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THE ATLANTA WEEKLY EXAMINER. CIRCULATIONT OF" THE EXAMINER, 4360 COPIES! WILLIAM KA/ VOLUME 1. TJEJJFLZMS. THE WEEKLY “ EXAMINER,’’ s Published every Friday Morning, at Two Dol lars per annum, payable in advance. ttF No subscription taken for less than six months. RATES OF ADVERTISING. Advertisements are inserted in the W sbklv Examiner at the following rates: Seventy-five cents per square (of 10 lines brevier) for the first insertions, and 371 cents per square for each sub sequent insertion. Advertisements continuing three months or more are charged at the following rates : 1 Square 3 months •$4 00 1 “ 6 “ 0 00 1 « 12 “ 10 00 2 “ 3 6 00 2 « 6 " 10 J)0 2 "12 “ 15 00 3 •• 3 8 00 3 “ C 12 00 3 “ 12 •* 20 00 4 “ 3 10 00 k 4 « 6 “ 15 00 ' 4 12 “ 25 00 > Col’n 3 15 00 | " 6 " 20 00 | "12 " 30 00 4 « 3 “ 20 00 ) “0 “ 30 00 J “12 “40 00 One Square, changeable, one year, 00 Two » “ “ 20 00 Three “ “ “ 25 00 Four “ “ “ 30 00 Quarter Column “ “ 40 00 Half “ " “ 55 00 13?" Advertisements leaded and inserted un der the head of Special Notices will be charged One Dollar per square for the first insertion and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion ,'ty" Legal Advertisements published at the usual rates. Obituary Notices exceeding ten lines will be charged as advertisements. OF" Yearly Advertisers exceeding in their ad vertisements the average space agreed for, will be i charged at proportional rates. iy All Advertisements not specified as to time will be published until forbid and charged ] accordingly. Legal Advertisements. Salos of Land and Negroes, by Administra tors, Executors or Gurdians, are required by law to be held on the First Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and 3 * in the afternoon, at the Court House in the ifTUounty in which the property is situated. -Notices of these sales must be given in a pub lic gaxette 40 days previous to the day of sale. Notices for the sale of personal property must bo given in like manner 10 days previous to saie day. Notices to the debtors and creditors of an es tate must also be published 40 days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell Land or Ne groes, must be published for two months. Citations for letters of Administration, Guar dianship &c., must be published 30 days—for dis mission from Ailministration, nnnidy six months —for dismission from Guardianship, 40 days. Rules for foreclosure of Mortgages must be published monthly Ibr four mon tin—for establish ing lost papers, for the lull space of three mouths —for compelling titles from Executors or Admin istrators, where bond has been given by the de ceased, the full apace of throe months. Publications will always be continued accord- ’ ing to these, the legal requirements, unless other-., wise ordered, at the following Rates: Citations on letters of Administration A :. 75 do do dismissory from Adminis tration, 4 50 Citation otr dismissory from Guardianship, 3 00 Leave to sell Land or Negroes, Notice to debtors and creditors. 3 00 , Bales of personal property, ten days, 1 square 1 50 j Sales of land or negroes by Executors, &c. 5 00 Estrays, two weeks, 2 50 i For a man advertising his wife, (in adv-.nce,) 5 00 Letters on business must be (post paid) to en title them to attention. FRIDAY. JUNE 8, 1866. SWAN 8 FREE READING AND CO.MMER- J CIAL ROOMS. But a short time ago, we took occasion to no- j tice the improvements making in front of the I “Atlanta Hotel," as well ns its interior arrange-! ments. Now we are called upon to notice an j improvement at the “Trout House’’ which adds greatly to its appearance and comfort. We al lude to the commodious shelter which Mr. Gage, in connection with our enterprising friend, Mr. Swan, has caused to be erected in, front of the Hotel. This shelter extends tlie whole front of the building, and in the Bummer months will prove quite a defence from the scorching rays of the suiq It will prove too quite a convenience to our citizens and strangers who visit the “free Reading and Commercial Rooms” of Mr. Swan, at the Trout House- A more agreeable retreat, for an hour or two, but few cities in the Bouth can boast possessing. Here will ko ' ;ud news papers on file from all importan. Nos the Union, prices current, rail-road OS- .'aamboat schedules, and financial information a reference to the genuineneai and value of barJc notes no matter whence issued. Atlanta isfavored in such enteiprize, and to Messrs. Gage and Bwan"our citizens owe a great deal for thus catering for their comfort. Os the polite agents too of Mr bwan, who attends his rooms, we cannot speak too highly. Eter accommodating, the visitor is made to feel, at once, at home. We advise all strangers to call at these rooms. LETTER OF COL. LUTHER J.GLENN. We invite the attention of our readers to the followffig letter, addressed to us by Colonel Glenn, a gentleman, and a Democrat, so favorably known to the Democracy of Georgia, that it would be idle in us to add a word byway of comment. It speaks for itself. [For the Exami-,nr.] Atlanta, June I, 1855. Mr. Editor.— Letters of declination being the ! order of the day, and wishing to disembarrass the action of the Convention, soon to assemble in Newnan, so far as I am concerned, allow me, through the columns of your paper, to withdraw my name from all connection with the Congres sional nomination for the 4th district. To the democracy of Henry County, among whom I was raised, and with whom I have been engaged, shoulder to shoulder, in days gone be , in many a hotly contested election ; and to other friends, throughout the district, who have men tioned my name favorably in connection with the nomination; I tender the acknowledgements of a grateful heart, for this manifestation of their kindness and confidence. Let the Convention nominate a “ good man and true,” and he shall have my support. I would also take thia occasion to correct a re port, which I learn is in circulation here, and at other places, that I am a member of the “ Know Nothing organization.” When, where, or how, such a report originated. I am st a loss to divine. For the