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(Biaminrr. -I/.!!-Avj2^^ : '" 1^ '<i Third and Fourth Pages. FOR GOVERNOR: H. V. JOHNSON, OF BALDWIN. FOR CONGRESS. Ist District-Jas L. Seward of Thomas. 2nd “ M. J. Crawford, of xMuscogee. 3rd “ J. M. Smith, of Upson. 4th “H. Warner, of Meriwether. sth “J. 11. Lumpkin, of Floyd 6th “ Howell Cobb, of Clark. 7th “ Linton Stephens, of i ancock. Bth -“A. H. Stephens, of Taliaferro. North Carolina.—Mr. Clingmanis elected by more than 1200 majority. Notice—The Hon. Alfred Iverson, U. S. Senator, will address the people of Bibb on Sat urday, the 25th inst. Notice—The Hon. A. H. Chappell will ad dresss the people at the regular Thursday night meeting on the 23d. Notice—Linton Stephens, Esq., will ad dress the people of Macon, on the Bth of Sep tember. Western & Atlantic Rail Road. The earnings of this Road for July were as follows, viz ? _ Frkichtb. Pass. Mails. Total. # U 9.340.69 $10,391,30 $1,895,83 $(57,628,22 July ’64—20,653,83 16,303,16 1,166.66 37,023,64 Increase $20,786,76 $1,088,65 $729,17 $30,604,58 DeKalb County Democratic Nominations. The communication over the signature of “A Democrat,” in reference to the nominations of the “Democratic and Anti-Know Nothing Par ty” of DeKalb county, from an esteemed citi zen of that county, we beg leave respectfully to decline publishing, however satisfied we may be of the purity of motive animating the writer. It is with regret that we do so ; but we cannot permit the “Examiner” to be a source through which contention may be fostered between par ties, all our friends. DeKalb county Demo crats, we respectfully suggest to “A Democrat,’ can settle a question, in which they are so hn mediatly interested, themselves, without a resort to the newspapers. This is our bumble opinion. If wrong, we shall regret it. Beat it if you can. We have sometimes been inclined to regard the beet stories we find going the rounds as fabulous; and have thought that so.i e editors have a sort ambition for telling these veget able stories. But our friend Dr. Bomar, has presented us a beet that prepares us to believe almost anything Cat may be said of the enor mous size this particular vegetable can attain. As we desire to be “as much above suspicion”’ as Caesars wife, we shall not de’eribe it, for we could not hope to have a truthful description credited. It is a monster affair, and those who have a curiosity in such matters will find it in our sanctum, where they cun gratify that curi osity by the examination of its gigantic pro portions. Those New Style Hats, At J. Taylor’s “Emporium” are splendidly gotten up, and no mistake. Our fancy for tiles is rather peculiar, and while we submit to the dictates of the “ powers that be ” over the peo ple, in respect to hats, wc don’t always like the covering with which the hatters furnish us.— But the fall style is just the thing. We confess ourselves perfectly satisfied, and would like to see it made permanent. Taylor has a fine lot of beautifully finished ones, and all whose tiles begin to “ look shabby,” should drop in and see him. We know his hats are good, ami always prove just what ho represents them. Country dealers can order from him without risk ; he has nothing but what is good, and in style. Falsehood. A joint stock company paper, us it is report ed, called the “Discipline,” .nd published in this city, contains the !o low’ng: “It might be well enough also, for those who are dgMsed to give extra weight and credit to the of the Examiner, when it m.der takesvK justify the Governor, to remember that the said Journal is in the pay of the State Gov vernment! That the printing office from which it is issued enjoys certain State patronage, of considerable value; and that these favors are the result of special order from Governor Johnson!” The assertion that this journal “is in tlie pay of the State Government," m false; — that the printing office "from which it is issued enjoys I certain State patronage of considerable value,” is also false;— and “that these favors are the result of a special order from Gov. Johnson.” is deliberately false. Like its late'assertion, in which it used Mr. Jenkins’ name, inconnec-l tion with Gov. Johnson’s, not a word of truth is contained in the article;—the writer of the editorial must have called upon a very fertile imagination for his facts. Removal Question. The following, we clip from the last Federal Union: Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the States of Georgia in General Assembly met, and it is hereby enacted by tie authority of the same, That the question of Removal and Location of the Seat of Gov-j eminent of the State of Georgia be referred to 5 the legal voters of said State, and that they be i required at the next general election, to e >-1 dorse oil their tickets “Removal ” or "No Re-I moval.’ If to be removed, where. And ill shall be the duty of the managers of such elec tion, to make return, to his Excellency the I Governor, the number of votes polled for and j against Removal, and the places voted for. Approved, February 17th, 1854. \\ hat was Left?—it is said that a number of boys, the other day. had the curiosity to ex- i amine a cellar where a Know Nothing Coun cil had held their meetings. They found the door strewn with empty bottles and jugs. In one corner was a volume of tlie "Sons of the Sires of ’76. ” much worn and greosv; it is sup posed that it hud been used us ‘a Bible on which they swore their members when initiated, and a broken lantern. .1 st rung smell oj brim- . stone perrated the whole cellar.—Federal Union. | J Drath or Charles IV uxack.—Mr. Char , lea Waflack, the treasurer of his father a tl. ire, died yesterday very suddenly. Meeting at Calhoun. We were present at the Democratic Anti- Know Nothing meeting, at Calhoun, on Friday last, and were pleased to witness the enthusiasm animating our friends in that section of our State. The Know Nothings were few in at tendance. Indeed, we were informed that an order had gone forth to keep away from tlie meeting, lest, we presume conversions might be made. Consequently, of the large assemblage there, four-fifths were Democrats and Anti- Know Nothing Whigs, all of whom appeared to be zealous advocates of the good cause and will do good service until, and during, tlie day of election. A number of speakers were present cn the occasion. The first who addressed the meeting was the Hon. John H. Lumpkin, the standard bearer of Anti-Know Nothingism, and Democ racy of the fifth Congressional District. We have already spoken of this gentleman’s advo cacy bf the cause so honorably and ably main tained by him. No slang, nor scurrility, nor abuse, enters into his speeches. They are marked by argument, eloquence, and truth, and tell powerfully upon a people who have long known him, and with whom he is a popular favorite. Upon his antagonist, Col. Tumlin he was severe, but not to personality. He told the people to call upon the Colonel for his po litical creed, and to demand of him where he stood upon the issues of the day—that it was right to know his whereabouts, and his duty to tell them. If he could not speak, or declin ed speaking, then let him write out, and publish his opinions; and if he could not do this, then let him get his friends to do so for him! The impression this call made upon the large audi ence was unfavorable to Colonel Tumlin’s