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edited and PUBLISHED BY I FRANCIS A. DUVAL. J VOL. 3. £|)t gunman jstiutai) IS rCILUUXD BYKRY THURSDAY, DT F. A. Duval & Cos., Proprietors; At Two Dollars a Year, j rsrsiNGLE NUMBER—TEN CENTS.,® ’ Ini <riably in Advance. tar The cash system will be rigidly <l-1 he red to, and in no instance will the paper be sent to new subscribers unless the money accompany the tier. All iVdaaikeys “by nu*il, if “ T^Utcr*d, ‘ are at our risk. • —7 ol ih Mm.il rdt Communications anH haters con touting news from all quarters, are respectfully solicited. No latter or coinmnnieiU ion will be inserted unless the name of the fujthor accompanies it. All communications and letters must, be writ ten on one side only of the paper, to ensure attention. - It % res OF AuveuTlSlNtii One Dollar per s<juare f<jr:the first insertion, and Fifty insertion. A square is thirteen litres, or less. Advertise ments hand*} In without havi,.g the numlnti* of inset vitiliLe publislied uhtil forbidden. i I* Liberal sontrae& made with those who ad vertise by thy quarter or year* Legal at the usual rates. Sales lands and -negroes by’ * Executors. Adniiaist&d,ora ami GiUtiJdjaus arc required bylaw advertised/e?/y days* pi*Cyi>U’ to th# of sale; : and the sales iii.uSf be thOjdqor of the tjburt IfmnaMn the m wliioh the property is sittinted, be 1m \ v. and 3i'. m., on tfie dijyl Tuesday in the in nt]p Sales of personal property and fnotieo to and {jre litors ot an Estate be atosertisod forty days ; notice that amjUl!ftmii .wiliftbfHinale to the*o<i(nrt *f Ortjimiry for - to sql] land hihcd'ftfco ikon!hi. * Sh'erHT’s s ile\ im.fer exe mi; io-t*, must !>• advortise^-M irly days; uadefTmortgaijo editions, *ifty days. “ Citations for Letters of RdminMtrtftfVw Bale must be published thirty days; for Dis mission from Administration monthly Lr for Dismission from Guardianship, forty flays. #. • * Application for Foreclosure of Mortgijges, must be published monthly sis for establishing lost papers weekly threcWontJis. aud Woiiders. ■ _ When will signs and wonders'cease. ? Not till the destroying angel shall i*U;> short the thread of time, and the hriiiVefcw ’ biTVoued together as a scroll? Wot a day passes hut we see good and bad signs, as tho following will show : It’s a good sign to have a man enter your offioo with a friendly greeting •Here’s two dollars to pay for my paper.’ It’s a bal sign to hear a man say lie is too poor to take a paper—ten to one he carries a jug of ‘redeyo’ that cost him half a dollar. It’s a good sign to see a man loing in act of charity to his fellows. It’s a ba l sign to hear him boasting of it. It’s a good sign to see the color of health in a man’s face. It’s a bad sign to see it all concentra ted in his nose. It’s a good sign to see an honest man wearing old clothes. It’s a bad sign to see them filling holes in his windows. It’s a good sign to see a man wipe the perspiration from his face. It's a bad sign to see a man wipe his chops as he comes out of a saloon, It’s a good jign to sco a woman dross ed with taste and noatness. It’s a bad sign to see her husband sued for the feathers and foolery and jewels. It’s a good sign to.seo a man or woman advertise in the papers. It’s a bad sign to sec the sheriff adver tise for them. JLndics on llorscba k. If there is on earth (rhapsodizes the Brooklyn Eagle,) a more fascinating and bewitching sight than a lovely woman in the drawing-room or boudoir, it is that, same lovely woman—or, in fact, any other lovely woman —on horseback; ta king it for granted, of course, that she knows how to ride, and sits upon the noble animal, proud of his glorious bur den, like a muse taking an airy stroll through ether upon the back of Pegasus, and not shivoriug and shrinking at ev ery stop, like a wooden doll, fearful of falling to pieces. Female equestrianism is one of the most exquisite luxuries of a high state, of civilization ; an exorcise in which every source of healthful and pleasurable emotion is brought in o play, not only for the moment, hut in all the movements and occupations of the body, and which presents the bewildering out line an l undulating beauty of tho female form in all its ravishing and intoxicating perfection. TukirTime on Earth. —According to a table in Hunt’s Magazine, the average age attained by railway brakesmen and factory workmen is 27 years; baggage men 30 years; milliners 32 ; dress-ma kers 33 ; engineers, conductors, firemen, powder-makers, well-diggers, and factory operatives, 35; cutlers, dyers, leather dressers, apothecaries, confectioners, ci gar-makers, printers, silversmiths, pain tors, shoe-cutters, engravers, ami machi nists, musicians, drovers and oditors, 40; tinsmiths and tailoresses, stone-cutters, domesticfemale servants, tailors, bankers, and servants, 43 ; weavers and laborers, 44 ; cooks 45 ; innkeepers 35 ; brick-ma kers 47. SZ3t A Yankoo genius has succeeded in harnessing steam to a musical instru ment in such a way as to ensure perfect weeution, glipitctttt jßfr’Sjftnfrftyfr; ALBANY, DOUGHERTY COUNTY, GEORGIA. