American standard. (Albany, Ga.) 185?-18??, November 08, 1855, Image 2

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Newspaper Page Text®|)C American Stfantarfc. VOLUME S. NUMBER 4P. 7oUUV\ : i.\’ T. EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. ALBANY, GEORGIA. Thursday, November 8, 1855. 1 OK PRESIDENT IN 1860, THE NOMISHB OF THE AMERICA! PARTY. jg-tT Soo new advertisements in to-day’* paper. __ J[?T A destructive firo occurred on tlic 23d of Octolier, in llnynevillc, Ala., liy which flic Gin Factory of Metsrs. Mathew Robison fc Cos., was destroyed— l.oss $25,000. R-if’ The Lexington, North Carolina Flag, lias hoisted the name of Millard Fillmore for the Presidential campaign of 1350. JC-if The death of Mr. L. I'. Sherman, which we briefly announced in our last number, though not by , is still a subject deep n-givf. Mr. Sherman came to Georgia someiime in tlie year 1849, and returned to Vermont last Spring, tlie last twelve mouths of Lis residence here, he had the entire control of the editorial department of - this pneer- he duties ■ i which, he discharged in i .anner highly creditable to himself,. an<! satisfactory to its pro prietors and the public. Though the prey of a disease', which was last hurrying -him to tlie tomb, and of tlie and ravages of which he was well aware, yet he calmly pursued “the f- veil tenor of his way,” and manfully ‘niggled on-in his irksonn’ and trying avocations, as if lie had expect® to live out his full term of threescore and ten. lie was a man of mind and intelligence; at id could ho have lived a few years lon ger, would doubtless attained a high and honorable position in tlie world. Ile was affable and courteous in his manners— possessed of fine conversational powers and social qualifications. Ilowas, in all ami everp sense of tlie words, a man in feeding and deed. We deplore his early death, we regrgt the loss to society, and symvathiso with his friend* and relatives in this their great bereavement. Kaiisiis. The cause of Kansas is undoubtedly the cause of the South, and we view with pleasure the growing interest with which the citizens of Georgia and Alabama arc moving to the rescue of Kansas from the thraldom and dominion of the Free suileiw and Abolitionists, urged on and commanded by Pierce’s favorite, Reeder. Avery largo sum should lie raised in the Southern States to thwart tlie aims and objects of Northern fanatics, —as the old adage has it, we must “fight the the Devil with fire.” We must take a bold and open stand for Kansas and for the South. Let the consequences be w lint they may, no step should ho left uipnkcu that gives the most faint idea that Kansas should bo admitted ns a live State; and we hope, for Ujo good of the country, that no Southern State will shrink from the responsibility imposed. Everything urges the South to meet her enemies and the. enemies of the (.'(insti tution upon every field where battle is offered and never to retreat, but in all cases, to be victorious. Let us no longer postpone the battle under the erv of pence “when there is no peace.” If a hold stand had been taken by the Southern States in time past, the coun try would not at this time be .-,o near the limit of civil commotion. With this continual war upon tli>- South by tlie North, and the retaliation, it is self-evident that one section or the other must fall. Is there a man born beneath the genial sun of a .Southern clime but what would prefer seeing the land of his nativity in all things in the ascendant— more especially so, where such gr. T f:n l . a : .. i. k ■ - are in question ns those which now should actuate the heart of every Southerner. It is our duty to stand by Kansas—iiu trammeied and free from compromises. The freesoilers and abolitionists know | the value of a free State, —they know she goes to swell the list of freesoilers in the halls of Congress already too large for the peace and safety of the country; they know that it is one step farther to wards crushing out slavery ; therefore, they labor assiduously to add free States to the Union, whilst the South stands tamely and listlessly by, indifferent to the steps taken until it is too late. Jt is not too late now to secure Kansas to the South ns a slave State. It is with tlie people of the South so say whether such shall he the qasc ot pot. It is a duty wo owe to qursclves and to future generations to use every exertion by which wo advance tlie interest of tlie South and tlie Union. All tilings con sidered, Kansas will be of more advan tage to the country as n slave State than anything disc. Then let us work for Kansas and the South. RS}~ He who writes what is wrong, jyrongs what is right. CSoinliig to their Senses. Tlie last most important move of the political parties in the State of New York, has lately taken place. Whether con fidence can be placed in the step now taken; is of extreme doubt. As for our part wo are suspicious of anything polit ical coming from a source known here tofore to bo corrupt, and that is in any wise mixed up with froesoil sentiments— believing no confidence can or