aspi rations, particularly as he was on the ground. And we doubt much, that his simple assertion, of being a “Jackson Democrat,” will avail him anything in the contest he now provokes against the Jackson Democracy of Cherokee. After Judge Lumpkin’s address all hands repaired to partake of the bounteous Barbacue provided for the occasion, and to which ample justice was done, by each and every one there. After dinner, the people again repaired to the stand, from which they were addressed by our fellow-citizen, Colonel L. J. Gartrell. It would afford us much pleasure to record every word of the eloquent, argumentative, and able address of this gentleman. True his time was limited, for others had to follow ; but for little over an hour he commanded the undivided and earnest attention of all within the hearing of his voice—the full tones of which fell upon the ears of the Know Nothings like thunder. We had heard and read of this gentleman’s able address at Augusta, some weeks ago, and ex pected a great deal from him; nor were we at all disappointed. All that we regretted was that courtesy to others made him close so soon • and we have now to regret that we are pre vented giving a full report of his masterly ex position of Know Nothingism ; his able advo cacy of the democratic cause; and his eloquent appeals to the Cherokee democracy to stand by their principles, the Constitution and their coun try. We hope, however, as the Colonel declar ed his intention, yielding to many calls made upon him, to address the people in various sec tions of the State, to report some one of his fu ture efforts, in extenso, as we are satisfied we can promote our cause thereby. Col. Howard followed in a speech of almost twenty minutes, which, we regret we did not hear, as we were forced to hurry on to the cars, then returning to Atlanta, and which prevented his speaking longer. We learn that the closing speech was made by Judge Wright—the mention of whose name will satisfy the reader that all was right, in the conclusion, as it was in the beginning of the day’s proceedings. To our friends at a distance we say, all goes on, and will go on well in Cherokee. Heed not therefore, Know Nothing reports to the con trary. Every day adds to Anti-Know Noth ing strength, and weakens the enemy. The Cherokee Democracy are at work in earnest, and the result can no longer be a matter of doubt Georgia will stand side by side with Virginia, Tennesee, and Alabama, despite the world, the flesh, and his Satanic Majesty. The Newnan Post Office. We were astonished a day or two since, to . learn that the post office at Newnan had been discontinued, and the more so, as there has as yet been no reason assigned in justification of this unceremonious deprivae of the designs that young city,of mail facilities. We sympathize 1 deeply with our Newnan friends, and do not wonder they should become indignant at such ’ unparalleled treatment. If, as intimated by the following proceedings of a town meeting there has been any secret emissary of the Post Office department at work we advise him to keep . clear of Newnan, else he will receive such re ward as he merits, at the hands of its citizeus The tribute to the present Post Master is well diserved. The Citizens rs Newnan and Vicinity, in Pub lic Meeting Assembled. ; On motion of Y. J. Long, Esq., Dr. A. B. I Calhoun was called to the and R. J. Smith requested to act as Secretary. On mo tion of Rw. E. D. McKinley, a Commiteee of seven was appointed to report resolutions ex pnssive of the sentiments of the Meeting. The followlug named gentlemeu were appointed.—' IE. D. MeKiulcy, Col. John. Is. 51organ. Dr. ! W. W. Bruce. Lyman Griswold. Esq., (’ol. J. L. Calhoun. D. F. Hammond. Esq. aud M. Kendrick, Esq. The Committee reported the following pre amble and resolutions which ivere unanimouslv adopted. Whereas, our Post Office has been abrupt ly discontinued, and we have been for two days \ deprived of our usual mail facilities. Resolved, That the Post Master General be notified to restore them forthwith. Reso/red. That if the Fqpi Master General, i was influenced to this flagitious outrage on our rights, by reports of his secret Agents, that he j be respectfully requested to dismiss froiu this I time forth, such meddlesome emissaries. . Resolved. That the character of our Post Master and fellow citizen Dr. B. D. Brewster, needs no vindications for integrity and faithful discharge of his official duties, in our communi ty. ' Rescued. That the proceedings of Alas nieet ; ing be published in the Independent Blade and Georgia Banner, and a copy of* these reso- I lutious lie forwarded to the Post Master Gene ral. in Washington. A B. CALHOUN Chm’n. I J. R. Smith. Sec’y. I Grounds for a Divorce— Lidies mnst K’ ware of sitting in geutletuzm’s laps ami kissing them, in the aJ.’seuie of their iuubands. for the Supreme Court yi-sterday granted a divorce in the case of Frederick Loetz. against his wife Catharine, the evidence showing that he was a '' seafaring man. and that during his absence at I sea. Mrs. Loetz was frequently visited by one 1 Henry Schmidt, and one occasion she was seen i ' • “ >"i- a his lap. and as he was going away ,-h ■ ! ' -I’d him to the door, wiiere he kiss<> • at off—A. I’. Mir,ar. Atlanta Medical College. By the Professors of this young and flour ishing institution, we were invited, on Monday night last to a feast both intellectual and “good for the inner man.” At about 8 o’clock, in our elegant and spacious City Hall, by invitation of the Students, our fellow citizen, N. Ham mond, Esq., commenced the delivery of an ad dress, which, on similar occasions, we have rarely, if ever heard equalled. It was a pro duction, chaste, instructive, handsomely deliv ered, and maintaining the pretensions of the College to successful competition with its se niors in the State, even in its infancy. The claims of Atlanta to public consideration as a point at which not only its Medical, but other Universities should be built up to flourish and instruct the youth of the South, were forcibly presented by the speaker. Although he occu pied the stand for an hour, or more, we heard his conclusion with regret. We hope, however, that the gentlemen whom he addressed, will secure a copy of his speech for publication.— We should like to lay before our readers, at least those portions of it. which refer particularly to our city, and the views taken of it by those who paid it a visit some five or six years ago. The class was then addressed by Messrs. Moore and Hanson, the former, as we learn, a first course, and the latter, a second course student. Both gentlemen acquitted them selves handsomely. They appeared fully to appreciate the responsibilities devolving up on them, in the practice, of the profession they had selected. And nothing could have been more gratifying to our feelings than the terms in which they spoke of their honored Profess ors. The sentiments with which they seemed embued were alike creditable to their heads and hearts. Humanity cannot suffer without alleviation, where principles, such as were put forth by them, prevail in tlie practice of medi cine. It was evidence too, to us, if auy were needed, that their instruction was not confined to the science of Medicine alone, but that mor al discipline, and duty to their fellow men, had been deeply impressed upon them. We will vouch that wherever the lot of these gentlemen be cast, they will nrove valuable acquisitions to the community. At the close of the last address, supper was announced. Tables had been spread in the ad joining rdbm, capable of seating one hundred and fifty persons, and every seat was filled.