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, m 1 Docs till* I*o|e claim Temporal 1 Power? Mr. Editor. —As many individual l’a j pists and Protestants maintain that the (Pope of Rome docs not claim temporal I power ovet the nations of the earth, I propose to investigate the subject. It is fortunate that we have access to the Com mon Law, that great prop of papal usurpation which was hatched about the beginning of the 12th century, by Gra tian mad others. ■•>- a Thc-law is still in existence in every King,lord and State where Popery has a foothold. Cardinal Wiseman, the main agent ot the Pope, declares that it is es tablished in England at the present hour. To deny unbounded tcm/ioral power , was deemed by the Pope the greatest heresy in Hie kings of Europe. Evert’ one has read of the degradation to which King John of England, and llenry II were subjected bv this usurped power of the Pope. <We know that two Popes ex-cqlnulunlcated Henry VUI, and that Pope P£<£’ tT put Queen Elizabeth under his ell t%e, and .•cat led aulhoriticcly upon all her “subjects, as his, to rise in rebellion against hoc, ’whom he, by virtue of pow <or tinnr (ifW had judged and damned.” Wh.en King Phillip of France showed a disposition to slight the Pope’s power, he addressed him in his Bull; “We would hafiryou to know that you, king of France, are subject to us, both in things spiritual and temporal.” On another or caSiph, addressing the same motiipvh he said,'“l>o not imagine that you have no superior or Jhat. you are not in subjec tion —he that maintains this is an mfidel.” King of England; and one of France tffe.e?*aimpellod to hold tile Pope’s stir- TuD, arid act as his groomsmen. An Em jOifor'of Germany laid his neck at the Pope's feet, and the Pope in lordly pride i}m liis heel on Iris prostrate neck, as he hfifepjiomousiy read the sacred text— "Tiiou shalt tread upon the Serpent and ratuple on the dragon and lion.” ’ 1 hairy IV, the Emperor did penance at t]ie Pope’s gate at Camtsium; three days he stoo l there barefooted; bareheaded, and a wretched woolen cloth wrapped round him. On the fourth day, the haugllty despot deigned to notice him, and promised him absolution on condi ti.-mut’ his submitting 10 tiTb nictates of a council to be ealle I by the Pope.— That council depose I him, and chose a new emperor, to wiioiu tlie Pope sent a crown, h • ring .his motto': Pointdedit Petro, Perns I;a lein Ro mlplio ” Tile Ro.-k g ive tins crown to Peter, and Peter gave it to Ro tolnlnis. The “supremacy of the Pope overall persons and. things, says Cardinal Belai ni no, in the. main s tbstancc of christiani- Ca ■ lin.-i’ Poiits also says, “The chair of St. Pe pT Christ Ims constituted above all imperial thrones and regular tribunals. , Biasius, in his tract, He Rom, Eccles. Dignitate, says, “The Roman Pontiff is tlie only vicar of God—tho Pope’s power is over ail tho world, pagan as well as Christian, the only vicar of God, who lias supreme power arid empire over all kings and princes of the earth: the -monarch of all kings ought to be under Peter, and must bow downand submit their necks to him and his successors, who is prince and lord of all, whom all emperors, kings and potentates are subject to, and must hum bly obey.” Bzovius—“The Pope is the monarch of all Christians, supreme over ail mor tals, from him lies no appeal : He is judge in Heaven, and in ai! earthly juris diction supreme; lie is tho arbiter of the world.” ’ Maneinus—“The Pope, as Pope, Ims supreme temporal power; his temporal power is most eminent. All other pow ers depend on the Pope.” Boniface VIII, says, “It is necessary to salvation that all Christians should be subject to the Roman pontiff.” Scioppins—“The Pope’s power, as Pa pists believe, is not only ministerial hut j imperial and supreme, so that he has the right, to direct and compel with the pow er of life and death.” Mnynardus He Priviley, Eccles. says ] •‘Emperors and Kings are the Pope’s sub- ; jects. Kings may be deposed for heresy. • The