should be placed in this double handed dealing of political parties. It is well known to all, that the Soil Shell Democracy, (the Administration party in New York) are “freesoil to the core —led on by the Van Huron’s and the lesser satellites, and that the Nebraska Kansas bill, (the slavery clause) was a Ixmib shell, thrown, ns it wore, into their very midst, which has since its passage been a bone of contention. The freesoil ers entirely repudiated the principles of the Kansas bill, knowing it to be a final settlement of the slavary question in all Territories, and when we view calmly the step now taken, it is sufficient of itself to cause a lack of confidence in th • pu rity of intenfjon, which has caused this itioyp love. W lieu we now see this saiiio administration party, once so ’ * violently opposed to tlie principles of this bill, and who were a short time since willing to burst asunder every tie that cemented the Union, rather than submit to such an outrage upon the North, (as they would ha. • olievo,) now firmly supporting it, is w hat we cannot fathom, (unless our suspicions are correct.) We place no confidence in the movement— believing it to be a hatched up trick for the furtherance of party purposes; and we trust no conservative party North will allow themselves to be gulled into an alliance with such double faced dis unionists. I tut on ,lie other hand, if the step taken at Tammany Hall, on the night of the 2 s;li of October, is from pure con scientious motives—from a firm convic tion that the principles of the Nebraska Kansas hill, on the question of slavery are correct and should bo maintained— we would then honor them for the step taken ; but in spite of all we can do, the old adage will come to mind in connec tion with the Tammany Hall movement —“Where roguues congregate stolen goods can be found.” We would be proud to see every Slate in the Union acknowledge the rights of the South, and tell us, as should he done, that the hatchet has been buried and peace is proclaimed to the country, and that hereafter, Southern Eights tkall be respected—until such is the case wo can liavo no peace; and if such is not done, let Georgia ever be ready, “when argu ment is exhausted, to stanfi by her arms.” W* *i 4i tlfo ruftolutimi ]>n#s©<l on t!** occasion for wliat it is worth : Hf.iolvtd, Tin t tin* language of the Xehrn kn-Kfuunfm hill, which tlcolnros that “the peo ple hlinll he left perfectly free to form ami regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way, subject, only to the constitu tion of the 1 ’nitl Shifts,” is the honest lan Ullage of the whole Northern Democracy ; and that we view with equal abhorrence every at tempted invasion of this their right, upon whatever pretence it may he grounded, or from whatever quarter it may he directed; confident of the rapacity of each nu mber of the Union for s.*lf uoY* rnmeiit, ami trusting in the healthful influence of an American civ ilization eventually to dispose, most satisfac torily to every party, and most safely to the whole Union, of the question of domestic servitude. IVo, therefore, are opposed to the repeal of the Nebraska bill, by which this question i-* virtually settled; and are equally opposed to all attempts to restore t lie Missou ri compromise, as unwise, impolitic and use less. &W We have received tlie Governor’s Message to (lie Senate and House of Representatives, too late for this week’s issue. The subjects upon which it treats are: The Treasury—Taxation—Public Debt, Credit—'The Western and Atlantic Rail (load —Penitentiary —Internal Improve-1 melds—State Aid—Hanks Atlanta, Cen tral ami Darien—Public Printing—The Seat of Government —Annual Sessions —Education, Agriculture and Mining— Weights and Measures—Judiciary—Re tail License—Military Academy for the Illind—Georgia Asylum for tlie Deaf and Dumb—Lunatic Asylum—Pardon ing Powci 1’ i.v'v line between Flor ida and Georgia Brunswick and Fede ral Relations. Rr.v. Henry Ward Heechkk and Baum si. — We see that Itanium is play ing off another one of his games on tlie people of the North-western States, by employing the Rev. Henry Ward Beech er to deliver lectures (subjects nor names not mentioned,) at *ISOO, to be paid by a second edition of Barnaul’s Life. Tli* American Party Cpmpruing Council No. 129, believing that the purposes, which in its organiza tion it was intended t effect, have been sufficiently accomplished, and that the necessity of its secrecy and obligations no longer exist, do therefore Resolve, That the officers of the Council lie instructed to return to the Grand Council, tlie Charter under which we have been acting. 