— Every thing that appetite could crave, which Atlanta and its vicinity could furnish, was there. Fish and flesh, and fowl, and fruit, and con fections, covered the tables. Wines and ices were supplied in profusion, and great were the ‘ rejoicings in that “Hall of Justice" At our departure, one of its most esteemed and popu lar professors, was engaged in imparting in struction, in most eloquent terms, to those whom, in a few duys, lie would part with, some to see no more. Tlie repeated cheerings which we heard, as we pursued our way home, satisfied us that his words reached every heart, and that here, in the Atlanta Medical College, as at an other important point, his poularity with Stu dents of Medicine, has been fully sustain ed. We must not omit, here, to state, that the first session of this College will close in a few days. Its conception was looked upon as a “ wild hunt ” after what would now be over taken. Its establishment, was deemed a vis ionary idea, at which many mocked, and few believed in. But like our city, itself, the result has surprised and astonished all who see it as it now is. The perseverance of a few men, has accomplished a wonder. Like the Palace of Aladin it has grown up, if not in a night, at least in a day as it were, and its triumphant success is now no longer a matter of speculation —it is a reality. The first course numbers seventy-nine matriculants, and we doubt not that its second will double, if not treble, the n umber. A persevering, industrious and talent ed faculty, will always preside over it, and the time we predict, is not distant, when the “At lanta Medical College,” will be the ornament of our city, and the school of the South. As we propose, however, in the future, to say more in reference to this Institution, wc shall close, tendering, in doing so, our acknowledgments to the Faculty, for the rich treat of which, in com mon with them, we partook, with a zest, we shall long remember. Messrs. Immell and Cunningham, of our city we learn, were tlie caterers who furnished the good things for the supper. We shall remem ber these gentlemen, whenever any good fortune enables us to order one for ourselves. We like always to see such things “done up brown.” Gov. Johnson and the State Road. The Know Nothing press and speakers of the State, are endeavoring to stir up the minds of the people upon the line of tlie W. & A Rail Road, and indeed everywhere else; by the. most malignant abuse of Gov. Johnson for sev eral of his acts in relation to the affairs of the State Road. The most illiberal constructions have been given to these, and they have sought to influence the public mind by representations as false as they are malicious. The mushroom “Demosthenes of the mountains,” (who inglori ously sneaked out of a Democratic convention and joined those whom he had the day before berated in unmeasured terms, and was rewarded for his duplicity by waking up next morning I and finding himself possessed of an equivocal sort of greatness) has found in this connection. i a fruitful theme for his reckless vilification.— Following in the track of their new oracle, all the rest of the smgll fry echo his abuses, with such additions as their inventive faculties can suggest,regardless of truths tlftt stare them in the face at every step of their patd»ed-up argu ment. Amongst the most prominent of these, is the charge that Gov. Johnson paid Maj. Mark A. Cooper six thousand dollars, of the people's money, to buy his vote and influence, in the coming election. This Dr. Miller specifically stated in his speech here. Major Cooper has I not received one dollar from the State Road, either in restitution for over-charged freights, or as a douce r for his support of Gov. Johnson, and Dr. Miller knew it when be made the state ment. I That there has been a reduction of freights by which Cooper has been favored, we do not deny, mid *e .contend that it was an act of I justice to him and to'others upon the road—an act for which Gov. JohusOn has the recommen dation of the Legislature of 1852. Dr. Miller', who seems to know so much about the history ot the State Road, certainly has seen the r&ohition of that Legislature, and its pre amble. whki we publish upon the last page of to-day’s issue; if hot we advise him to 'read it at once, aud iearn bow and why a discrimina tion bus been made that favors Maj. jCecoer. The Legislature of 1852 appointed a committee ‘ to enquire into thq iron interests of the State,, J and that ewwaittee reported the following res- I oiutiou: ' i Resolved, by Me General of the State t of Georgia, That the Iron interest in i» <»«« « a'-ueii value to the State, and deserves r the habitual regjj.d of the people. That the Gw- • t er nor be and he is kertuy requested to give such I J direction to the operations of the Siqtf Road in its transportation department, as will sustain ' the Iron business and the Coal trade. That the I bupewHeßdeol of lite Vi estetu and Auaauc ; c Railroad is hereby authorized to make such con tracts for the supply of Iron for said Road, as he may think best crlculated to advance the interest of the Road, and the prosperity of the State ; and to negotiate such terms as he may deem expedi ent therefor. Assented to January 25. 1852. Here is an express recommendation for the reduction of Iron and Coal freights, which com pose a large part of Major Cooper’s shipments. Up to the time of the reputed “bargain," in the Freight Tariff’ of the road, under its present Superintendence, there was no such discrimina tion, and the demands of Major 5 'ooper were simply that it should be made. The subject being brought to the Governor’s attention, he has ordered this discrimination to be made. And in carrying out the intentions of the Leg islature of 1852, consists the “head and front of his offending.” But Dr. Miller and others of his ilk, talk a great deal about Major Cooper’s wheat, and charge that he Is peculiarly favored in this ar ticle. He is not more so than every other mill man upon the Road, as they will themselves state. The same reason why the development of the mineral resources of Cherokee Georgia should be fostered by the State, exist in favor of the development of her agricultural interests; and as the article of wheat is the most promi nent agricultural production, and the one which particularly claims this wise discrimination, a reduction has been made in its favor; but not, as charged, especially for Major Cooper. Eve ry other mill man upon the line of the road en joys the same advantage that Major Cooper does in this particular. Where is the injustice, then? Certainly not to the producer, for there is no proposition more clear than that every fa cility afforded the consumer increases, in corres ponding ratio, the advantage of the producer. The market value of produce is greater, or less, just in proponion to the cost of transporta tion. As the buyer's facility increases for trans portation, so does his ability to purchase at ad vanced prices. The advantage is mutual, when . regarded in a proper light, and not discrimina- I tive, as is charged. We shall refer to these charges again, when 1 we have more time and space, and lay before - our readers some other lights upon the subject, which will dispel the mists which the misrep resentation of our opponents have thrown around ( the matter. I Democratic Meeting in Campbellton. Cols. Gartrell and Cowart addressed the cit- I izens of Campbell county, at the Court House | in Campbellton, on Monday last. We had the ! pleasure of attending, and can but express our , gratificatiou, both with the arguments of these gentlemen, and the manner of their reception , by the intelligent auditory assembled. Col. Gartrell opened, in the morning, with I one of his most effj'ctive speeches upon the is sues of the canvass, and, while we regret our ! imperfect memory of his address—not a word cJ which should be lost—we cannot refrain from . mentioning a few of his leading points, though I we despair of doing his effort half the justice » it deserves. ’ Col.