Pope has power in the whole world, in spiritual and temporal. Every crea ture is subject to him.” Simanca —“Heretics are actually de prived of all dominion and jurisdiction, j and the subjects are freed from their obe dience.” Emanuel—“lf a priest rebel it is not treason; because clergymen are not the King's subjects.” Corpus Jur. Canonici—The Pope may depose princes and absolve their subjects from their oaths of allegiance.” Panlus IV,- Papal Bull, anno 1853 — “All protestant kings and subjects are solemnly cursed.” Innocent lll—“The Church of Rome expressly declare, that it is unlawful for secular princes to require any oath of fidelity ami allegiance of their clergy, and peremptorily forbid all their priests from taking any such oath, if it be required.” Gregory IX, Biill 1580—“ No secular judge may condemn a clergyman, arid if he do, he shall be ex-comfnun’icated.” Gregory Vll.—“The Pope ought tp be called the universal bishop;’ he alone ought to wear the token of imperial dig nity; all princos ought to kiss liis feet; ho has power to depose enippfors and kings, and is judged by no man.” Pope Innocent 111, —“The church lias given me as dowry the plentitVls of spiritual things, aud the extent ojf tem poral things, the mitre for the priesthood, (lauilmanul ‘U, X J w|, Tru) Sa.\\ic\u) and a crown for the kingdom; making me the lieutenant of Him who has all power.” Tile above are from Pope and Popish writers, Who will say now that Romo does hot claim temporal power over every kingdom and state on earth ? Can any thing be plainer ? Hear also Bishop Kenrick and Bishop O’Connordn our own country, ‘‘\o faith in heretic.” •’Religious liberty is merely endorsed until the opposite can be car ried into execution without peril to the Catholic world.” The Bishop of St, Louis endorses the same sentiment —“Catholicity will one day rule America, arid then religious lib erty is at an end.” „ In view of these statements, can anv one have’ confidence in what a Papist Priest will say? Is he not taught to lie tortile good of his church I The oiwy great and unwavering object of Rotner is power and universal ascendancy in all tilings temporal and spiritual. History shows that no Roman Priest or country has ever been true to a Republic. From the Savannah Republican. Jurisilirtieii at tiiv tinprcinc Court. Our city readers will recollect the dis ingenuous attempt of Gov. Johnson, in liis recent speech at the Athenieum. to prove a conflict between the American and Georgia platforms upon the subject of tlie proper'interpreter of the laws of Congress. That gentleman stated that while Georgia had resolved to resist cer tain acts if passed by the Federal legis lature, the American party lul l resolved to submit them to tin. Supreme Court and abide its decisions. We exposed the unfairness and shame less sophistry of liis argument in our is sue of the Ist inst., and now take occa sion to reproduce a paragraph, or two lVoiu our article to show the true position of tlie American party of Georgia,on this question. After showing that the arti cle of the Philadelphia platform was but a declaration of tlie doctrine of the Fed eral Constitution as set forth in Act 111, sec. 2, of that instrument, wo proceed to say: But it is said that Georgia, in her plat form of 1850, has pie Iged herself to re sist the pa&age C r,.vus.,'!. .> paA. certain laws by Congress, upou her own responsibility and in delian o of the opin ion of.the judicial power; and that the two positions are totally inconsistent and irreconcilable with e.ich other. It is not so. We hold to both, and can see no onllict between them. The Slate of Georgia, when she made that solemn declaration of her intentions, in 1850, did not roly upon .constitutions or laws for the support of.her position. She cited in that very fourth resolution, certain hypothetical acts of the federal legislature which she there declared to lie “incompatible with the safety, domes tic. tranquility, tlie rights and honor of the slaveholdjug States;” and those she resolved to “resist, even (as a last resort) to n disruption of every tie wlijeli binds lior to tlie Union.” She did not took to the constitution for authority tor this step but to the inalienable rights of freemen. It mattered not whether,these acts were opposed to the constitution or not; they were acts of oppression —a crisis when freemen do not stop to enquire if resis tance he legal. When rebellion against tyranny begins, laws and constitutions end. It was in contemplation of no such contingency, that the American