information of all wh > may feel an inter est in the party relations of'so humble an individ ual as mvself, I would state, that I never have be longed. do not now. and never expect to belong, to the Know Nothing organisation. Ido notap- Stove of their policy or their principles, as I un erstand t em. They arc, in my judgment, in their tendency, subversive of the fundamental principles of the government; violative of the spirit of the Constitution; and contrary to the policy punned by the government, from its or gatuMtion. in rsfaraiaes w these who seek an ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 8, 1855. j asylum from the oppressions of the <ll world, in ■ I this I “ Land of the free and home of the brave.” But while I d-< not approve ot the principles i and objects of the Know Nothings, I have not ' felt myself called upon to characterize, or justified i in chatactcrizing, those who ure my personla friends and neighbors as a “band of midnight conspirators”- “allies of abolitionists and free eoilers,” &c., &c. Abuse and denunciation are not the means with which to convince men of the “ error of and influence them to re trace their steps. Many whom I have every rea- I son to believe are mertibers of the order, are as j “ men and true,” as warmly devo ' ted to the best interests ot the South, as can be , found in any other political party, and who, when i the day of conflict shall come—which may Heav -1 en avert —will be found among the foremost in I ■ she thickest of the fight, striking i “ For their altars and their fire*, The green graves of their sima, God and their native land.” Yours, verv respectfully. LUTHER J. GLENN. I - - j i MR. STEPHENS IN AUGUSTA. I On Monday evening last, we learn from the i Constitutionalist, Mr. Stephens spike to an im-f ; mense crowd City Hall in Augusta, who i received him with most flattering demonstrations j lof unabated confidence. We regret that wecan- I not give the entire report of his able speech, as we I I find it in the Constitutionalist, and can only al- i i hide to the main points. > j Ho said that it had been intimated hie decision i to retire from the qpming campaign was from a i j fear of being beaten; he was afraid of nothing Ou earth but doing wrong, ami wouldn't give a fig for a man who was afraid of being beaten in a ' i good cause. He had come there to announce his ; determination to be a candidate, not the nominee | of any party, tut an independent candidate for I' Congress from his District. The announcement j was received with enthusiastic shouts of appro bation. He continued that the Know Nothings pro- ! fessed to be an organization to put down dema gogues and tricksters; he did not belong to ei ther class, for such men never walk in open day, but skulked in dark hiding places, and he warned i the people against leaders who concocted schemes in midnight. j It had been said by men who were shooting at | him in the dqrk, in answer to his letter to Mr. ; Thomas, that David of old and Samuel Adams ! had formed secret organizations, but this was no 1 excuse for secrecy in this new order. The object of those organizations were revolution, and so with the Know Nothings, their object was revo« ’ luti'on, and they knew it They had sworn not to support Catholics for office, and though they might deny it by some casuastical Know Noth ing construction, they knew tney had taken such : an oath. They were sworn to d > so in direct j contradiction to the express terms of the consti-, tution, hence their object was revolution. He thus alluded to the want of truthfulness in the order, and charged all ministers of the gospel who had joined tl .e order to “repent in suck cloth , and aididv,” and to preach upon the text furnished , them by the Savior, “what is truth I” And just , here we will add that Mr. Stephens is right about’ the position of pseudo-political preachers inter fering with their unquestioned influence in mat- j ‘ ters entirely foreign to their holy office, and con-| verting the pulpit into political rostrums. Men ’ , who bo jealously meddle with politics, certainly ' , do nut fulfil all the duties of the ministry, which ; to be properly attended claim the ever-active and ; , undivided attention of every power of the mind, , But to return to Mr. Stephens’ speech: I , ■ He said, truth never skulks from the light of', I day, nor hides iteelt in dark corners, away from , I the light of discussion. Truth was the founda- | i tlou scon* vl' oivjl order, the soul "1 socitd integ-', ! rity ; but truth gaiAlplace to equivocation in the , j secret order, ami it bowed to a sjiell more potent, , than truth. Honest num bowed to no such power , j of equivocatio,-, , I The'Micfi of the third degree bound Know ' , ’ Nothings to the support of the Uni-m under any ; , i circumstances, but did not bind them to respect . 1 the constitutional rights which were the basis ot the union. There -was abolitionism in disguise, I , ■ and he called upon Southern men to notice it.— ; •Ee stood upon the Georgia platform. Should j I Kansas, as a slave State, lie rejected by the next , Congress, he was for resistance there, and failing, i I he would come home and tell the people to re-; gist it ' , . The statements that foreigners were abolition-1 lets, were false. They came here with reverence , i for the constitution. They sealed in the north- ■ , ■ west, and from that quarter came the best friends I ! lof the South. lowa, the last State which bowed ; I 11 the frec-soiler, never did so until over-run with i ; Know Nothings. ; He alluded to the strife and ill-feeling which ! , . were the legitimate consequences of arraying re ligious prejudices against Catholicism and for-1 1 eigrters and proscribing them as a degraded class. I He spoke of the meh who had stood firmly by ; theSAuth in her hour of trial, of Douglass, Rich nrdson and others who fought with us in the ; struggle against abofit on sm and the Wilmot proviso. These were the men whom the Know I Nothings sought to beat, and twenty out of the forty who stood by the Kansas bill had been al- ' ready proscribed on account of their vote. Even ' in Massachusetts there were true men, who fired one hundred guns for Judge Loring, but there ' was no Know Nothing gun in that-rejoicing.