2. Resolvetl, That avo adhere to the princi ples of the American Party proper, and Avill continue hereafter to use our best efforts and spare no honest means to secure its success —and cordially invite all the members of the old Whig and Democraticportiestonnite with us. S. Resolved, That the American Standard be requested to publish the above resolutions. By order of the Council. K. A. ROBERTS, rrcridut, Davis Pack, Vice President. Tlie Legislature. Both i|*mnekes of the General Assem bly convened at the Capitol, yesterday at 10 A. M. In tlie Senate, for the purpose of or ganization, Gen. Peter Cone, of tlie coun ty of Bulloch, was called to the Chair. T lie Senators took the oath of office, ad ministered by Judge W I*. Powers. On motion of Gen. Cone, of Bulloch, the Senate proceeded to the election of a presiding officer. The result of tlie bal lot, was—for David J. Bailey, of tlie county of Butts, 05 votes; for Andrew J. Miller, of the county of Richmond, 34; Blank 1. A committee of three, on motion of lion. Robert McMillan, of the county of Habersham, was appointed to wait on Hon. D. J. Bailey, and inform him of his election. The committee were Hon. Robert McMillan, lion. A. J. Miller, Hon. L. J. Knight. The Presidentelect, on tak'ng his seat, returned his thanks to the Senate, in a most happily conceiv ed and well expressed address. Tlie Sen ate then proceeded to tlie election of a Secretary. On the Isfcballot, Mr. P. H. Colquitt, of Muscogee, received 73 votes; Mr. Glenn, of Fulton, 34("Ttlank 1. Mr. Wilson, of DeKalb, was elected Messen ger, and Mr. Allred, of Pickens, Poor Keeper of the Senate. In iho (louse, for the purpose of or ganization, Dr. Phillips was called to tlie oluu/. Judge James Jackson admin of otlieo to the members proceeded to the election of Speaker. <>n tlie first ballot, Hon. Win. 11. Stiles of Chat ham, receiv ed 91—Mr. Milledge received 47—Blank 4—Mr. Irwin 1. It is due to Mr. Irwin to say that lie was not a candidate. On motion, Messrs. I>. W. Lewis, John Mil ledgoniul Jos. Pickett were appointed a committee to wait on Mr. Stiles and in form him of the action of tlie House.— The committee having discharged their duty, Mr. Stiles took the Chair, and made a brief and felicitous address to tlie House. Mr. Oslin of Cobb, was elected Messenger on the first ballot; Mr. Mor ris of Floyd was elected Door Keeper. Both branches are now organized. To day the Governor’s Message will be read and tlie official vote counted, and on Wednesday tlie Inauguration will take [dace. — Federal Union. [ From the Augusta Chronicle <{• Sentinel.] At a meeting of the citizens of King ston and its vicinity on Saturday, the 13th tilt., to take into consideration the removal at tlie turn out at tlie Rev. O. W. Howard’s Lime Kilns on the Wes tern & Atlantic Railroad, W. B. Chesh ire, was called to the chair, and C. E. Smith requested to act rs Secretary, when a statement to this effect was made: That the turn-out was placed at Mr. Howard’s in I84(i by Mr. William Spencer Brown, during Air. Garnett’s superintendeiicy of the Slate Road, the State furnishing the iron, when Mr. B. moved to the place for tlie purpose of making lime burning a regular business as Mr. Howard’s agent, mid constructed mi expensive lime kiln, for which tlie ] state brought the rock from Altoona.— ; That during all successive administra-; tio'ns this turn out remained uninterrupt ed, and lias been us a regular place of business Itrnny on the Road. That ba sed on its facilities, Mr. Howard lias j gone on to make expensive improve ments, charging the road nothing for the right of wav, and loading his own cars, by which latter saving the Stale an annual expense of SI,OOO. That during this period, very large offers have been refused for this property, and the business lias increased until it affords employment to between one and two hundred white persons, adding greatly to the business of Kingston, and afford ing a constant market for tlie small far mers ill the neighborhood. That sud denly, without the courtesy of even an official note, this turnout is taken up; to Mr. Howard’s enquiries no reply was given, but occidental!g meeting tlie Su pervisor, lie is told that the switch is to l>e removed permanently, and the rail spiked down, which lias been done.— That Mr. Howard met Gov. Johnson in discussion, last month in Kingston, and that since that day no car lias been left at the turn-out. That on the day after (lie election the frog was removed, but with the assurance that it was to be re placed', a week after when the election is decided ', the removal is made permanent and the rail spiked down. Whereupon, |on motion of Mr. J. M. Pepper, it was unanimously Retained That this meeting regards with strong indignation tlie recent inter ruption to tlie business of tlie Lime Kiln in tliis vicinity, by the removal of tlie turn-out, and also exceedingly regret the removal of J. W. B. Summers, the faith ful and efficient agent at. Kingston. Resolved, That the Western tfc Atlan tic Railroad was constructed by the mo ney of the whole people, and should he managed with a view to advance tlie prosperity of the State and develop its Asq iWt<U. 4tn nil iwnnl in ty considerations. Renolred , That tlie act alluded to would seem to indicate that it is being perverted to political purposes, and made the engine for the indulgence of a little partisan spirit, unworthy of him who fills the office of Governor of a great State, and unworthy of that Governor as a man. Renolred , That our Senator and Rep resentatives