even row to re-arrange our appointments, consider them mutual, and give him the conclusion every time I Hi has requested me, he says, to consider his appointments mutual, but always, except cure, when I was one hundred miles off till ing appointments which he had previously hei n requested to consider mutual. Ihe dutrs and places will show 1 am right. 1 am urgently invited now to meet Messrs. Tooti.bg and Bailey and Brown, at Griffin, ■on the 2Gtb • and to do so I should have to abandon no less than five appointments, made four weeks ago, to-wit : at Troupville, Thomasville, Bainbrilge, Blakely and Cu'.h bert. These speeches abound with the most palpable perversions which 1 cannot notice. 1 will not stop to specify many other strange misrepresentations which have been report ed to me. One is about the law of climate in Kansas, upon which he has been correct ed several times by me, and when he after wards repeated it in LnGrange, he was pub licly called on for his proof. He. did not produce it. but I am informed lias again rc peated the charge. I hope lie has been misrepresented by his friends. I will add that the gentleman lias a writ ten proposition from me to canvass the State together, made as far back as July last. If he had accepted it, all these con temptible issues might have been avoided. I have just had the Atlanta Examiner of the 10th handed ine. It is full of the most contemptible falsehoods and perversions.— So far as the charge against Mr. Burnett is concerned, I will say the facts are precisely ,as I have stated them, and can be proven by Maj. A. F. Woolly, of Kingston. I gave the instance as an illustration. I hope Mr. Bur nett did not intend a wrong. Maj. Woolly said several times in his presence, however, the fare wassl. I hope he did not hear it. I told Maj. Woolly at the time, he first charg ed me 82, and then fell to $1,50, when I rold him lie must change 85 to get it. I had no friend travelling with me. Several passengers were on the cars. Maj. Woolly slated to me an instance which came under his own knowledge, of one of his neighbors with bis relative, being allowed to pass over the Road without charge, and the neighbor informed him that a certain conductor was in the iiabit of allowing him to do so. Mr. Stokes, of Aekworth, then told me ofseve rnl frauds committed on the Road, involving thousands of dollars, and gave me the names of parties and witnesses, and authorised me to make the statement. While I was men tioning some of these instances at Newnan, before a largo audience, Mr. Park Arnold ; statqh 1 q e f through J udge Goodwy n.) pub licly R fori ‘‘ ■/. >;*'• tit It sine tune’ Ui-i ■> ■- “they asked him if ho would not vote the democratic Ticket, (or be a Democrat,) if they would give him a free ticket on the Road?” These instances stirred up iuterest in the subject, and many more have bedn re l ported to me by as truthful gentlemen as ■ live in Georgia, not only atNewnan, but va rious other places—especially along and near the Road. One gentleman said tome, ; on the authority of a Democr'al whose word I could not doubt, that while on the Road , some short time since, he observed varied . persons on the cars with chalk marks on their hats, and on enquiring what it meant, he was , (old that those with that mark passed free.— I have received statements of a similar cliar • acter from many gentlemen as coming with i in their own knowledge, of “free rides,” and I know them to be gentlemen who would i not make a false statement for all the offices i on the Road. I have mentioned some of these instances on several occasions, giving the names of the witnesses. I remember saying at Griffin that I had been informed that a certificate was going to be gotten up about the over charge to myself, and there publicly stated the facts, and gave Maj. Woolly’s name and residence, and told them when they got up the certificate, and wanted the truth, to go to him. Tlie statement in the Examiner of the 19th, (I have not seen the paper of the 16th,) that “ it is undeniably true, that Mr. Hilt did charge in his speech at Griffin last Saturday, that it was well known lo be the fact, that conductors passed every man free on the Western & Atlantic Railroad, who displayed a cross mark on his hat,” is such a mean perversion as to amount to a downright falsehood. I have stated what I said in substance on several occasions, and, as I said it, it is true. I did slate oth er instances of losses and frauds as well known, and these have not been denied. I do not know with whom the blame lies, nor did I state; but the blame is in the concern somewhere. Now, I ask the people to note three or four things about these charges. 1. I have stated many instances of bad conduct in the management of this Road— some of them involving losse s of thousands of dollars. I have given the specifications and the instances. Thus far I have seen but two of the specifications attempted to be denied, and these two the most insignificant mentioned. 2. I have made these charges over nnd over again for nearly a month. No issue was attempted on anything I said until af ter I had left the upper part of the State, and when the election was close at hand. — When I reached South-western Georgia, where my published appointments show I must remain until the election, then all these miserable charges of falsehood, and con temptible appeals of demagogues to the poor, &0., are commenced. 