— | I There were other true men in Connecticut, New ; York, lowa, Illinois, but the Know Nothings were i fighting them all, and the South should stand up ' ; to them, as they hud stood by us and the Con stitution. He said that it was stated hie letter would be his political winding sheet. If the people of hie district so willed it, he was willing to go down to his political grave, and would have the Constitu- i tion for his winding sheet; next to that he pre ferred the principles of his letter, which sup- > ported the Constitution against the attacks of j Know Nothings. ! He compared the entrance of the new order,' from the North, into the South, to the entrance of the serpent into the garden of Eden, with a lie in his mouth, and we may add, to fool weak. 1 womanly natures with doctrines of the alarmist. ; or soothing opiates to delude the cautious. Mr. Toombs followed him in an able speech, endorsing the positions of Mr. Stephens, and the : crowd then dispersed, with renewed zeal, to fight 1 against the insiduous workings of the midnight i order. We are glad to see Messrs. Stephens And j Toombs throwing aside party preiudices, and bat tling with Democracy against this most danger- • □us enemy to the Sou'h. Whatever cause De-1 mocrats may have had to complain of them, they 1 I are right note, and Democracy always sustains i the right. T«. Democracy belongs the task of ex-i I oYcising this threatening spirit of darkness, and i , her cause is one which these gentlemen feel to ; ! be just, and with a magninimiiy worthv our i highest praise, they step forward to strike with j us the blow that shall lop this scion of fanaticism i from the tree of liberty. The Democracy of the •! Bth District will appreciate the efforts of Messrs. i Stephens and Toombs. I Ths Caloric. Motive Power.—Mr. | Ericsson, in a letter to Lient. Gov. Ray mond, directly contradicts the report that i has been busily circulated that he has i J abandoned hia idea of making hot air; serve the purposes of steam; and says that lon the contrary is more than ever satis. , fied of the soundness of the principle and , is now building a test engine Io establish : I it. Those who like ourselves have been ■ j on board a steamer propelled at the rate of i seven or eight miles an hour by hot air , alone, will not be inclined to abandon all ■ hope of seeing the principle yet more suc- ■ cessfully spplisd.—„V. J. Cszn. Advor- 1 ; *m*t. j “ ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS, WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”— Jbffebson. ‘THE REPUBLICAN—:THE POST MAS-1 TER AND EXAMINER. We omitted in our two last iasuea to notice the j change which has taken place in the proprielot ship of the Republican, as well as to reply to an article m its columns concerning the late and present Post-master of our uity, and the Examiner. With regard to the first omission, we shall has ten to make the amende, by stating dial the Re publican has passed into the hands of Messrs. J. Norcross, W. G. Forsyth, and Lemuel Dean, gen- j tiemen well known in our city; that “a paper I will be kept afloat", by t»u m “with the name ofi Overby and Temperance inscribed thereon f and ' that the editor of the Republican, Dr. Jarnos R. ■ j Smith, line been compelled by circumstances to ; dispose of his interest therein, and will, for the ' i future, devote his attention to the practice of med- ‘ ! icine. We are thus particular m noticing thia change, i because of the article in the columns of the Re publican, to which we have referred. If wo arc i I to attribute it to the present conductors of that ■ ; press, in all good humor we would say to them, i ; that no one will doubt their “havinggotten" their; I “foot" not only “into a newspaper, ’ but into an unprofitable controversy. Circumstances, how ‘ ever, induce us to ascribe the article to its lat., ‘ • anil more experienced Editor; and we regret the | necessity that forces us to reply to him, aware as ■ we are, that his connection with tho Press of! ■ Georgia has ceased, and of his excusable ssnsi-, ‘ trvenesson the subject of the rstnoval of the late I Poet Master. But there is so much in the article ! in reply to our“corrcction” of the rumor that the ' ; late Post Master was removed for being a Prot- i 1 estant, and his successor a Catholic, calling for a . notice at the hands of the Examiner, that our in-; ‘ disposition to recur again to the subject of the re- ‘ moval and appointment, must give way. notwith- ’ standing the circumstances referred to, lest in-; justice be done,.and false impressions prevail. We j therefore reiterate uur_ belief, arid have been ad vised—not, however, by the Post Office Depart ment —that the late Post Master was removedjbr ‘ no other cause than that it was determined to ap-! point a democrat in his place—that hie religious i belief never entered into the consideration at all, | nor do we believe that the . Post Master General, ever knew or cared what Mr. Boyd’s opinions on I the same subject were; and thntthe removal was 1 effected through an influence exercised from At lanta, we have also been advised. It is therefore : with us a mutter of earnest belief that the Repub lican is wrong when it persists in adhering to the , opinion that the removal was made because Dr. Smith was a proteatant, or that his being one ever entered into the head of the Post Master General. Nor do wo believe that there can be found one out of ten thousand,unprejudiced per sons in the State, entertaining an opinion differ ing from that we do. 8 > far as the late Post Master is concerned, most cheerfully do we ac cord to him all that is claimed for him by hie most intimate friends. Neither “part nor lot” had we m his removal. The misfortune, though he may not consider it such, lay in the fact that' he was a Whig—an opponent of the Administra-! tion in political sentiment—and that it was deem-; ed proper to give he office to a democrat. Hence I the removal; hence the appointment of Mr. Boyd.; To that portion of the Republican's article ; which refers