lie rediiestod to present this matter to the next Legislature, and en deavor to have tlie turn out made per manent by tlie Legislative enactment, as lias been done in the case of the lion. Mark A. Goopir at Ktowa. Renolred, That the proceedings of this meeting, with tlie statement made of the filets, be published in tlie Chroni cle A Sentinel >f Augusta, and the Rome Courier. \V. B. Cheshire, Ch’mn. Osvvkll E. Smith, See. a scaur 1 who had boon writing scandaiours anonymus letters from Montgomery to a scurrilous sheet in Boston, was taken out by tlie citizens a few nights ago, rode on a rail and soundly ducked in the Artesian Basin. AYifh a “notice to quit,” ho was afterwards dis charged. A LETTIS FROM THE HON. J. BERRIEN. I<"CKijBiAM, Oct. 22, 1855. Editors of the iXtannah Republican :— Gentlemen New York Tribune of the 2Cth tilt.., containing a commen tary on my address to tlie poople of Georgia, lias been recently forwarded to me, I presume by the editor, as the arti cle is editorial. I did not deem it ne cessary to reply to Mr. Greely, localise, apart from its scurrility, the sole object of the article seemed to be to expose tlie alleged inconsistency of seeking the aid of our Northern brethren in tlie present crisis of our affairs, for the formation of a national party (as he maintained was done in the address) and the Southern doctrine of non-intervention by Congress on the question of slavery in tlie territo ries ; and I thought it impossible that anybody could be misled by so obvious a misrepresentation. My address was to tlie people of Georgia. It was made du ring tlie canvass which preceded the State election. It presented no appeal to our Northern brethren, it did not! suggest the formation of any parly, . simply announced my opinions on cer tain questions which were being agitated j in that canvass, in answer to enquiries made by citizens of Georgia with imme diate reference"to that election. 1 had another reason for suffering it to pass witlioiiUKiti’ . I confess my self not moreiy'ciiiSfoss of the,proba tion, but entirely indilii rent -o the opin ion of any man, who could rise i’. x perusal of.such an article, without a min gled feeling of contempt for its impo tence, and disgust at its scurrility. More recently, I have seen an editori al of the Washington Union, iti which tlie writer essays to speak with the con ffdenco of one who had thrown oft’ tlie shackles of a Government editor, addic tusjurare in verba Domini, and with tlie bearing and port of a freeman, zealous in the cause of religious liberty, to as sume the office of instructing his coun trymen, and of misrepresenting and cen suring those who differ from him. This too, without a word of explanation on my part, I could leave to the intelligence of tlie people of Georgia, but for the garbled quotation which furnishes the ground of this flimsy commentary, and for the fact that it lias been transferred to one of our own newspapers, accompa nied by a flippant and licentious edito rial article commending it to public no tice. I could fearlc.- Jy leave it to t lie intelligence of my countrymen, to dis tinguish between the “higher law” doc trine of fanaticism—a law higher than the constitution —one that absolves the abolitionist from his oath, and the obli gation which that instrument imposes— and the absolute right (for which I was contending) of every •id ecu •.. • un controlled enjoyment ot his ir.va ..vatc judgment in the exercise of his (. :iw franchise, without which, we would cease to live under a free government. But tlie Washington editor has sludi- I ously withheld that portion of the ad- i i dress which was necessary to a correct j understanding of the opinion expressed. Here follows pis quotation. 1 copy from j tlie Augusta, Constitutionalist and Rc • public : * • 0 t | “It would kb wrong in the Government to make tliis nf'L'i'HH test an exercise dis cretion, which the people have not entrusted )to them. Thus that, which would he wrong in the Government., is the right snd duly of | tile citizen.” The sentonco as quoted, would be non i scnsical, and is rendered so by interpo lations and by omissions. Perhaps the 1 latter may be attributed to the blunders of the editor, or his copyist. Ido not venture to suggest an explanation of the ■ former. But this presents very imper i fectly, the dispigcnuousncss of the quo tation. That (consists in separating the sentence quoted, from that portion of the | address with which it was connected—in garbling it—an operation which, accord ing to lexicographers, is “to pick out \yliat may suit a purpose.” That portion of the address, from which the quotation is abstracted, is as follows. Speaking of the principles of the Amer ican Party, it says: “ One of thesi, that, which denounces its do termination not to vote for, or appoint Rn imiuists to office has liee.ii tlie subject, of much reprehension, m.d has been assailed as a vio lation of the liberty of conscience, which is ‘ secured by the Constitution. The provision* of that instrument, which nre supposed to In violated, are contained in Ihe concluding , I clause of the third section, of the sixth article j and in the fb*t clause of ilie tiis-1 . loot’ the amendment*. The firs’ alter providing for adminis'ering an oath > dithceu* puidie functionaries, 00 lairs the fdlo'.vi ~ provi sion: ‘! : i “ refigmus te-> -hall ver be re ! quited a* a qualification for a’'\ office or public trust under the United States.’ ” The second declares— ‘ That Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting tlie free exercise t hereof.’ “By what process of reasoning, these pro visions of the Constitution can be made to conflict with tlie right of the citizen to the unlimited exercise of liis own free and uncon trolled will in tlie enjoyment of bis elective irancTuse, 1 auQituerly at a loss to discover, and 1 !in\ e sought it in vain in such arguments of the objectors, as I have had an opportunity of perusing. The first clause relates to per sons elected to office, and requires that, they shall have the oath of office administered to them, without being subjected to any religi ous test. And this is the whole scope and ef fect of Ihe article. It docs not even more re motely interfere with the right of an individ ual to exercise his own judgment, in deter mining whether the religion of the candidate or tile want of it, ought or ought not to influ ence him in casting his vote, for or against him. This seems almost too plain for argu ment. If a voter believes the religion of a can didate to be unsound and dangerous to ftn extent which would indupe distrust in the ordinary transactions of life, it is not onlg his right, hut his dutg to withhold bis confidence, anti his vote. No provision of the Constitution forbids it, and duty to the country requires it.” Than follows the sentence which the Washington Editor proposes to quote. In the address, it is as follows: “ It would he wrong in the Government 1o | make this tost, because it is an exerci. •* < dis-! cretion which the people have in t < .-‘edi to them, hut have reserved to t-jlv* . ! Thus that which would he wrong in the Gov-1 eminent, is the right and duty oi’ the citizen.” ! Overlooking the interjwlation and the, omissions, which will he obvious at a ‘ glance, who does not perceive that this! I sentence lias a direct reference, a ncces-! jsarj’ connexion, with that which I have] italicised above, and cannot be under stood when separated from it ? What is it that it was asserted it would be wrong for the Government to do ? Obviously to refuse to administer the oath of qualification—the oath to sup port the Constitution, to a person elected to office, from a belief that his religion was unsound and dangerous even to an extent, which would induce distrust in the ordinary transactions of life. And why ? Keeause the Constitution forbids them to require this test—because this would be an exercise of discretion which the people have not entrusted to the Government, but have reserved to them selves. The sum of the provision is this: If the people elect a man to office, disre garding his religious opinions, or his want of any religion, Congress shall pass no law authorizing the Government to make this an objection to him. And what is it which it was declared to be the right and duty of the citizen to do? As manifestly it was, in the exer cise of his elective franchise, to withhold his confidence and his vote from a can didate for office whose religion he believed | ii be unsound and dangerous to an ex i ttl.i-h would induce distrust in the ordinal v t ransactions of life. Who will j have the hardihood to deny this? And i vet this, simply, is the proposition stated in the address. It says nothing „pf a combinationfor t his purpose —nothing of individuals binding themselves by an oa h to undoubted quirement was to have been abandoned, and the American party stood upon the same footing its every other, approval of its principles being the sole requisite for admission to membership. The attempt to identify this with the doctrines of abolitionism is absurd; the perversion by which it is sought to ac complish it is palpable. I had specified a case in which an individual citizen, might do, what the Government couid not lawfully do, namely: that such an individual, for the guidance of his own jipdginent in the exercise of his elective franchise, might resort to a test, the ap plication of which was by the Constitu tion prohibited to the Government —that lie might rightfully decline to vote for a Romanist who was a candidate for office, hut that, if such candidate were elected, the Government could not refuse to qualify him on the ground of his Roman ism. The Government editor perverts this into a general proposition, that what would ho wrong in the Government would he right in the individual citizen, and attributing this proposition to me, I proceeds to expose it, by an exhibition ! of the wonderful logical acumen which | has so captivated the editor of the Con- J stitutionalist and Republic. It is as fol | lows: “ Very I roe say theSewnrdites, and in like manner it would be wrong in the Govern ;:;i■ ii t (that is Congiess and