3. The miserable active authors of these’ charges are either now feeding off the Ruud, or have fed off of it, and are now hanging round to ferd again. 1 know there are some clever, honest men on the Road Some of their names I have mentioned with credit. I have sin gled out no n an to abuse, but on the con trary have only been exposing the si/shin and prin t,'re, and its results in the want of profits from the Rond. I wish the people to distinctly understand, that every thing 1 hare slated 1 am prepared to prove as / stated it, and the slime of vampires can never de ter me from this duty. Many of my points are made from official reports on the Road, and all on authority; which such men as arc slandering me can never tarnish! So far from having arty disposition to injure Mr. Burnett personally, I did not even know him, and would not know him now. did not know how long he had been on the Road, but I stated the facts as they occurred, and they accord well with innu merable ones of a similar character which have been communicated to me by men of the very highest character for truth. 1 have not mentioned Mr. Burnett's name in any speech—as 1 was only after the sys tem, and I have no doubt his certificate was written by someone else more inter ested in the success of Judge Brown tfian Mr. Burnett himself. All these facts ought to convince the people that at least two-thirds of that road ought to be sold, and that the idea of wait ing to alter the Constitution to do it is a humbug. Instances of the loss of thousands of dollars are known, and ten years expe rience shows a history of losses and dis graces. As long as that road remains as it now does, a candidate for Governor is in this condition : lie must either keep silent and countenance the frauds on the road and thus do wrong, or he must speak out and then have his character assailed by fatten ing Editors and disgraced anonymous scrib lers, who are, or hare been, or hope to be cormorants on this public fuud. One of the persons connected with this slang against me, openly boasted in Atlanta that I would loose 3000 votes up and down the road, because of my decided position on the sub jectof itsdisposition; and a very contemptible anonymous scribler in the Examiner of the 19th, in a demagogue appeal to the “poor man” is boasting that “ there is not a res urrection of a hope of Hill” receiving a sin gle vote on the State road. I have deemed it my duty to declare ful ly in favor of reform on this great work. If it is not sold, it must be cleaned out. By “thlk'poStTlOn Hiavc inenrrod fclnw alaueleTS-of ! them who feed on the evils I would correct- My character cannot be seriously harmed by ■ such men. I scorn and defy them. I have done and shall continue to do my duty. If the people sustain me, well. If not the fault i is not mine, and I shall be satisfied. Yqiirs, very truly, B. H. Him.. Mr. J. L Fleming. To who! To who ! The following very clever dun was written by Percy Howe, editor of the “Pine Knott.” “’Twason a cold autumnal night, A dismal one to view, Dark clouds obscured fair Venus’ light, And not a star appeared in sight, As the thick forests through Muggins, as usual, ‘blue,’ Bent homeward, ‘tacking’ left and right; When all at once he ‘brought up’ right Against a.i old dead yew: At which he rounded to,’ And ‘squaring off,’ as if to fight, Said with an oath I shan't indite, ‘ Infernal scoundrel, you.’ Light—an’ I'll lick you, black or white.’ Just then above'him flew An owl, which on a branch did light, A few feet o’er the boozy wight, And then commenced, To who — To who — to who—to who I Quoth Muggins, ‘Don’t you think to fright A fellow of my weight and height With your to who, to who, You cursed bugaboo I An’ if you're Belzebub, its quite Onnecceesary you should light— For Muggins ai’nt your ‘due I’ For money matters are all right / The Printer s paid up—honor bright I’ Thereat the owl withdrew. And Muggins mizzled too. But there are other chaps who might Be caught out late some di§mal night, Who haven't paid what's due l They know— to who — to who !’ Atrocities ofthe Sepoys in India. We find in the English papers received by the last arrival, accounts of atrocities in India which seem almost incredible. From a letter from Bengalore we extract the following: We have had an awful time of it, I can as sure you, though we ourselves have been mer cifully kept from alarm and danger. No words can express the feeling of horror which pervades society in India, we hear so many private ac counts of the tragedy, which are too sickening to repeat. The cruelties oommitted by the wretches ex ceed all belief. They took forty eight females, most of them girls of from ten to fourteen, many delicately nurtured ladies—violated them, and kept them for the base purposes of the heads of the insurrection for a whole week. At the end of that time they made them strip themselves and gave them up to the lowest of the people, to abuse in broad daylight in the streets of Del hi. They then commenced the work of tortu ring them to death, cutting off their breasts, fin gers and