so particularly to Mr. Kay—the pro- j prietoi of this paper—and his being a Catholic, j we have more to say. It is admitted that Mr. i Kay “is an estimable man" but he is a Catholic, j and a foreigner by birth I! Here are both big- i otry and prejudice, two spirits driven from the land by our Revolutionary sires, but which have j recently be< n introduced to test, we hope, alone, ‘ the wisdom, Christianity, and patriotism of their i sone. From this fiery ordeal who will escape, and prove themselves worthy sons of their ilius- i tnous sires I Certainly not those who have en-; listed themselves under a banner upon which is | inscribed proscription Os foreigners, who, republi can in feeling qnd in action, have abandoned their native land to dwell in a land of Liberty ! Cor- j tainly not those who proscribe and persecute their fellow-man, because he is not of this, or that I Christian faith, but chooses to worship his creator as his conscience dictates unto him, whether it be “under his own vine and fig troe," in the humble meeting house by the road side, or in the costly temples of the crowded city 1 A spirit so anti repubhean as this; so subversive of whui the fra mers of our Constitution intended thia govern ment to be; displayed through it has recently been in quarters whence, ana by thousands from whom, we had the right to expect better things ; and manifested in the retarence made by the Re publican to the proprietor of this paper; is a spirit not “of charity and good wilqio men,” but of I perverted judgment in some, in others, of bigotry ' and fanaticism. We offer it not as apology for Mr. Kay, that though a foreigner and Catholic, his firn connection with a printing establishment was the result of earnest persuasion on the part of a citizen of Atlanta, who is now a leadi.ig Know Nothing; nor do we offer it ns apology that his first connection with the Examiner was the result of a similar persuasion of, and in con nection with, two native born Georgians. We .only allude to these facts to show how circum stances alter cases. The Know Nothing now doubtless proscribes the foreigner and Catholic,; and looks upon it as presumptuous that he should ! lie the proprietor of a newspaper. No! The pro-: prietor of the Examiner exercises the privileges | of an American citizen. He directs his enter-! p ise, and invests bis money in whatever property ; he. pleases. He pursues as many lawful callings I ns he pleases, and he claims, will exercise, and ! demands every privilege guaranteed to him by ' the Constitution of Georgia, and that of the Uni-1 ted States. The attempt to prejudice the Exarn- 1 ; iuer, because its proprietor is a Catholic and a fer ‘ eiguer by birth, every true American at heart, j i and in principle, will resist. Every demoorat, at ■ ! least, will do so, no matter from whence issues the , 1 mandate to proscribe. We well remember ape- I riod in the history of what is now a large and in- ’ ! fluentiul Christian church, when the pioneers ot! its creed were persecuted on every side, and when | I in nil humility they bore it. but still went their i I way doing good. These men taught their chil- ’ i dren the evils of persecution; and bads them j boldly to contend for religious liberty. They did I so ; but if we are not sadly mistaken, many who | ‘ now supply the places of the departed fathers as ; teachers of the sacred word, ore actively engaged in promoting a spirit of persecution, and assaults i upon principles of our government, which, if once : blotted out of the Constitution, Would ibuke thia ‘ Union no better than France in the reign of ter j ior, and fulfil the prophecy of British writers rel i utive to its permanency, sooner than any other i one event that we can now think of. But Geor ‘ gia, we have an abiding confidence, will follow ; the example of Old Virginia, and set her seal of ; condemnation upon the unholy work ; and so long as that seal has inscribed upon it “Wisdom. Justice, Moderation,” just eq long will no fear be ' entertained by us that the councils of Know Noth ! ingism will ever control the destinies oj the "Em pire State of the South.” For the length of this article, wo offer an apol ogy to our readers. The motive which prompted I the writing of the greater portion of it. can be ea- i oily seen. It was not to provoke a controvcry ; with the present conductors of the Republican; - nor to continue, oi invite a continuance with us j ! late Edttor, either in reference to the cause otjjhe I ! removal ot the late Post M ister, or up in the ques- 1 lions to which we have referred, arising out oi i i that act. More than once allusion has been | made to the Examiner s being the property oi, ' a foreigner and Uatuolic. We treated those al ; liuions of the press, as we thought, properly— ' we passed them by “as the idle wind which w<- . regarded not.” Lest, however, it may be thought. I that we had a desire to “blink" the question, or I conceal a fact, we now state that this paper is the property of a foreigner by birth and a Catholic ; i a gentieman pronounced by the Republican to be "an estimable man ;” a true American at heart and in action ; and a staunch democrat. And if in all this, there be any treason, let the enemies ;of the E xamuisr maka tbs rapst of it * We bids i l ks iasae. LETTER FROM THE HON. C. ). MCDONALD. Marietta, 23th May, 1856. P. Ift act, Ehq— My Dear Sil— Your letter announcing the unjustifiable liberty taken with niy name, by Home person not tunned by you, in connection with the or der ot Know-Nothings has just been re solved by ine. You remark, that “it is roundly asserted in some sections, that I not only favor the new movement, but I have actually become a tuomber of the order.'' There is not the slightest foun dation for either statement. So far from that. I disapprove the movement, and re gret exceedingly (what I believe) that a great many good men both political parties have connected themselves with an asso ciation. which, to my opinion, is essential ly wrong and adverse to the genius and spirit of our Republican Institutions, and who, 1 trust, will become convinced of the mis-step they have made and retrace it.