the President) to ! nv that fugitive slaws shall not be returned, ] as the people have not entrusted this power !to them. Tims what would be wrong in the I (low:runout, would he Uie right umlduly of I the citizen.” tA ‘ Now one must have large powers of ! deduction who could draw this conclu | sion, even front these perverted premises, i lit the case put, the Constitution and the j laws passed to carry it into effect operate (both on the Government and the citizen. Tbe Constitution declares that fugitive slaves shall be returned. This ascertains I the duty of the Government. The laws which provide the means by which this return shall be effected, demand the obe dience of the citizen. Hut the perversion is too palpable; the attempt thus to as sail the proposition 1 have stated is too puerile. A process of reasoning equally pro found, just now occurs to iny recollec tion—and I will state it. 1 remember to j have read or heard of a discussion be tween two angry disputants, as to the probability of the success or failure of the projected invasion of England by the elder Napoleon. Col. 13. maintained that it would, and Mr. A. as stoutly de nied that it could he successful. The former asserting that England had been once conquered by France, referred to the invasion and conquest of William the Norman. The latter denied that William was a Frenchman. Colonel 13. thought to i lose the controversy trium | phantly bv the following syllogism: ‘!']■.< ’ :itices cf France arc Frenchmen; j Wiliiarn the Norman was a native of France: h'rf'o, William the Norman was a Frenchman; Iml was instantly met by another, which ! dosed the verbal discussion. It run | thus—- A goose is an animal; Col. B. is an animal; Krtjo , Col. B. is a goose. The perfect parallelism of these two processes of reasoning, cannot but he felt. Yet I hope the reference will rumple no feathers. The Washington editor claims for the abolitionist as an individual, tbe same right which is asserted for the individu als of the American party —and it is con ceded to him. But he is not content with this. He gives the vote, and then resists the law, which has been passed in despite of it, In doing this, he does not rest upon the plea prepared for him, by his Washington friend—that whatever would he wrong in the Government, would he right for hint. lie justifies his resistance by an appeal to a law higher than that Constitution which he has sworn to support, and which the people of the United States have declared shall !he “the supreme law.” This is sufficicnt j ly absurd, but it is a holder course, and | not so puerile as the other, for whatpro ! vision of the Constitufion, or of any stat ! ule, forbids an American citizen, in the 1 exercise of his elective franchise, from i preferring a native Protestant —and from 1 so preferring him, because he is both na tive and Protestant? He violates no i law, either constitutional, or statutory. !He exercises a right which is absolute i and undeniable. Why should lie appeal to any higher law? and where then is the analogy ? 1 lid the editor hope by sophistry like this, and by misrepresenting and de nouncing every man who would not unite with him in tlio denunciation of the American party, to appropriate to his employers, the recent triumphs of the Democratic party, and its extraordi nary coadjutors ? The hope is as vain, as their triumphs will be fleeting. The j great and leading principle of the Amer ican party, must and will prevail. It is j cherished by the majority of the Amer ican people, by multitudes who are not . enrolled in the order. The collateral circumstances which decided the election in our State, will have no influence in the great national struggle which awaits) us. They will all be merged in the pri mary and vital issue which will then be presented, tlrftt of native or. foreign domination in this great Republic. The American party having divested itself of those objectionable features, which were deemed essential in its infancy, now stands in the strength of its manhood— seeking no concealment—openly avow ing it principles—marshalling its hosts in the face of its opponents, and hearing aloft a standard under which every American may rally, inscribed with these glowing words, Americans SHALL govern America. 1 have seen with regret, the editorial of the Constitutionalist and Republic, wbicb commends to public attention the flimsy and disengetiuous production on which 1 have been commenting. When the editor describes it as “a scathing pro duction,’ “presenting Judge Berrien in an attitude anything hut creditable to the statesmanship and patriotism of that gentleman,” he indirectly attributes to tne a want of patriotism, as well as of statesmanship. Now, Mr. Gardner has been politically associated with, and po litically opposed t*Aino. He has,-more over, just passed through a canvass abun dantly characterized by bravado and abuse. Yet in every aspect of our rela tions, and even at this moment, I had supposed that I had sufficient claims to his respect, to have protected me from j such an imputation. Our relative posh | tions considered, it may perhaps he j thought that ho undertakes its much as he is entitled to, when lie assumes to sit | in judgment on ray claims to statesman- j ship. The correctness of this pretension, I however, concents him, rather than my self. But when he attempts to connect me,"a Southern man, with abolitionism, —to place the opinions which I have at* nounced, “side by side, with Win. if Seward’s”—especially when he imp l /®, to me a want of patriotism —of liy ° country I—love 1 —love of the land whicH^’" 6 me birth—ho charges me with a cl 11 ’ of the deepest dye: and in so doing, nt 1 gets the respect due to me, to himself, and to his own convictions of truth. 