- Gartrell said, there was no necessity for the new organization, styled the American par ty ; its basis was a false one, and its Issues fic titious. History, the records, and common sense, went to prove that thia government had ( nothing to fear from the practice of its time* I honored principle of religious toleration. Civil and religious liberty, was the basis of the gov ernment, and interference with it could but weaken the sublime structure erected upon that foundation. It was dangerous then, as well as unnecessary. Tlie only issue for the South was, , the preservation of her threatened Constitu . tional rights; and the question for Southern L men, in the selection of a party with which to co-operate, was, which is the purest, and best . calculated to secure to the South her constitu tional rights. He had long regarded the Dem ocratic party as coming entirely up to this atan , dard, and since 1849, when he was convinced , of the entire rottenness of the Whig party, he • had co-operated with the national Democratic party, and believed it the duty of every South* ern patriot to do so, and sustain those men at the North who stood between us and our ene mies there—who had nobly sacrificed them, selves upon the altar of Southern rights. The democratic party was a constitutional party, a strict construction party, and being predicated upon a constitutional basis, it claimed all that the South could claim; an unqualified recog* nition of her rights under the Constitution.— What better party did the South want? Let Democratic principles prevail and our rights would be secured ; let them be defeated, and the consequences would be disastrous to the South. Every man at the South knew that without the Northern National Democrats in the next Congress, every hope of the admission of Kansas as a Slave State—upon which hangs the dismemberment or perpetuity of the Union --would vanish; without them, the prospect was a gloomy one. It was these noble spirits who passed the Nebraska Kansas bill, and we owed it to them, as a debt of gratitude, to say nothing of the interest we had in retaining their services, to sustain them and their party. There was nothing in that party repugnant to South ern men. The issues for which it had honestly contended, and which once made it obnoxious to whigs, had all passed away, and it stood now upon a Georgia Platform definition of the rights claimed by the South. Had not every man in Georgia adopted that platform. They had ; and the democratic party had. Why then this war upon the Democratic party ? Was there any jnstioe, any reason in it There certainly could be no justice in it, for the party had done nothing and proposed nothing that was not entirely consistent with Southern interest. There certainly was no reason in it New par ties are formed for the reason that those already in existence did not meet the wants of the peo ple. Could this be said of the Democratic party ? If not, there was no reason, no necessi ty for another. But. since there was no necessity for the new party, no reason for its organization, upon what ground did it rest its claim for support in Geor gia? Certainly not upon the ground that it too sustained the Georgia platform ; for, while it was true that the Macon meeting nominally embodied that platform it also adoped as a totali ty, the Pbliadepbi&platfonn which is entirely re pugnant to the letter aud spirit of the first. The Georgia Platform declared the Union as ? secondary to the rights it was intended to per-1 j petuate: but the Philadelphia platform insists i that the preservation of the Union is paramount to all other considerations, “the primary object of puuictic desire.” How could his Know Nothing frieixi-both for and against the ' Georgia Platform? It y.as ixpoesible ; there ( was no political affinity between them. Jhey could not say to Georgians. Uieri, come np and • join us, for we regard the Union as swondarf' xo ibe rights which it wxs intended to perpetu- ‘ ’ fttc. they hag said, in emphatic kngqagf j 3 that th? I Bion n’as the primary object of pa- 1 1 triotic desire,” and. In vffeet, that whether the ' rights of the South were respected or not, pa-! c tnoc.su., demanded the preservation of the > C Union. That was a kind of patriotism the Georgia Platform did not recognise. It was. ! k not, then, upon the ground of their ecbodim^t' of the Georgiapiatfonn, that Qk Amer party claimed Georgia votes. Neither could it be upon"the ground of its adoption of the fa vorite doctrines of Georgians, as manifested by a long and consistent course of action. What were those doctrines ? State sovereignty, and the exercise of every right not expressly dele gated to Congress in the Federal compat. The Philadelphia platform directly repudiates those doctrines, and declares that all disputed points should be referred to the Supreme Court.— When Georgia concluded the treaty by which was ceded to her this Cherokee country, did she recognise tho right of the Federal Court to interfere with her treaty ? She did not. When her authorities had condemned Tassels to be hung, and the Supreme Court interfered, did Georgia respect her interference ? She hung him. When the Missionaries became amcan able to Georgia law, and were punished by im* prlsonment, and the Supreme Court served the celebrated mandamus upon her, did she bow to its decree, and acknowledge its jurisdiction ? No. She expressed then, and has ever since, a fixed determination to manage her own affairs; and he was proud of this marked feature of Georgia history, which the American party repudiated. They could not claim the support of Georgians, then, upon the doctrine of State sovereignty. What else was there then? They could not claim it upon the ground of foreign influence. That was too meagre in Georgia, or in the South, to be feared. The number of foreign born citizens in Georgia was too small to excite the fears of her people. Besides they did not interfere with us; they did not sign Anti-Nebraska petitions; they did not come into the Slave States in threatening numbers, and if they troubled any one at all, it was the Abolitionists and Free Soilers of the North and West. The American party conceded that they voted for Democrats there, and it was a proposition too clear to be denied that the Democratic was the only pure party North and West: No friends of the South were troubled by these “furreners," and how could the Ameri can party ask Georgians