party declared the Judicial authority to he the proper interpreter of tlie constitution. They referred to cases of doubtful con struction inordinary legislation; where as in the cases to which tlie action of the Georgia convention war intended to ap ply, the acts complained of were tyran ny, subversive of tlie rights of a free people, and it mattered iittie whether j they were constitutional or not, Tub j JI'IMCIAKY MAY DETKII.WIXB THU CONSI'I j TUI’ION’ALII’Y OP LAWS, ULT NOT I’llß CON TINGENCY IN WHICH IT BECOMES It IE DU TY OF FREEMEN TO RESIST THEM AS OP PRESSION. We hope to hear tio more of tlie infi delity of tlie American party to the Georgia Platform of 1850, especially from j those who denounced it as a base surren der, and tho men who passed it as trait ors to tlie South. There is something supremely ridiculous in the idea of Gov. | Johnson’s exhorting any ho ly to stand by that platform, much less tlie men who built it, and whose consistent anl'uii flinchiug support has brought even him to fear and respect it. Have an American Heart. —Have ■ai\ American Heart. Have no other. It is the best heart -that ever beat. Its pul sations are for liberty, for freedom, for republicanism—all that can bless the in dividual, give vitality and success to the State, and grandeur and strength to the nation. It is tho heart Vf hearts. Show us a man with a real American heart and wo look upon him as one who is an hon or to liis kind, a full-measured patriot, a firm and valiant defender of liis country, a profound loyer of its institutions. His heart is right, nis hand is right. He will be sure to be right any way and how. Have an American heart. It will swell your bosom nobly._ It will fill you with the grandest of feelings. lie who crin say, “I have an American heart, and-ov ery tlirub is for, America,” has a posses sion the wealtli of the richest of the world cannot parallel. /ST Tho game of fashionable life is to {day hearts against diamonds. il >n. <.!.ii tSeHnd. Ex-Senator Borland, of Arkansas, has returned to his old vocation and is now tiic senior editor of the Litil-i Ttoek State Gazette it Bcinoerat. Helms written a long article on the subject of Political Parties as they now stand, m ; 1 concludes by [limiting himself firmly .(iid sijuarely upon tlie American party. Borland, like many other national B>no-iats, 1m ! no'Other alternative left him but to sev er all connection between himself and the Pierce bogus democracy, and for so doing lie has given the most cogent rea sons. The present Administration is not what it was intea led to lie by the true democracy of the Union when they elected General l’iercc. There wls no talk then about ignoring slavery, and sending foreign-horn citizens to tvnre ifcnt American interest mi l charactW a: weign courts; no.’of filling up all he departments of thegoveniiu.m! a: Wash ington with the s’i ne description of tic - sons. But ive will let M-. Bor!an 1 speak'for llilllself ill a shor n-t.v.i, in I we regret that it is not •onveniou. a “i,* present time to publish the whole .i. ,c “ Among these is the fact the’ sin • | the passage of the Xebrask’i-K men bill, I in ail the Vo:”,hern S:m.es ( . cspiV’-ijlv in those called Democratic,, where ’hjch* -- ti ms have been hold,,or iegis a. oij hu I, tile nationality of thy /T; ii’. ■ eiicbar ‘ / is .linn loned,mid the seotioVil ihijlitiou element is now in ilie ascendant. For pl’ool of this, look through ail NowTlng ian I, (in-In lug o,vn lVcsiden Plaice's own .Yew Hampshire.) wllcrc, in 1852, there were hut two ant - I)einoA’iitie slates. v\ hat is their positfon ? Lhmo cratic still? (.) yes* Vet abolition to; tlie core, led on by Henry Wilson, Olmrles Sumner, and John P. llaio! TheiriooU at \\ iseonsin, lowa.mi l even at Mr. Douglas's own Illinois. Belonging to the Democratic party still'—(.) yes! and Boasting ot it; yet thoroughly abolition '■''it, and hcade 1 by sueh'meii as Darken II irdan, and Trumbull! In tlie language of Danlef Woiister tiien, when lie found ills old party asso ciations to lie no longer a site depository tor liis principles, we have looked about as au 1 inquired Where are Vw to yo , ;, 'o 1 i.ii answer, we have looke \k* vmb | io our old anlagouist, the obi Whig tuir ty\ for, fro n them, even wbilo they had •in existence and an organization, we dif fered. widely; and now, as themselves admit, they have no longer “a local hu >- itation or a name.” Where arc we to got This inquiry is answuroddiy the American Parw, which we igh almost grown 1 ko Min erva wLeyi.she lc;i[jed into