— To be more explicit in regard to myself, I will add, that I never belonged, and do not now know belong to the order, society of association of Know Nothings, nor to any other secret society whatever. Lt would be the greatest misfortune that could befal as a people to substitute secret and private arrangements iu affairs of Government, for the free and open discus sion of principles and measures, which Las happily prevailed in this country, since the declaration of American Inde pendence. If the hypothesis on which our Govern ment, State and Federal, ure established be true, that man is capallf of self yovem ment, it follows that he will act intelligent ly in selecting tl.e means of promoting his individualand social happiness. Our con stitutions, State and Federal, prove that one ancestors have done all that wisdom and forecast of num could accomplish, to provide for the happiness and prosperity of themselves and their prosperity. It was a daylight work. Lt was not done in a corner. All the light that human rea son and intelligence could shed upon it illuminated every step of its progress to consummation. Hearts full of patriotism and devoid ot corrupt yearning after office and its emoluments were in it. If the work is not perfect it is not because the artificiers engaged in it were not faithful, honest and skillful. When they were about to complete it; the looked upon it, and like truly great men, diffident of them selves, and knowing that experience in the operation of their system might develope defects which had not been detected by them, and that in the distant future, new exigencies might arise which would ren der a change indispensably necessary to the safety and happiness of the millions of people destined to enjoy its blessings, pro vided for the making of that change. The inode iu which amendments are proposed to be made, proves that the fra mers of the constitution never contempla ted that their descendants should take council together on them in secret cliques but that supposed defects would be pointed out, alternations proposed, and that the whole matter should be fully and frankly discussed by the people and by their Rep resentatives, in their Legislative Assem blies that all the light that truth reason and argument could shed upon it, might be brought into requisition, and that what | was right should be done, upon the friend ly consultation of intelligent minds having no objects but the public good. The people of tho South ought to look well to it before they countenance, by : their approval and example, secret combi nations to defeat either their constitution or laws. Their rights depend on a fair exposition of the constitution, and an hon cst support of it. What right is more clearly defined in the constitution, than that of the Southern slave owner, to have his fugitive slave, found in a free State, delivered up ? None whatever. Con gress has enacted a law to enforce it.— The law to enforce canaot impose a higher moral obligation on the citizen than the constitution, which requires it. Both constitution and law have been opposed even to blood-shed and murder, and the execution of tLa law and constitution has been forcibly prevented. There is no stronger guaranty to be found in the con stitution in favor of the slave holders' right of property, than there is in favor of the Roman Catholics’ right of conscience Both are protected. May it not be well asked of the anti-Ctftholie slave holder who i resorts to secret confederacies and combi nations to defeat the constitutional rights of the Catholics as free priviledged citi zens of this Union, if he can complain of the abolitionist; who resorts to the jame , means to defeat the constitution and law, by which he has a right to demand the restoration of his stolen or absconding pro perty? Can he complain of even open and forcible resistance 7 Moral guilt is complete with the combination to defeat; physical tesistance enables the law to punish the act and facilitates the proof. The objects and. purposes of the secret order, are not fully known. But public rumor says, and the elections which have taken place, establish as one of their ob jects, the exclusion from office, of all pro fessors of the Roman Catholic religion. It : so, it is annulling in practice, one of the . most valuable provision which protects I i alike the Catholic and Protestant. The : j original constitution, was submitted to,' ! and ratified by the people, declares, that ! “no religious test shall be required to any : :'.>ffie Q . of public trust under the United, j States." The very first amendment of, ‘ the constitution proves the high apprecia i tion placed by the people on religious lib-' : erty, for they required a stronger protec- j i tion ot the rights of conscience, and added ! that Congress shall make no law respect , ing an establishment of religion, or pro j hibiting the free exercise thereof. Hence j it will be seen, that so far as the govern : ment brought into existence by the adop ' tion of the federal constitution is concern ied the freedom of religious faith was left inviolate and made inviolable. As citizens of the United States, we owe obedience to the constitution and constitu tional laws cf the United States, and the private citizen is as much bound morally to support all •cnstitutioMd requirstasnt* as the official citizen is to enforce them, | by Legislative enactments and ministerial , effort. As long as they exist, they should! be respected, obeyed and supported j There should be no combination open or secret, to defeat them. If they are wrong or defective, they should be expunged or changed, and made to conform tothe pub lic interest. Disbelief, then in the Roman Catholic religion, does not warrant an assault upon the l ights of the Roman Catholic believer, any more, than, for the same reason, assault may be made on the political rights of cit-' izens of the protestant faith The oon- ; stitutiomil rights of both ought to be res- ! peeted, and sustained If it be said that the assault is on the religion, and not on the political rights of the Roman Catholics and that the defeat- of political