to aid in keeping them off of their sworn enemies? The people would answer “let them trouble the abolitionists and free-soilere, wc shall be obliged to them if they do!” What then can they claim of Georgians ? To help them put down the Catholics! Why should they help them put down the'Catholics? Did not every boy in the land know that the numerical power of the Catholics in the South> and in the Union, was so small that it was an insult to the other religious denominations to attempt to legislate Catholics down ? He was no apologist for the Catholic region; he was a protestant; but every man of reflection would agree with him that the pulpit, aud not the political arena, was the field in which to fight Popery; that the introduction of religious is sues into politics and thus intimately connecting the affairs of Church aud State would result in a deplorable state of things. Every man in Geor gia knew this, and it was an insult to their comruon-seiiße and their patriotism to ask them do so. The Constitution had expressly de clared there should be no religious test for office, and how could Georgians be expected to take upon themselves oaths inconsistent with the constitution, and directly violative of one of its wisest provisions? Here Col. Gartrell went into an examination of the oaths and secrecy of the order, which struck us with peculiar force, and must have convinced every man present, not only of the entire absence of necessity for the organization, but of its downright tyranny, by encumbering the elective franchise, that dearest right to free men. Having clearly established that the organiza tion was unnecessary, and had no claims upon Georgia, or the South, he went on to say, it was dangerous to the South and the country. New and strange doctrines, not demanded by the ex igencies of the times, should be loo! ed upon with suspicion. This organization professed as one of its leading features, opposition to the naturalization laws, their repeal, and more restrictions upon foreigners. This law bad stood, as it now stood, since the time of Wash* ington, save during the obnoxious administration of the federalist John Adams, whose memory was not wreathed with laurels in the hearts of South ern men. Now these laws were to be repealed and made even worse than Adams made them! Why could not foreigners be naturalized in five years ? Put it to 21 years, and few of them ever would be. Refuse to naturalize them (and the proposed alteration of the Law had pre cisely that effect) and you deny the doctrine of expatriation, for the recognition of which the war of 1812 was declared. The so-called American party occupied now in effect the same position the English Government did then—refused to acknowledge that the citizen of one country could throw off his allegiance, and become the citizen of another. Was this American, he asked; did Our government claim an inextinguishable right to the citizenship of natives, born under our government; did it recognize the right of any other government to the citizenship of those who apply for citi ship here; did she not, in a word, distinctly recognize the right of expatriation: was not that right republican 1 All this was_ so, and could not be contradicted. Why then should a band of men refuse to the foreigner the exercise of that well established right ? It was anti- American to do so; and yet they would not deny that such was their object He then alluded to the “cultivation of an intensely American feelling'' as recommended by the Philadelphia platform, and its conse quences. as illustrated by the blood-shed and conflagration so recent in Louisville, and which will gradually find its way South, until our own hearths will not be secure from its javages. He concluded with an eflectivc appeal to Southern men to stand by democ.acy, as opposed to fede ralism, to freesoilism, abolitionism, and every other ism which entered into polities. His speech will long lie remembered by all who heard it, and the unanswerable arguments it embod ied, will stagger the of ever}’ member of the order who will open his imud to the con victions of truth. After dinner an opportunity was offered to any gentlemen of the American party who were disposed to speak, and none responding. Col. Cowart addressed the meeting in his usual attractive style, for about two hours. Those who have heard him will understand us when we UiAt no speech of bis ever gave more general satisfaction or «B- taiiKd his high reputation as We left Campbellton that evening with every wiAier.-e in the success of the party in that 1i xrantv.' h __ ‘ i B®»Mrs. Robinbox, (the veiled murderess.) b said to be apparently very well contented j vith her quarters in Bing Sing prison, where i i-S ;; employed in binding hate. * ( Sol. Moses' Letter of Acceptance. Hungry Office Town, July 18,1855. Gentlemen : I acknowledge the notification : of mv nomination by the American party.— Having, by previous arrangement with the leaders of that party, submitted by pretensions and made every suitable arrangement by* fore- > stalling your convention, by my card, anuoun • ciug my candidacy, I was not surprised that I t should receive your nomination, albeit I am not a member of your party, Had you been so selfish and proscriptive as to have sacrificed 1 me, under that timely agreement, I should have I been surprised, chagrined and mortified; asit , is, however, my prominence is not at all uncx ( peeled. 1 Being, for a long time, of opinion that the ! South ought not to be united, I bailed as a good I omen the opportunity the Columbus movement , made for dissension and disunion, and went to ’ work assiduously to advance that disunion movement. While many hearts responded to bring about this distraction of the people, in j other parts of the State, the same process was , going on. The prospect spread gloriously. . Who defeated this work? The answer is ’ plain; every Georgian mark it: It was done l by the wire-workers of the Know Noth ; iugs. After they haxl moved Heaven and [■ Earth to get Jenkins to join them, and did not T succeed; when they saw the Columbus move ment was growing too popular for them, they t dispatched letters to all the councils, calling a j meeting, secretly, at Macon, on the 27th June, j a few days before the contemplated Columbus Movement Convention, 4th July. They did 1 meet, and nominated Judge Andrews, albeit r this convention was first intended to be held on f the Bth of August, in Atlanta. But they de -1 sired to “steal a march” upon the Columbus . men, and the friends of a certain gentleman from Atlanta, much to his detriment— cheating 1 one another; forestalling the Columbus move -5 ment, and stabbing it under the fifth rib. Now , it is plain that, had they nominated Johnson , everybody would have met upon the Georgia , Platform; but instead of that, they concluded 1 they must have the new Philadelphia notion t that “the union is the paramount political i good. They ignored the Georgia Platform. » altogether; formed new issues. sprung new I questions—for the Federal Court to settle! 