life fro n die brain of Jove, yes voung. fresh fro u . • people, vigorous, and untiiinto!. .h corruption; and better than pie tv i with a political ’ creel, leaving oih of view ,’ili the old issues which, having for merly divided preceding parties, were either long since settled, or arc effete, and presenting a platform oi principle < upon which every patriot may si uni and feel that, in laboring for th’Air ys'Jiiilisii ment, ho is at the same tuns ilabol’ing for the moral, social and political welfare of liis country. Upon this platform” we have taken our s'.an ]. As this is intended only as the general announcement of our position in respect to the political organizations of the coun try, with the sketch we have given it of a mere outline of tlie consideration which have induced us to assume that position, and as this article lias already extended to a much greater length than we intended for it, we shall not go into detail here as to what wo hold to lie the excellent fea tures and high merits of tho American organization, which have won our con scientious approval, anil will command our undivided support. Content with remarking, for tho present, that while, for the whole Union, its principles, in respect to all practical issues now before the country, whether moral, social or political, are better than any which can bo found elsewhere; they are in refer ence to. and vital question of slavery, truer to the Constitution , mi l therefore, better for the. Soith, than any other party, protend dig o i.> niiioiia in its organization, ever ins put. forth or ever will propose. Hesi los, it is the only organization whi di, in our ipinmn, now exists, or ••an bo for.m I ipo i,vi. si it is probable, or even pra siicilue, to effect that union of £ho Southern States, for the safety of the South which is in dispensable ; but which once effected, as wo believe it may, and wilt be. anon he foundation, will comm and enough co operation in tho sensible portion of the North to save our country from tho dan gers which are impending over it from the vandalism of Abolition. We cannot ask Whigs to become Democrats, or Democrats to become Whigs, from a feeling that all men will understand and appreciate. But tlie appeal ought not to be in vain: and, in our opinion, will not be, when wo ask all to stand for ward and together, as Americans. Since the order of Know Nothings has been established in the Uffited States, there have hooii more riots and blood shed than ever were known before in the history of our government. — Marion Commonwealth. We believe it is a historical fact, that there was eonsidorabley more bloo Isliod in this country after tlie Declaration of In lepeiiilence than tliore had evd- been before. But it was all because fort ignefs thought to put down tho Doelarat oa by force of arms. —, in,hiMnllml 1* Party has suffered disns'er ?ui'l defeat. In almost every Northern Sum,, the great invincible National J)c. E.ooratic I'Srty’ ts'ln the “’minority— pwverlcrs, even if it had the will, to protect tlie rights of the South, or to check the progress of Froesoil encroachments. In every Northern State, without one solitary exception, tlie great, invincible. National Democratic Partv has yielded to the popular clamor against tlie Ne braska hill, and the repeal of the Missou ri Compromise; an I if it has defended it at all, has done it upon the ground - hat it. was a triumph of Froesoil, and an extension of the ava of free-lorn, ‘ even • i die isthmus (>: Darien,” o ase Shields’ expression. in every Northern Stale, (with theex ••;> ‘a of in liana an I Massa liusetts iad a i.• i ter State it. is but a corpor i ‘•••'it >.’ Fe leral odi,dills,) tlie great, t .;••. National Democrat! • Pa tv, I wherever . lias met in Suite Convention to announce its position in view of the Presi lent ial ‘am ass of 1850, bus refused o .*u lo sc .lie Ne > ariia rill, or lias gone farther, and declared in favor of tlie re storation of the Missouri Compromise.— We refer particularly to the recent State Convention of the Administration De mocracy of Pennsylvania, Maine and New York. The native State of Gen. Pierce—New Hampshire—tlie very Sebastopol of De mocracy—is represented in the Senate of the United States’ by a Frecsoil Demo ocral!