1 will not he tempted to recrimination—it would not become me. Mr. Ganiuer has, 1 hope, not deliberately converted his ! press into a vehicle of calumny. Against one, who had some claims to his respect.: he lias preferred a charge, which, in com mon with the people of Georgia, lie knows to he false and unfounded. 1 have said that, in my address to the people of Georgia, I made no appeal to our Northern brethren, and 1 did not. Since its publication, I have seen, with unfeigned pleasure, in a leading New England journal, what 1 rejoice to re ceive as evidence that conservative men in Massachusetts are disposed to forego tlie further agitation of the slavery ques tion—to consider as false and calumnious the accusations which have been made against the people of the South—and to deaL-with wYm-idtq fraternal spirit which has heretofore united us. To this awa kened spirit, which is tiic spirit of free men—of American freemen, devoted to the preservation of ottr glorious Union —to the conservatism of that gallant State, heretofore so illustrious in our na tional history, 1 do not fear, as a South ern Whig, to make an appeal—to call upon them to stand forward in this per ilous hour—to banish from the politics of the State the distracting question of slavery, which has strengthened fanati cism and alienated us from each other.— to leave it, with all its responsibilities, where itexclusively belongs, to the States in which it exists—to unite with its in one grand national effort to free us from the dominion of spoilsmen and fanatics, and the corrupt foreign influence which sustains and supports it—and once more to renew, on the altar of the Coustitu-, tion, our united vows of fidelity to the Union. Respectfully yours, , Jxo. Macpiierson Berrien. / y The 3Vitr not Eluded. Wo were induced to hope that the terible defeat of the Know Nothing p,v tv in Georgia would, at least for the present, disorganize it. But wo were j mistaken. Let, then, the war continue, and blow follow blow, until its organi- ! zation is crushed and destroyed.— Fed. Union. So it seems, says the Columbus En quirer,, that our cotemporary lias been mistaken in supposing that the result of i the late election has utterly disorganized j the American party. Such a mistake! might well he made by our cotempora-1 ry ; he is mistaken in supposing that! the result of the late election has utter- j ly disorganized the American party. Such a mistake might well bo made by one who knows nothing of the real prin ciples and objects of the party whose effort lias carried alarm and terror into the ranks of tottering Democracy. He who fights alone for the spoils of victo ry may well feel the anguish and despair that follows defeat, but tho political or ganization which battles against the cor ruptions which have well nigh ruined the country, looks forward to the light of a brighter day even from the momen tary disaster which may obsure its pros pects. Our ancestors, in our glorious struggle against foreign tyranny, met with many defeats, overpowered by numbers, and borne down by the lieart lcssness of their own countrymen. But their cause was a righteous one. They fought for the right to govern their owii country, they warred against the right of foreigners to insult and trample upon them, and though they walked through the darkness of many fearful looking shadows, sbey finally triumphed. It is altogether probable that the same spirit may actuate the American party of the present day, and that the same result may follow. Not content with the recent triumph, and with hope probably of arousing the fears of the timid, our bloodthirsty eo ‘ temporary threatens to follow his van quished foe, with blow on blow, heavier j and still heavier, until all his antagonists ; are crushed and destroyed. Although i there is nothing very alarming, there i* j certainly something rather savage in :liis empty threat It is, tosay the least | of it, rather a serious business to under- I take to crush and destroy forty or fifty thousand of the freemen of Georgia. It is a work not likely to be accomplished by a malignant newspaper paragraph. The party against which this threat is uttered, have no quarters to ask, and no terms to make with the enemy. Its prin ciples are found in the Constitution of the country, and cherished in the heart of every patriot who desires to see that country free from the dangers that now surround