1 Jenkins, Stephens, Toombs, Harris, Cumming, 1 Berrian, and indeed all of our conservative - worthies would have united to save our Nebras r ka Democratic friends North from Know Noth ’ ing proscription, and thus poured oil upon the ' troubled waters in Georgia. Under this state 9 of facts, I cannot blame the Know Nothings f for leaving (me) ns of the Columbus movement. W'uat shall we isolated men do? Shall we join our open friends at the North, who are hazarding their all for our constitutional rights / —as Mr. Stephen’s- proves in his letter giving ? the vote upon the Kansas Nebraska Bill—or » shall we join the Know Nothings, who are |; stabbing us in the dark ? That’s the question! Not being able to stand aloof aud sedulous -1 ly avoid saying or doing anything that could > possibly increase the disunion and heart-bum- 8 ings of parties, I cannot remain idle any 1 longer, and shall consequently take what has . been represented to me, and what 1 believe is. 1 the strongest side, to wit: the Know Nothings 9 who tell me secretly they muster thousands in t the district. Although I have, in black and h white, pledged myself to Overby, I shall have t to withdraw from him, as I cannot possibly let ’ a chance slip to keep up this distraction—be -1 sides. Temperance is not popular enough yet for ■- me to take hold of. Although 1 may' have r sought the Democratic nomination, that dav and its hopes have fled ; although I said, and threw it in the teeth of the Know Nothings. ’* in my “Card,” that if 1 went to Congress? 1 ', must go untrammeled by party; what does it s al] amount to ? lam a regular out aud out B party man. and can change as often as you de sire—as the man said who kept in with many B administrations: I ani a full blooded “&Z. Mo ses party" man 1 i Although Judge Warner was as acceptable j as any man in the District; being by far the ablest jurist, of superior judgment, far-seeing wisdom, a profound scholar and a thorough i statesman, an honest man; not seeking distrae , tion, disunion, heart-burnings, and bad feeling , with the people—although all this is true, yet by my management in first being an indepc n dent candidate, you have nominated me as the American candidate in opposition to Judge . W amer. I had a right to expect it. Such a , man does not represent the object of your or ganization, but 1, who am his antipode, do.— By my nomination under our secret arrange ment, you have vindicated yourselves from the charge of selfishness and want of faith—that is. ( it looks so to the outsider. It is true that you took me up, because, as I before told you, you had no one in your order who could run with any kind of success, but then the outsiders do not know this, and they’ll think you are not proscriptive, sure enough. What' if you did violate one of the articles of vour constitution —you were compelled to do that or worse. Thus we are agreed as to the ends in view.— After affecting considerable disaffection amongst us. as I shall sound no retreat, as the battle will rage fiercely, I shall fall in the melee, per haps, like you, “unwept, unhonored, and un sung,” yet as with you, and one of you. SOL. MOSES. BenJ. Hill’s Letter of Acceptance. LaGrange, Ga., July 18th; 1835. Genthemen : I have received your letter no tifying me that I have been nominated by the American party as a candidate for Congress frem the 4th District. As I was not a mem ber of your party, and had not thought of sub mitting my name to your Convention, and as your party has been charged with being selfish and proscriptive, I must confess that this nom ination surprised me. Eor several years I have had no connection with politics—no claims ol political preferment for party service, and my prominence now is very unexpected, even to myself. I have long been of opinion that the South ought to be united, and, therefore. 1 have studi ously avoided saying or doing any thing that could, by possibility, increase the unfortunate party divisions and heart-burnings existing among our people. Therefore, when a large and intelligent portion of our fellow-citizens as sembled in Temperance Hall at Columbus anil so generously and patriotically proposed that we abandon our dissensious, and unite for our selves and the good of the couutry, I at once went to work and did all in my power to ad vance this timely movement." The hearts ol thousands in this portion of the State were no bly responding to this call; and I speak from knowledge, when I say that the members of the American party in this region were, almost to a man, giving us their warm and cordial co operation. 1 learned they were doing the same in other portions of the State, and Judge An drews himself warmly endorsed the movement. The prospect opened delightfully. \\ hat defeated this movement ? The an swer is plain, and I hope every Georgian wil; remember it. It was defeated by the anti- American Convention which assembled in Mil ledgeville on the sth day of June and nominated H. V. Johnson for Governor. It is my opinion if that convention had endorsed this movement in the spirit urged upon them by Maj. Howard s letter, the people of Georgia would now be one people and one party. This convention not only declined this movement, but passed a bitter resolution against the American’ party, and followed up the resolution by the most abusivi denunciatory letters and speeches from the lead ers in that convention. Now if these men re ally desired to see the South united, why did thev so abuse a party which they well ’knew embraced thousands of our purest and best (pen . If we regard them as men of intelligence, (as they are,) are we not driven to the conclusion that their object was to prevent this union aud thus keep part, divisions and animosities among the people.' Can a maa be regarded as desi -1 vuuj aoeociuiiou when, in every breath, he j * -o. • • They did apt desire it.; abuses you as a t._. * • --4 I and, in my opinion, they did not mtenu . What could our American friends do? The-, bad shown a willingtxa* to unite with us. They had come and were coming upon a platform with us which did noteven allude to the Ameri can party, and were even offering) the olive branch of peace to their enemies. It was not only refused, but contemptumisly refused. They were abused, villified, slandered, aiid misrepre sented. Even Johnson and Stephens, as did Herod and Pilate, on a memorable occasion, make friends in this, to them, genial warfare up on this American party; and a thousand lesser lights, in every prrt of the State, were burden ing the air with their cries of crucify them, crucify them. 1 ask what could our American friends do but defend themselves I Our object was union of all; this could not be done because Gov. Johnson’s party refused to unite with as. Ste phens refused to unite with us, and our object was defeated. Under this State of facts I can not blame the American party for organizing and accepting the challenge of their adversaries, especially when their National Council in the mean time had given them such an acceptable platform, although I regretted to see them leave us. The question now is, what shall we isolated Southern Union men do? Shall we join and aid to power the men who first refused our tion and defeated our object? They abused the Know Nothings, and abused us for being with them even on a Southern platform, until the Know Nothings turned upon them and I gave them signal for battle. The contest is getting warm, and those very men that so lately abus ed us arc now softly calling on us to help them whip the Know Nothings. Shall we do so? For one, 1 answer, never.’ It is clear that there is no chance of uniting the Southern peo ple until this contest between Americans and an ti-Americans Is over. We can do no good by standing idle now, and whatever may havelieen my preferencesor my scruples heretofore,! shall not hesitate to take open and decided ground with the American party. I will not enter into a discussion of the American principles in this letter. On this subject I will see the people face to face in every part of the district. Your Convention has nominated me with my position and my principles well known and un derstood. 1 had no right, to expect it, but in tendering it you have effectually repulsed the charges of selfish proscription so often recently made against the party. Knowing my prin ciples as you did, and endorsing them as you have done, leaves me no alternative but to meet you in the spirit which you have so nobly man ifested, and accept your nomination. With the American banner streaming ahoverne 1 shall ent the battle at ihe bead of our gallant column in the fourth district, and however fiercely it may rage, I shall sound no retreat, but shall fall like a prince, and die like a soldier, one of you. Yours very truly, ' BENJ. H. HILL [COMMUNICATED FROM WHITFIELD COUNTY.] Hospitality of the Know Nothings. Hospitality has at, all times, in all ages and among all nations been esteemed a virtue. It was an ornament and predominant feature in the character of the ancients, distinguished for their simplicity of manners, sincerity of heart, integrity and wisdom of character. The for eigner, (in those days called “the stranger,”) when far away from those who gave him life, food and shelter, and to whom he was endeareo by the ties of blood, found compensation foi his loss by genuine hospitality, extended to him in the towns, villages and hamlets, through which he passed. Nobody asked: “What is thy faith ?■—to which party, or couutry, dost thou belong?”—No, the stranger had no pa rents, no brothers, no sisters near, and was, consequently, treated with respect and conside ration, each one trying, by kindness, attention and compassion, to make him, as much as pos sible, forget the absence of parents, brothers, sisters aud early friends; and to oiler, and give, him shelter, nourishment, friendly advise am! help, and even to guard and defend him against danger. What touching examples of noble hospitality have been recorded of savages and barbarians'. Even to the present day we find them treat strangers with kindness and love, if accidentally cast among them, and, too that, in distant parts oi the globe, where the name of Jesus Christ is unknown and where, as yet, the cross, the sym bol of our religion, has never been planted 1 The despised Indian takes compassionately the destitute, sick or dying wanderer to his “wig wam,” heals his wounds, calls the Great Spirit s blessing upon the pale faced stranger and lets him depart, without even a hope of pecuniary reward. The wild Arab lifts the wearied trav eller on his steed, takes him to his tent, am washes his feet himself, tho’ he may have hun dreds of slaves at command; he refreshes him with milk and fruit, and accompanies him in the morning on his journey, without expecting, or receiving, any reward. How different from the practices of civilized nations, calling t emselves “ ollowers of Christ,’ where the virtue of hospitality, although so well known, is so seldom prac iced 1 The savage in the desert and wild forest, excels, and puts us, to the blush ; but we do not feel ashamed ; on the contrary, attempts are sanctioned aud made by professors of Christianity, by preachers ol the gospel, and by thousands of deluded anil blinded citizens of this renowned country, “the boasted abode of the free, and the refuge of the oppressed of all mankind," to repel new comers, unless to forego the rights and privileges of the natives formerly grunted to others, and to sub mit quietly to be treated as inferiors as intru ders,—sharing only equally in the taxes and all other necessary burdens imposed upon them— but, IN NOTHING ELSE!! God made this country, like the rest of the world, for the human family at large; but He did not indicate a single spot where a. particu lar tribe, or nation, was to live. We are al) his children; we are all brothers; and then are no strangers in II s eyes; we are all mem bers of one large family, providentially scat tered all over the inhabitable globe—and this globe is our common, earthly home, like Heaven is our future one. The ancients used to say and practice: “Let every good end useful stranger who comes among us, making our home his home be our our equal; te shall cease to be a stranger, for he has, now, no other home than ours ; if he will share with us our public burdens and ap proach God at His altar, as we do, his dust shall be mingled with ours and he be our broth tr!” This was the nob'e custom of our forefathers ; and who can deny that we are not all God’s children, and. as such, have equal rights, or, who can prove that He, who in His allwisc Providence and infinite wisdom created as, in tending certain portions of the globe to be in liabited only by certain and distinct nations?— If so, the know Nothings will gain the day; Americans will rule America; but supposing the new world was destined to be the red man’s home—what then? Is there not room for re reflect ion 1 A SUBSCRIBER. Proverbs of Women. When cats wash their faces, bad weather is at hand; when women use washes to their com plexion it is a true sign that the beauty of their day is gone. Many powder their faces that their skin may seem white: it is as a poulterer flours an old hen tiiat it may pass for a tender chicken. The stepping stone to a fortune is not to be found in a jeweller’s shop. How many women have been ruined by dia monds; as bird catchers entice the lark from hea ven to earth with sparkling glass. Like the colored bottles in a chemist's window is the rouge on the check* oi a maiden, it attracts (he passer-by, but all know the drug th«-y adver tise. Choose not your wives asyou do grapes, from the bloom on them. He who marries a pretty foot only, is like a buyer of cheap furniture —the varnish that caught the eye will not endure the fireside blaze. The girdle of beauty is not a stay lace. This is not the only excuse lor the tight lacing; a good house v.rie utvutu uieuo aste. • 8 When a maid takes to spaniels and parrots it means that henceforth tjej |jig j, a bird-eti to her. The mouth of a wise woman is like a monev box which is seldom opened, so that much lisas., ure comes forth fr m it. Store up the truth, O, woman I COMMUNICATED. Lumpkin County Meeting. Dahlonega, Ga., August 7th, 1855. In accordance with a previous notice, a large and enthusiastic assembly, opposed to the Know- Nothing movement, met in the Court House, and on motion of Reuben Barnett, Esq., organ ized by calling Judge Isaac Head to act as President, and J. Blackwell,and William, Burt, Esqs., to act as Vice Presidents. On motion, Isaac L. Todd, Esq., Dr. Zeloiea IL Mason was appointed Secretary. Col. J. W. 11. Underwood then entertained the audience for several hours in an eloquent and argumentative address, conclusively show ing the evil tendency, secret Political Sociotitt may have to subvert and destroy our Coustitu al Rights and that tlie Democratic party had been and was still true to the rights of the South. His remarks were frequently interrupted by en thusiastic bursts of applause. On motion of