—John P. Hale. Illinois, the adopted State of Mr. Doug lass, (who lias succeeded in stealing frorri Mr. Dixon, of Kentucky, and appropria ting to liinisclf, all the credit amt all the glory of originating the proposition for tlie repeal of the Missouri Compromise,) is represented in the Senate of the Uni ted States by a Frecsoil Democrat! — Lyman Trumbull. Recent elections have, sent four Froe soii Demo rats to tlie Senate of tlie Uni ted States, to conspire with Wilson, Sum tc’c in f Sew.irt, rigSinsi vjrr; jSJWUiurfiori* the Un’on and the rights of the South, ■ i .: II lie from New Hampshire, Darken f n a iV s -msin, Harlan from lowa, and i'r.'i niiiLi from Illinois—ait Frecsoilers, aye, au I all D •a wrats —as reliable upon j the subject t slavery as A. W. Reeder, or Folin Vii !i -i or u any others of the odi .a s o ‘ die favorites of .lie Pier :e Vhuiuis: ration. > This then Is a very general view of the •on lilipn of the great, invincible Demo nic- Party of tiio North, upon which t • > gi t Democrats ask us to lean for support, and to which tliey ask us to look for tlie vindication of oils’itutioual principles an I the proto lion of Sou hern rights! A minority throughout the Northern States—in rapid process of ab sorption by the Abolition Party proper, unable to protect sound men, or defend sound principles—routed, disorganized, lenationalized, and afflicted with tlie “dry rot”—tliis is tlie broken reed upon which Georgia Democrats would have the South to lean. The Richmond Examiner and the Charleston Mercury are right—Win. L. Yancey of Alabama is right—when they assert that the Democratic. Party of tlie North, even if it Iras tlie will, is utterly powerless to protect the South. 51 a ties I I*ri'tensions ol leraians i:i Texas. What American—what son of tho South can read the following extract of h speech lately made publicly in Texas and hesitate about the righteousness— the necessity of the policy of tho Amer ican party? It is found in Mr. Wipprotcht’sspeech, delivered in Horton town, near New Braunfels, Texas, iti V igust, 1853. Tile principal object of this speech was to de nounce tile overboil ’ ag disposition of na tive Americans in Western Texas. Mr. W. endeavored to establish the fact that tiio native Americans had no right to ■ u tke anv p etunnons iii Western Texas, i i’.i ii - iin ry (Western Texas) had cem settled first by the Germans, and •oase [umuly, that the Germans had tlie firsteiauii upon it. In the con dusion of this speech, Mr. \V. made tiio following remarks: “Now let us manfully and firmly oppose the ar rogant assumptions and overbearing of these natives; let us oppose the further extension of this slave holding popula tion in Western Texas, for we have cul tivated and settled this country around ns before the natives thought about.do-, ing so.” Ohio Politics.—Tho nomination of Ex-Governor Trimble by the American party lias taken well with tho people— so much so, indeed, (hat Chase lias been forced to wash off liis black abolition spots. In a meeting hold in Cincinnati on the 21st of August, Mr. Chase denied that ho was a Disunionist—denied all sympathy with Garrisonian abolitionism as well as with Southern nullifiors. He thinks tho Slavery question was precip itated by the Kansas bill, hut while against the extension of this institution, is in favor of nonintervention in the Statqs whore it does exist, <kc. This is quite a liberalization, but we hope it will not deter the'Atneriean party from doing their best to drub him handsomely. A spendthrift’s motto. —Buy and buy. rjit'l'uli. vot tilt: liiuiv Yo:ls Wo have more than on ‘e cont in lei 1 till! wis. loin of ilk* sugges tons oftli.’ \ 1 1\ { \ oi k Mirror, respecting the pdSay of tl<> | American party. Wo ropy from that paper another word of admouitibn : A IVOIID TO TUB K. aV’ . “Wo lwvo repeatedly neg* if#.* .\iner-- loan I'artv, rank and tile, to roinomhor tin* purpose for which it was originated; to stand last by that on no Ii • ount be led into side issues. < tion to fore;gnism, in whatever otlensivu shape, was the originating purpose of the new party. Amorioanisn \v;is the wateh word it rune’ out, and masses of the peo ple, tired of foreign insolen e and domi nation in our midst, rallied to place the I rule of America in hands of the Ameri cans. The occasion was ripe for an American pa'tv, for there was special, imperative work for such a party to do. An 1 if the pa tv had never permitted it self to be lei from its first purpose, victo ry wo a 1 ha e ■ owned ns banners in every S ate election since it entered the Held". “Every sagacious politician of the old parties saw the power pf the new party, an l felt that it must triumph unless it could lie diverted from its mighty A.uer •an purpose, and split an I shivered on some sectional, side issue. In such case they knew that even