rights is only a means of subduing the religion, let it be remembered that the hypocrite alone who has a higher regard fur office thaojfor any religion or religious faith, -will be gain ed by it. If the order wish to convince ! of religious error, they mast not expect to do it by persecution of any sort; they must excite no resentments and beget no hatred. It may bo urged that, the consti tution of the United States prohibits the federal government alone from interfering with the religious liberty of the citizen, and that it contains no inhilition to the States, against the establishment of reli gion, and that the States may establish a religion—lt will scarcely be avowed that one of the oljects of the society is to alter tho of the State, and establish ' a religion in Georgia. Such an opinion ' will scarcely be entertained by any one But the carrying into efiect the alledged ' purpose of excluding a citizen from office i on account of his religious faith, is oppo- | sed to the long established policy of this ’ State; sustained by stringent constitution- j al provisions. The people of this State I showed the highest estimate placed by ’■ them on religious liberty by declaring in their constitution, that “no person within | this State, shall, upon any pretence, be I deprived of the inestimable privilege of i of worshipping God in a manner agreeable to his own conscience,’’ and by further de- j daring, that “no religious society shall i ever be eetabliehed in this State in pre- ■ lerence to another, nor shall any person I be denied the enjoyment of any civil right j merely on account of his religions princi ple.” Are these great and cardnal prin ciples of religious freedom to be practically expunged from the constitution'! Is an exception against the Roman Catholic to be interpolated in fact or in practice 7 Is any pure patriot of this land, attached to the constitution, cordially devo.ed to the civil and religious privileges; which it se cures to every, citizen, ready to spend his time and offer up his life in their support and defence, to be disfranchised because of bis religious faith; because he is Roman Catholic? If a despotism over the heart and conscience is to be established, I i hope and trust, it will have no advocates ' in Georgia, and gain no foothold here; but, chat, iu a dark contest against religious freedom, every Georgian of whatever po- | liticul party will be found on the side ot the sound old principles of the constitu tion and liberty. It said that another principle or object of the. ssociation is the exclusion of foreigners who are admitted to citizenship, from office that the naturalization laws, as they exist, arc wrong and unwise, and, should be en couraged or changed. If this be so where is the necessity of organizing a secret party or any distinct party, for their amendment >r abrogation? Why not submit the sub ject to the people, and leave them to decide upon a fair examinatin of the question in i the usual way, whether foreigners coming into and adopting this as their country, renouncing allegiance to all other govern ments, and performing the duties of citi-1 zens, shall be denied in indiscriminately' the ordinary rights and privileges of citi- ! zenship? Whether, if there be such de nial, it should l>e absolute and uucondi-: tional; whether the term of probation to ■ entitle a foreigner to citizenship shall be 1 prolonged ; whether the privilege shall be I allowed to any who do not produce testi monials of good character in the country ' from which he emigrated; how such testi monials are to be authenticated to prevent imposition 7 Cannot this better done by openly discussing the subject, than by se cret arrangement and combinations 7 Is a secret orgahization to be gotten up on every propcsed new measure of the gov-; eminent, and the light of investigation to be shut out from the public mind 7 Is the freedom of speech and of the press to be voluntarily abandoned by the people 7 j Patriotic men should look to the tendency of this novel organization to degrade us from the condition of an enlightened peo ple, sustaining our institutions and our laws by the power of truth, reason and argument, to a nation of cabollers for of fice and spoils. If any part of the Constitution is sup posed to be wrong, or if new exigencies arising in the progress of society, should render amendments or additions thereto expedient and proper, there can be no ob jection to submitting the matter to the : people. They have not become incapable j ot independent decision ; nor do I think ! it fair to presume, by calling them to act I under cover of darkness, that they have ' become craven—that they are afraid of power and wealth. The power of the poor I man is as great at the ballot box as that of ; his wealthy neighbor. If it be not intended to introduce ft new : order of things, and refer all measures of . government to secret societies to decide j what shall be done with the people, there , can be no good reason wherefore the ex j pediency and policy of our naturalization laws should be made an exception and controlled by a covert movement. W< admit the right of expatriation. When a inau expatriates himself, he abjures alle ; giance to the sovereignty to which he be ! longed, and forfeits his right to look to it j for protection. If he connects himself with another government, with the con i sent of that government, and pledges hi.