Col. J. B. Graham, the Presi dent appointed the following Committee on resolutions: J. M. Patton Esq., Col. J. B. Graham, Reuben Barrett, I-sq.,'l homas Davis and Robert Mays, Esqs., who reported thefol lowing resolutions which were adopted without a dissenting voice. The extraordinary effort now being made by certain politicians, who are engaged in the wildest hunt after office that this country has ever witnessed, to introduce into the political action of the country, principles of a novel and startling character, anil of dangerous tendencies violative of the spirit, if not the letter, of the Constitution under which the people of the United States have enjoyed more liberty, hap piness and prosjierity, than any other people ever did, make it necessary and proper, and in deed the imperative duty of patriots, without re gard to former political differences, to take counsel together, and by unanimity of sentiment and concert of action, to arrest and put down, through the yet free and independent suffrages of the freemen of the country, the mischievous, dangerous and destructive principles now urged upon the country with the zeal of fanatics, and in modes hitherto unknown to a people who are free to act in that way, which their judg ments may approve. Heretofore, the different parties which have existed in this country, en tertaining a priqtcr respect for the intelligence and virtue oi the people, have, openly aud pub licly, organized, and submitted their policy to the ordeal of public discussion and investigation! but now, we have an organization, claiming public approval and endorsement, which origi nated and was matured in secret, by means tlie most alarming and revolting to the lovers of truth and virtue; one, the leader of which, manifesting the most perfect contempt for, and distrust of the integrity of the people, have as is believed, imposed upon such as could be seduced or inveighed into their secret councils, the must solemn oaths, obligating them, under the severest ]>enaltieß, to keep secret whatever might transpire therein, even to the denial of their membership or the existence of the order; and compelling them, “in all political matters, to comply with the will of the majority of the council though it may conflict uith their per sonal preferences.” Such obligations and proceedings we believe to be incompatible with true independence, and unworthy oi any one who claims to be a freeman. 11 such un organization is sustained by the peo ple of the United States, we fear that the prin ciples of government which have made this country the pride of its citizens, and excited the wonder ol the world, will be subverted and de stroyed—und that the consequence will be the lotui wreck of the noblest system of government the world has ever seen. In view of thes lads and considerations, Resolved, Ist That the Constitution estab lished by t ur Revolutionary Fathers, aud ap proved by the great aud good Washington and uis patriotic coadjutors, provides the best system oi governmeut ti.at any people ever eujoyeii— anil under it the citizens of the United btates are the Irccst, happiest, aud most prosperous people on earth; aud we are most uncompro misingly opposed to its violation, mutilation, or destruction. Resolved 2d, That it is only by a strict ad iieiciice, in letter and in spirit, to that provision oi the Constitution, which declares that “no religious test shall ever be required as a qualifi cation to any office or public trust under the United States,” that tins country, hitherto so iree Iroiu internal disturbance, can be preserved in the luture Irom those cruel, bloody and mur derous coufficts, which in the name of religion, nave afflicted the countries of the old world. Resolved 3d, That in a free governmeut, all its citizens, who are Iree from crime, are enti tled to equal political rights—und we are op posed to any principle that will produce castes or different orders ol citizens in Uns country, as they have the monarchies and aristocracies of the olil world; und we pronounce such a prin ciple to be auti-Democratic—anti-American, and dangerous to liberty. Resolved 4th, That this country has been ruled by Americans since the days ol 1776—and we hojie that such Democratic Republican Americans as Washington, Jettersou, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, I’oiK aud Pierce, will contin ue to rule over us and our children through all time—but we enter our most solemn protest against being ruled by such Americans as Gar ner, Sumner, and Vv ilson ol Massachusetts— Hale ol New Hampshire, Johnston of Penn sylvania »nd Seward of New York. Resolved sth, That we cordially approve the action of the Democratic Party in Convention ut Milleilgeiil.e oil the sth of June lust; und we will use ail honorable ellbrts to secure the election of its nominee lor Governor—Hon. H. V. Johnson—aud we respectiufly invite all, without regard to former political differences, who agree with us in opposition to Know Nothingism, to unite with us upon terms of political equality and fellowship. Resolved tith, 'I ability of the Hon. lloweidMMmnl Ins great expe rience as a statesmaMHuder him pre-eminently the man to represent tffis District in the next Co.igres of the United States, when itisexpect cd the South will need the servicesand wisdom of her ablest patriots to preserve and defend her political rights, in the Umou, irom the fanatical crusade now being waged against us by the abolitionists and Know Nothings of the North. Resolved 7th, That Col. John W. H. Under wood, for the able and eloquent address this day made in delence of sound Constitutional princi ples, is entitled to the warmest thunks of this meeting. On motion it was resolved that the proceed ings of this meeting be published in the Atlan ta Weekly Examiner, Uonstitntioualist <fc Re public Augusta, and all Anti-Know Nothing papers favorable to the causes. ISAAC' HEAD, President. Zelotes 11. Mason, Sec'y. [Correspondence of the Dacly Rochester Dem,) Maces in Canada—Y aukee Horse Ahead. Quebec, (L. 1.) July 20. The Officers having charge of the Citadel at ‘ this place for years have had annual horse ' races on the iTums of Abraham, that are at tended by the Goveraor-Generul, the officials, the aristocracy of both sexes, and "the rest of mankind.” It has just come off; and, as recip rocity in the horse trade was included in the late treaty, this year the Military Club invited American horses to compete tor the prizes if rode by United States army officers, the rule being that British officers must ride the horses they enter. But one American officer and horse was on the ground. “Sam Letcher," the Yankee horse, stood lor the three mile heat against “ t ra iler who hail never been beat, and baa been the pride of the courye fop the iaat live years. Uver ten thousand spectators were present. The English horse was backed very heavy iu' bet# by the British, and the Yankee horse was the favorite ol the Americans, a great number be ing present, visiting that section on pleasure trips. The Yankee took the prize, and the back -- of him Docketed udjttt 2,uOU svveruigeiM. All Americans are called Yankeehera. ~ 2®- The Mobile Register contradict# the report of the appearance of the yellow fever in that city. Not a case !las occurred, and the city was nevermore healthy. Such is the assurance which the Kegufcr give* ita Iriunds i n the rwr.