an American party must go to wreck. Therefore we warne i the American Party to beware of the ! rocks that had wrecked the old parties, and to set its fa a* as a tliut against dis cussing, as a party, or in its local -onn eils, Slavery, Temperance, or any other question than the expulsion of foreign ism from office and undue political power. People of this country are Republicans in politics and Protestant in religion, and when they see, as the insolence of for eigners and the bigotry of Papists will force them to see, that the great princi ples, which lie at the base of our institu tions, are threatened with subversion, there will be hut one party among them. The champions of these principles —the American party—have only to plant, their standard, and determine to stall 1 by it through good and through evil. Make coii.'essiom- to, tvihivp.. MMkcu 1 their cause by modilieations’tosTtrtWjeain ish stomachs. They are opposed to thin free country being gooerned by Foreign ers and Papists. That’s their platform. It is plain and intelligible. Let them I stand squarely up to it —sustaining those. | and those only, who co-operate with them ;in the na onal deliverance. Avoid de feats, but don’t he discouraged hv them. Don’t be in too great, a hurry to triumph; but take their measures deliberately, so that they may he sure when they do tri umph, it shall he a triumph that will en ure to the lasting welfare of the Repub lic. It is one of the hard conditions of this world that no cause, whatever may be its professed ends, can expect to win the confidence of mankind, except through the ordeal of adversity, Reverses and afflictions are the best tests of the purity and sincerity of its votaries. They en dured, manfully and unflinching, com mand the sympathy and respect of the world while they make those, who suiFcr love still more devotedly the cause for which they sutler. Let not. this scrap of practical wisdom he lost upon the Amer ican party. — Richmond Whig. The Kuunieraii),’. This curious weapon, peculiar to the natives of Australia, has often proved a puzzler to men of science. It is a piece of curved wood nearly in the form of a crescent, from thirty to forty inches long, pointed at botli oil is ami the corner quite sharp. The mode of using it is quite as singular as the weapon. Ask a black to throw it so as to fall at his #t. and away it goes full forty yards luTore him, skimming along the surface at three or four feet from the ground, when it will suddenly rise in the air forty or six ty feet, describing a curve, and finally drop at the foot of the thrower. During its course it revolves with great rapidity, as on a pivot, with a whizzing noise. It is won lorful that so barbarous a people should have invented so singular a wea pon, which sets laws of progress at defi ance. It is very dangerous for an Euro pean to try to project it at any object, as it may return and strike himself. In a native’s hand it is a formidable weapon, striking without theprojeetor being seen; like the Irishman’s gun, shooting around a corner equally as staightt'orwar I. It was invente I to strike the Kangaroo, which animal is killed by it with a cer tain t}, and though a copse intervene be tween the hunter and the animal, the Boomerang comes round the corner and breaks his legs. B3T A gentleman said that ho would like to see .a boat full of ladies set adrift on the ocean, to sec which way they would steer. “Oh,” replied a lady present, “that’s very easily answered. They would steer to Isle of Man, to be sure.” AST At a lato celebration of the old bachelers, at Bloomington, the following villainous toast wasdratik: “The fair—saints in church —angels in the ball room —and devils in the kitch en !” “Hans, what’s the matter?” “Mine Cot, do sorrel! waggon has run away mit de green horse, and broke do exile-tree of do brick house what stands by de. corner lamp-post acrost de telegrab. Mine Cot, what a beeples',” 1 TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION: ( $2,00 A YEAR—PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. Oow wit i tnvTaiun! The negroes of Xcw York and their j wh,;eSag X, fin associates, among whom | wove u tmuiuor of Irish ami German im i uiig -ims, celebrated tin* anniversary of A os; India Emancipation, the first of this month, on bong Island. SpeiikingTenting un 1 drinking abounded. A certain Judge 1 ’utvcr, an enthusiastic supporter of the Pierce Administration, spoke two hours in glorification of Megritdom. and in op position to Know Xotiiiiigism! Thecotn -Ithen emptied