- alleeianoe to it, he is entitled to its pro cection, for himwlf, hu family and hie property. If, in the new country of which he be comes a member, the private citizens is entitled to certain privileges, and atuo.ig them, a voice in the choice of rulers, why should it be denied to him 7 There is but one argument against it,and that is, (,|iat lie may not be sufficiently acquainted with the nature of our government &'<d institu tions to enable him to make a judicious selection. The answer to'that is, that the law prescribes for him a term of pupilage, within which he may inform himself in these things. It appears to have been the policy of our State government, at a very early pe riod, to admit forgigi era to all Tilt. rights of citizenship. Before the adop tion of the Federal Constitution, a resi deuce of twelve months within the State, and proof of good character; and attach inent to the State govern in; nt, by the cer tificate of the grand jury, entitled a for eign: rto take the oath of allegiance to the State, and he was declared by statute to be " entitled to all the rights, liberties and immunities of free citiz ns;” he was nevertheless, incapable of holding office and of voting for members of the General Assembly, for the term of seven years, and until, by special act of the Legisla ture, he was enabled to do so On the adoption of the Federal Constitution, and the enactment of a law under it for the naturalization of foreigners, our State law became inoperative and voidr- The act of Congress took its place. As the term of time requisite to indoctrinate them in the true principles of our government, must necessarily be a matter of opinion and judgment with those who have the authority to fix it, the discretion followed the power, and both were vested in Con gress Congress has fixed five years as the term of pupilage, within which t was supposed they might acquaint themselves with these things. If in the judgment of the peopL-, the term of probation ought to be extended—if the naturalization laws are otherwise defective, let it be shown, and they can be amended ; but the right of a foreigner to expatriate himself from his government can never be disavowed in this country; and we can never claim from him the support of his head and his heart, bis purse and his arms, and deny him the rights and privileges as citizen ship If the terms on which these rights are to be granted are fixed by law, and he conforms to them, they form the govern ment's compact with hiui, and it cannot be violated either by government or citizen, without abroach of faith. The standard of merit and qualification for office ought to be as much regarded in a foreign born ag in a native citizen, and should be as highly appreciated in selections of men for office, and the accident of foreign birth oueht not to be visited on him as a crime But, sir, a graver objection to this in- 1 stitution, so far as the South is concerned, I is to be found in its connection with open j and avowed abolitionists at the North—l men irffatuated by the spirit of tajiaticism, ! enemies of the Constitution, imbtrSi with an immitigable hatred of SoutfaM people and their institution of slaveryif-wnd ready to resort to any device or any intrigue to destroy it, with a remorseless disregard of the horrid consequences that nry ensue. What faith is to be expected from such men? If they profess to their Southern brethren of this fraternity, that they will ! abandon their opposition to slavery, doJ they not come with guile in their hearts ! uud falsehood on their lips? A heavy I responsibility will rest on Southern men, I if they form an alliance aud treaty offen sive and defensive with men on empty | professions, in hostility with their history i and conduct in the entire past. Such an alliance will give an insidtious enemy I strength, and enable him to accomplish ■ his nefarious designs on our constitutional ' rights. It is to be hoped that they will ■ pause before they take ti c final step and seal the bargain. Who belong to the Know | Nothing organization at the North ? The ] great body of the Whig party and un-1 sound Democrats, who have become aboli—| tionists and freesoilers —men that South-1 ern Democrats havedenounced on account, of their freesoil and anti slavery principles. I Men there belong to it, who have said they intend to destroy slavery by abolition-I izing the South. Men belong to it there : who have said and voted that Congress has I ■jurisdiction over the subject of slavery, and that they will not. stay their hand until it is abolished. Men belong to it there, who have declared in their public and private assemblies, and in their legis lative bodies, that the fugitive slave law shall not be executed amongst them. Menj I belong to it there, who deny the right to establish slavery, and who hold all regu lations concerning it void. Men belong to it there, who lay down principles which seem, upon a superficial examination, to have but little or no bearing upon the in stitution of slavery, but which, Jn their eventful operation, will destroy it. They hold in the first place, that in territory , conquered from a foreign country where i slavery is prohibited, this political regula- ■ tion (denying a condition) shall bee >me a law to the conqueror, (who, by the laws of . his country, may own slaves,) to divest i him of this species of bis property. They deny the power of Congress to protect this ! kind of property from aggression and i wrong, and have refused their protection, I thus drawing a distinction against it, and I to that extent putting the owner out of the protection of his government. Men belong to it there, who aim at the ultimate i destruction of slavery by the admission of free I States to a number sufficient to effect an amen '- I mentofthe Federal Constitution, and give Con -1 gross jurisdiction over the subject. Men belong to it there of every vari ’ty of opinion adverse to the institution of slavery, but all of whom agree I i in two things—first, that slavery ought to be I I abolished, and secondly, that it shall be abol- ■ i i«hed. ■ Surely, Southern mon will well consider these things, as if they have associated themselves w th ■ this order for the purpose of accomplishing objei ts I which they believe ! to be ben fici.d to the coun- I try, finding the grave error into which they have i fal'en, will they not separate themselves from it? ■ Thesecrecy of the movement is wjong. and copp| t-arv to the spirit and genius of our gov. 1 May not every citizen ask. if there be design ae nst my pe-sou my <•' property, my civ i or rel.g ous rights sawulM6.cn with daikuMt and ae«rs«y 1 Thara | PROPRIETOR NUMBER 41. I is no pii'ccilent for it it «ny free government. I The in'epenflence of this country was not <le -1 cl.ireil in secret. It was i roclaitncil in open ilay. Th'' reasons for separating from the crown ol Eiqj- I Inn 1 wire phiinly, publicly nml fearlessly given. Th terrorof the power of England w<s not suffi -1 c ent to int'mu’ate ane deter our noble fathers ; from Ibp open and public d 'nunciation. The Consmution of the United States was not a mid- I night p-odiiction. and the Constitution ol the : several S ates wre formed upon epen and public. 