noses, and leaving them to die. One lady was three days dying. They flayed the face of another lady, and made her walk naked through the street. Poor Mrs. , the wife of an officer mI the regiment, nt Meenit, was soon expecting her confinement. They vi olat'd her. then ripped her up. Mud taking the unborn child, eas it and hor into the Haiues. No European man, woman or child, has had the slightest mercy shown them. Ido not believe that the world ever witnessed more hellish tor ments than have been inflicted on our jooor lel low country-women. At Allahabad they have rivaled the atrocities of Delhi. I really cannot tell you the fearful cruelties these demons have been guilt}- of—cutting off the lingers and toes of little children joint by joint, in sight of their parents, who were reserved for similar treatment afterwards. American Ticket. FOR GOVERNOR. HON. BENJAMIN H. HILL. FOR CONGRESS. HI. Dlst—lion. F. S. IURTOW. 2nd. “ —Bon. 8. C. ELAM. 3rd. “—Hon. R. P. TRIPPE. 4(li “ -Hon M M TIDWELL Mil “ Hon. JOSHUA HILL Stli. “ —Hon. T. W HILLER. Bibb County American Ticket. FOR Tim SENATE, THOMAS P. STUBBS, ESQ. FOR THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, THOMAS HARDEMAN, Jr., DK. EDMUND FITZGERALD. GEORGIA CITIZEN. MACON.GA....SEPTEMBER 24, 1857. L. F. W. ANDREWS. Editor. Carriers Wanted. Wanted, next Monday, one or two active and intelligent boya, to serve city Subscribers with the Daily and Weekly Citizen, regularly, after the Ist of October. The situation will be a per manent one to a faithful youth, who can come jiroperly vouched for. More Waiting. The Columbus “Times & Sentinel” of yester day, has the following characteristic item on the subject ott-he a]ofthe St&te Road, “It will thus be seen that the issue on the State Road dwindles down to a mere question f time. The American party are in favor of an immediate sale; the Democratic party are in favor of a ‘masterly inactivity,’ ann will favor a sale at the proper time, if the road fails to pay interest on the investment. This is a question of dollars and cents and addresses itself to the pockets of the people.” A question of time as well as a question of dollars and cents, is it? Why, your candidate for Governor ignores the question in both pha ses. He is non-committal. In the name of common sense, neighbor, has not the road “fail ed to pay interest” up to this hour I No, we take that back ! It has paid interest at the rate of three quarters of one per cent, per annum, on the investment, and yet the Times says, wait, wait, wait, till after the election. It recommends “masterly inactivity” where millions of the peo ple’s money is perishing by misuse and abuse, and will soon be entirely squandered. Our own Sentiments, Precise ly- -The Atlanta ‘‘American” has the follow ing just reflections upon the proposal of John Mitchell to establish a paper in Tennessoe. If the friends of this “exiled patriot” in New York are to be believed, Mitchell is one of the sympa thizers with the Sejioys of India, whose late atrocities upon the English, in that country, surpass, in fiendish cruelty, any thing ever re corded in history. Such political Teachors are not likely to benefit the South. Says the “Am erican,” “Southern Citizen.” —“A new paper, under the above title, by Jehn Mitchel, the “Irish Patriot,” will soon be commenced at Knoxville, Tennessee, and we presume will be a vigorous, heedless advocate of the South. We are no ad mirers of John Mitchel's writings and never have been—nor are we prepared, as Southern men, to entrust our cause in such hands I There is a wide gulf between African slavery, and Irish slavery by the British Government, and while our own domestic institutions have able advo cates, as any, born and reared amongst us, there is no need to beat up for volunteers from any quarter—and less so from a foreign land. As Southern men, we can do our own editing, wri ting, speaking and fighting, if need be, for our rights and our section, without the factitious aid of any outsiders I The Southern people—and ourself among them — have been so often deceiv ed by blatant protestations of interested men, that we are loth to trust our cause in any hands save those who are born in our section—nurtured by Southern mothers or thoroughly identified with the South in every particular!—and not always even to these described characters. The tree must bring forth good fruit, and continue to bear such, and such only I Know-Nothiiiglsiii without the “Bloody.” The “Empire State” says this of Col. Loch rane: We learn from our Exchanges, that this gen tleman has, of late, been doing valuable service in the Democratic ranks. On a recent occasion at Augusta, as also at Canton, he made speech es, which are spoken of in terms of highest praise. Col. L. is a ripe scholar, and an eloquent orator. He is always listened to with pleasure and attention, by his auditory. He is exceed ingly familiar with the leading questions involv ed in the present political canvass. On the prominent features of Know Nothingism ; the foreign and Catholic questions he has no superior in the country. Georgia may well be proud of this valuable exotic, which hag been transplani ed into our soil. Cherish it, and it will be an honor and aa ornament to our clime.