their knapsacks and bin bed, eating and drinking through each other imliseriminately. Afterwards the notorious Garrison hold forth, to the infinite satisfaction of bis Irish, German, an i colored audience, concluding his Ja- I oilis Ladder harangue in these remarka ble words: ‘1 here is no 1 nion; therefore, I say down with it. 1 nion is equality; there i s n<> o,piality, therefore there is no Union. I'irst. I want the liberty of the slave; let everything else go by the board. Ido not address mvself to the slaveholder. I do not talk to them, they are incapable of an argument; they do not understand argument; they are insane men. We shall have a northern republic of our own. <>h! for the jubilee to come. Then we shall be a free people, and have tho blessing of Almighty God showered up on our heads.” Jinii as ;ui:l CSii* President. The Kansas Legislature adjourned on the ddih of August, after, as the tele g'aph announces, passing such portions of ;he Missouri co le of laws, as were ap plicable to the Territory and consistent with oilier laws already passed. Tho Legislature was largely pro-slavery and decided ami bitter against General Pierce an 1 Ins aI n lustration. Elmore, one of the lodges of the Territory, who carried his slums with him from Alabama to Kansas, and who was removed bv Pres ident Pierce, had a largo party of pro slavery wen in the Legislature, ready to sustain him in resisting his removal by the President; and- lie lias notified the authorities at Washington of his deter mination to contest the right of a Presi dent to■ remove a Territorial Judge, un less previously impeached. The United States at relation of Rush Elmore vs. Franklin Pierce, may become a loading case. The pro-slavery party —and the pro • avery men of the Territory of Kansas, are opposed to, ami embittered against 1 ‘resident Pierce and his administration. Hie Democracy of Georgia assert that the administration is with the South up on this Kansas’ question. The question is, who should know best where the sym pathies of the administration are its par ty in this State, or the Southern peoplo of Kansas. —Journal ib Messenger. Heretics in ICointm Catholic Grave larils. F. Sharkey, of Jackson, Miss., writes to the Southern Mercury as follows, giv ing an incident of tho war of 1812—IS, in whi hhe served. Such facts need no comments: July 2oth, 1860. To the Editor of the Mercury: As.there has been a great deal said auout ancient Catholicism and old files limited up to prove their hostility to tho Protestants, and as I am a man of but. little ancient reading, and a little on tho young American order, I will content myself by referring back to 1810, after the battle at New Orleans. I belonged to the Mississippi Militia, and was encamped on a Roman Catho lic farm, above New Orleans. After tho battle was over, several of our men died of wounds and sickness, as they had been placed at Chef Mentcitr, where there was not one foot of dry land to stan 1 or lie on, only as they would gath er flags ami make beds to lie’ on. We were souie distance above New Orleans, and having no way of conveyance to a grave-yard, we proposed to bury our dea l on the back or out-post of the farm; went to dig a grave without knowing the hostility the Catholics had to here tics; the owner of the land cauie down and forbid us from burying our corpse. He appeared to be very much enraged, crying out —“ Sucre fungas, de American heretic no be put on his land.” We said we must bury the man, —ho replied “me no care; dare is de Mississippi rivor, throw him in do river.” We soon made him leave, and when we went to bury our dead, we always had our guns. Jo Templeton was one of our Wurren sol diers who shared the fate of the balance that were buried there. We were dis harg#t at that place and came home. Letters folloired us from our friends, that when we left there, all the dead were taken up, and put in the river by the owner of the land, as though a dead heretic could hurt a live Catholic. Now I refer to any tnan that was be longing to the Hinds Dragoons, or Mis sissippi Militia, for tho facts of this and the report that followed us. I will refer tp a few by name: Esq. McDonald, of MadisoU; Richard and Battle Harrison, |of Jefferson; Harleg Cotton, of Leake; ’ as they were there, and know the facta as well as myself. F. Stunk*t. /3T“Wtty do you take papers loft up on people’s doorstop i” said a gentleman , to a little urchin caught in the act.— “’Cause I sells ’em for three or fourceati a pieiio.”—Exit urchin with a shake by the collar, NO. 42.