1 discussion. Thcytiltacknowledgeandproclaimtl.e ' principles of human rights and liberty, and ore in- I tended to secure them. They are written ns w ith ! a pencil oflight and surelv thev c ntiot bo d' - I stroyed hut by w orks of d .rkness. I Why should any potion "I th'* people ol the Soutlieng go n nach'uati'ius to 'lefiata si> gle hlessng secund by the Const tut'"i>? V, hy should we not al’ ra ly an! unite together at tile South tosiv? the Cons’itoi'on ? The grave oh ect >ns urge I but a sh rt t'mc past t > a sectional p Tty. h ivc given away, an I the pubi c mind has no < become pretty wed sat isfied that it a sectional party is gotten up in one part ot the Uno n to des-r y the Const tution, anoth r se tional partv "•aybe g tteo up to ug | hold nod support »t. But a party organized on ! principle', not ■ ep-pt ng in any of its tenets and practices from tire Const tu>i >n. but ndlierina to it !in >il. its p<rts with fidrl ty an I truth, will n t ; long be a sectional party. Patri itic men wi| ! rally to it from a'l quarters, Sound men of the i North and the South, of the East and the West, will stand together on tho hr >ad and strong piat i form f the Constitution. It is the gl riousplat -1 form of the D"mocr.ti<- party —emphatically the party of the Const tution. It isn teatform which needs no amendment to suit dainty ta«t >s or ' scrupulous eons"icncea. Men who can ret sh the Const tution and conseiontinusly approve ts pro ' visions, can stand up n it without fear and with ! out reproach. It is not a p atlorm constructed of ' rickety materials, to hold political men of no par ticular opinions, ready to fall to pieces on the > slightest shock. I Why, th -n, cannot all meet together and act j together on this great platform 1 It is not wrong ; if the Constitution is right. i The circumstances jinder which I have written ; have prevente me from answering your enquiry I and treating tho subject in a satisfactory manner. ■ I trust, however, that when published, what I i have written will correct the reports which have i been circulated. I sincerely hope that the jumble into which things have got will be but ephemeral, and that all heads at the South will meet together in oi’ZN council, with hearts full of patriotism, and resolve on constitutional measures of safety, which all sections ought to approve. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Your friend and obedient servant. charles j. McDonald. Seven Days Later from Europe. i ARRIVAL 0F THE PACIFIC. New Rork, May 30 The steamer Pacific has arrived with one weeks later advices from Europe. Liverpool Market.— Cotton was buoyant, and an active speculative demand had arisen. The market advanced J to 3-16, and c'Osed active and firm. The silica of the week reach one hundred and twelve thousand bales, of which specula tors took forty-nine thousand and expor ters five thousand bales. The quotations are for Fair Orleans Ojd. Middling sid; Fair Uplands 6jd, Middling 6|d. Breadstuff's are ilu.l and unchanged. The crop prospect is good Consols had advanced 89J. Money was easier. GENERAL INTELLIGENCE. The scige of Sevastopol to the 12lh May was unchanged. Au expedition of fifteen thousand allies embarked at Kamiesch, and put to sea in the.direction of Azoff, but returned with- I out, landing. Omar Pascha’s force had returned to I Eupatoria. Large allied reinforcements were expect j d iu ten days. The negotiations between Austria and 'he Western powers were unchan. ed, but between Russia and Austria, are more in timate Russia had notified the German States I that the Czar will only hold tothe two first guarantees on condition of the neutralily | of Germany. France and England had presented their ; ultimatum to Sweden, which Sweden was -I inclined to reject A SECTIONAL PARTY. The following, which we clip from the ' Yugusta < 'inislitiitioiiatisl as perfectly em ' bodies our views of the recent meeting in ! Columbus, that we lay it before our read ; era in lieu of a brief article we had pre ' pared upon the same subject.—Eds. Ex ; a miner. The proceedings of a meeting of the cit izens of Columbus, in which several lead ing Know Nothings of that place take a ! prominent part, held at Temperance Hall, ’on Saturday, 26th inst., have been sent •usin a circular; they have also been pub lished in the Columbus Enquirer. Our co-opcration is asked in the movement therein proposed—which, as we understand , one of the Resolutions, proposes to us to repudiate all fellowship and connection with the present national political organi zations. This we respectfully decline to do We shall adhere to the National De mocratic organization, as one sound in its principles, its aims and purposes Upon it, and its action, and upon the conserva . tive influences it will rally to its support at the North wherewith to defeat and checkmate Freeaoilism and Know Noth ing deraagogueism, we base our hopes of its being able, the South co-operating, to preserve the Constitution und the Union. When we give up that hope and abandon that Northern organization, the National Democracy of the North, that has never ibandoned us, and resort to a merely sec tional and Southern organization to defend the South, we see plainly that it must re sult in disunion. The result may com mend it to some who participated in that Columbus meeting We have no doubt 'it did. One at least among them, thegen i I. man who moved for the appointment of I the committee “ to draft and report suita ble matter for the consid ration of the meeting,” is, avowedly, audp rse a dis unionist. We do nut yet>4etmair of the . Union • '■ Our columns areltodcrowrtJrl this mofti j ing. to-morrow we will publish thc*proceed whgs in full. We wilkhereafter comment MLi 'h mm refillv. We say this much .r . . .u. joMit.uu at the 4 aaxliMt uoiuant.