it. The result of the recent contest then has had no tendency to dis organize its members, however it may have swelled the self-importance of the victors. We confess that wo can hardly be lieve in the sincerity of <mr ootempora ry when he pretends to have supposed that the American party would make no further effort. lie has had some expe rience, which has taught him that they are not afraid to encounter the most overrulling odds. The power of the national administration, applied in all the forms of political proscription and official oppression, has had no offeet in drawing them, from their high position. The defflßloudljr boasted of bv their YqqioiinitT^BKught about by a combina tion of the discordant elements which make up the various factions, and .fusing together, constituting what is miscalled the Democratic party, is not one calcu lated to crush an organization whose 1 principles are purely American, n\ : j whose objects and aims rise ab n m j petty contests of the passing 1. Well Ibon. may the fear that -i.o 1 battle jnot over, haunt the imngir.n tionsjV those who are attotuptin., to | mawP® intelligent people believe that j tjJP ,s no danger to be apprehended j dfP” the concerted and systematic move ments ot the civil and ecclesiastic crown ed heads of Europe. No indeed. The contest in which the American party is so insolently threaten ed with total annihilation, lias just com menced. Believing in the justness of their cause, and planting themselves, on the great and universally acknowledged ‘truth, that the government of their gantry is only safe in the hands of our o \Wi ye citizens, they rely with con lidcrjf on , ' iat sober judgment of the j vieophN l ’' 1 ; 11 sooner Greater, never fails to lvbu . I*'.!!?• TuldllJS-tf party. With this reliance, and inniw* M S finder the I hope their, at present, Mting oppo, Incuts in a conflict lessyiinous of the | ruin of the country tlia/7he ° ne which has just terminated, cotemporary may, therefore, gird on IK armor, and rally the host with which j threat is to he accomplished. j meantime, we by way of friendtl ai ' ,no ~ | nit ion, charge him to remeniM’ that | the sun, which shone with si ; h r °- i splendent glory over the victor lls * i lerlitz. went, down in darkness? 11 field of Waterloo. From the Apaiarhicoia Com. Af rt 1 The brig Mermaid, Thayer, • . , and from New York, arrived in^ s or ’ on the afternoon of the 31st iiJ^ ur consequence of light winds, tliff | came to anchor about three the west end of St. George’s tS , a ~. ro Captain brought up his p/ 0 ‘„ the citv in one of the Y t 0 About midnight UjKhrtnJl diLtw issuing from the <SL n llatch when removed, the fl^ nes b u ’ rst f , with such violence thatj t wag f ollnd J possible to replace The .ujd five men that u-eT aboard, launch ed the rogminnig and sllt ,, yodod .-ailing t be and a small P"rtfc” of their clothing; by this time tfiflrressel was enveloped in flames and ‘/fiitimied to burn until 7 o’clock next “yeiiing, when she sunk in tea feet wa iter. As soon as It was known in the citv that tho vessel was on fire, the Captain proceeded to her with several lighters, and succeeded in saving the anchor and c| l i"8. Some few packages of merchan dize have been recovered, but in such a state as to he comparatively worthless. The brig was ten months old, owned by 13. Richards, Esq,, N. York, and val ued at *20,000, She was loaded with :au assorted cargo the value of which is estimated at from *75,000 to *BO,OOO. 1 its: Return of Kokovc\ Crtminai.s. —Sotne time in August last, Mayor \3 ooc. of New York, received informa j lion that a Hamburg ship, the Dut- h t land, had sailed from that port for New i \ ork, having on board a number of rim i nals, direct from the prison at. Gust row. lie accordingly notified the agents of the ship there, that he would take charge of these people, and that they should lie retained in custody, and thus prevented from adding their number to the desperate characters who already prey upon the community. The Dutch land, reached New York on the 17th of last month, and was stopped at quaran tine. An examination into the charac ter of the passengers was at once insti tuted under the direction of the Mayor, Competent persons were appointed to conduct it. The examination substan tiated the reports previously received.— The convicts were found on board, and their admission or affidavits taken, by which their unworthy character was, we are assured, fully established. They were thereupon placed in durance until they could be returned to the port whence they sailed; and this course, it is said, will bo pursued by the Mayor in all sim ilar cases for th future.— /Salt. Amer. We mustnot always speak all that we know that were mere tolly; but wlmt a man says should be what lie thinks, otherwise it is knavery. If you want to enjoy freedom of speech, allow the same to others; and if you feel that you should speak freely, do you bear in mind that there jsno Uionopol” : n this thing.

Georgia Historic Newspapers

American standard. (Albany, Ga.) 185?-18??, November 08, 1855, Image 2