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THE ATLANTA WEEKLY EXAMINED WEEKLY CIRCUL ATIONT OR* THE EXAMINTER, 12000 COPIES! JOHN 11. STEELE, | Editorg> CHAS. L. BARBOUR. | VOLUME 11. THE WEEKLY EXAMINER Is Published every Friday Morning in the City of Atlant y, at ONE DOLLAR PER ANNUM, To be paid strutly in advance. ty Nj subderiptiun taken for leas than six mouths. RATES OF ADVERTISING. A Ivertisemanta are inserted in the Weekly Examinka at the following rates: Seventy-live cents pers|Uire (of 10 lilies brevier) lor the firn i iaseruons. au 1 37 J cents per square tor each sub i sequent insertion. A Inert.semcuts c....tinning three months or more are Charged at the tollowing rates: 1 Square 3 mouths .>4 CO 1•• 6 •• 6 00 1 « 13 “ 10 00 2 “ 3 “ 6 00 2 “ 6 “ 10 00 2 “ 12 “ 15 00 3 “ 3 “ 8 00 3 “ 6 “ 12 00 3 “ 12 “ 20 00 4 “ 3 “ 10 00 4 « 6 “ 15 00 4 “ 12 “ 25 00 1 Col'n 3 “ 15 00 j *• 6 “ 20 00 f •• 12 “ 30 00 j « 3 “ 20 00 * “ « “ 30 00 « 12 “ 40 00 (Inn Stuarn, changeable, one year, sls 00 Two " - “ 20 00 Three “ “ “ 25 011 F.,ur “ “ “ 30 00 Quarter Column “ “ 40 00 half “ “ “ 55 00 L?" A Ivertisements leaded and inserted uu dei the head of Special Notices will be charged One Dollar per squire for the first insertion and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion l=y Legal Advertisements published at the usual rites. Obituary Notices exceeding ten lines will be charged as advertisements. Ey Yearly Advertisers exceeding in their ad vertisements the average space agreed lor, will be charged at proportional rates. IS> • All Advertisements not specified us to ' lime will be published until forbid and charged accordingly. Legal Advertisements. Sales of Laud and Negroes, by Administra tors, Executors or Gurdians, are required by law !tu be held on the First Tuesday in the month, between the hours of II) in the forenoon and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House in the County in which the property is situated. Notices of these sales must be given in u pub lic g> » tte 40 days previous to the day of sale. Nonces for t..e sale of personal property must be given in .Ke manner 1U days previous to sale dav. Notices to the debtors and creditors of an es tate must also be published 40 days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell Laud or Ne groes, must lie nublished for two months. Citations for letters of Adminislralion, Guar dianship Ac., must be published 30 days—lor dis mission from Administration, nanthly six months —for dismission from Guardianship, 40 days. Rules for foreclosure of Mortgages unn-t be published monthly for four months —for estubl.sli tng lost papers, for the full space of three months —for compelling titles from Executors or Admin istrators, where bond has bcin given by the de ceased, the full apace of three months. Publications will always be continued accord ing to these, the legal requirements, unless other wise ordered, at the following Rates: Citations on letters ol Administration &c. $2 75 do do dismissory from Adminis tration, 4 S|l Citation on dismissory from Guardianship, 3 Ol Leave to sell Land or Negroes, 4 0( Notice t.-i debtors and credit. r<. 3 00 Hiles of personal property, ten days, I square I 5< Sties of land er negroes by Executors, &c. 5 oi Estrays, two weeks, ~ For a in in advertising his wife, (in advance.) 5 01 Letters on business must be (|a>st paid) to en title them to attention. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1855, Cobb County Democratic Nominations Senator, THOMAS 11. MOORE. Representatives. ALFRED MAYNER, SAMUEL M. BRADFORD. Sieriff, J. B. BLACa.iv ELL. Clerk Superior Court, JAMES M. BARNWELL Clerk Inferior Court, WILLIAM CARROLL. Ordinal y. BIRDSONG TOLLESON. Groat Auction Sale. By reference to our advertising columns, it will be seen that Messrs. Trabck & Lucas, oi Nashville, Tenn., are getting up a Mammotl Auction, of Fall and Winter Goods. The pro ject is a good one, and Merchants generally will find it an opportunity to purchase good upon liberal terms, and at low prices. Rem. the advertisement, and give the enterprise du. 0 >asideration. Notice This. We call the special attention of our reader to the articles in our paper to-day, taken iron, the “Georgia Telegraph Extra"—one of which refers to the “Grand Mass Meeting" ol tin “Grand American Forty,” and the other is vindication by the Biq»eriiitendjnt of the Slate i Road. James F. Cooper. Esq., in a letter < ‘ that gentleman, addressed to W. K. DcGrni fenreid. Esq., from certain calumnies that hav. beeu indtts riously cireu ated by the Thoniastoi Rail Road Company, or its Agents. Will the Savannah Republican copy the let ter into its columns'.’ Justice to Govcniu Johnson requires it. Rev. Dr. Claikcnioluntai joath- Iz>t all know-nothings, (says the Mississippian, anel particular)’ those professing religion, p nde i the following extracts from the Gospel of Jesn and we especially invite the attention ol Meth odists to Rev. Dr. Clarke’s comments therein. Turn to the first Epistle of James, sth chapter and 12th verse, and read: ' But above all thing my brethren, swear not, neither by heaven, nei ther by the earth, neither by any other oat I I'st ye fall into condemnation." So likewise ii Matthew. sth chapter, and 34th verse: “But I say unto you. sircar no.’ at all. neither by lieavi u. for it is God s throne, nor by the earth, for it :■ His footstool, nor by Jensdem, for it is the city of the great King."’ Rev. Dr Clark, in his commentary cn this passages, says: “He that uses any oath. excep that which he isso.emn’y called by the inxaistrati THE GREATEST PCLIIIWL AND NEWS PAPEH IN THE SOUTH—A WEEKLY FIRESIDE COMPANION FOR ONLY ONE DOLLAR A YEAR. IN ADVANCE. Republican and Federalist. The advent of Know Nothingism has had the effect of reviving in the minds of the o/d the political contests of the past, and of kin dling in the minds of the young, a fire which will blaze, we trust, until, like their fathers be fore them, their spirits wing their way “to an other and a better world." Not only have the events of the Revolution, the struggle that prece ded it, and the history if we may so term it. of the Constitution, bevn revived, until they are again I as ‘familiar as household words," but old party I contests have attracted a great share of the peo ple’s attention, as well as that of our public speakers, and the pres% The result of nil this reference to the past, is, that the dividing line between the two parties in this country is proved to be the same s that which divided the Re publican and Federalist in the earlier days of the Republic. The “Anti-Know Nothing and Democratic Party" of the present day. is nei ther more nor less, than the “Republican Par ty” in the days of Jefferson and Madison. The “Know Nothing, or '‘American Party,” is nei ther more nor less than the “Federal Party” of the same period. The Philadelphia Conven. tion that put forth its ‘•American” platform of principles, was a second “Hartford Conven tion,” and the principles that it proclaimed to the world, are, in the main, such as have re ceived the support of federalists ever since the formation of the Constitution. Like the “cat in the meal tub,” they may lie, to seme extent, concealed, covered over, nevertheless it is the same old cat, and none but the unwary will be come the prey of its cunning, and its artifice. For evidence of this, we would ask if the Fed eralist of olden time ever advocated, or desired more, than that to the Supreme Court should be submitted as the final arbiter all questions of political differences between a State of this Union, and the Federal Government? Did he ever contend for more than that it was the duty of a State to submit to such decisions when made ? No one will deny that this was the po sition of all Federalists in the early history of parties, and that this is the position now of the “Know Nothing Party,” will not be ques tioned. On the other hand, the “Anti-Know Nothing Democratic Party” adopt in toto, the princi ples and doctrines of the Republican Party o* ’9B. It is, in fact, nothing else than the ‘Re publican Party” revived. The “Constitution" is its watchword. In its maintenance they will live and they will die. There is not a member of it but recognizes the doctrine of State Sov ereignty, State Rights, and that will not main tain and defend that clause in it, which pro vides that no relig.'r.us test shall be made a qualification for office, under the Uniteel States. Nay more. There is not a member of it who is willing to submit to the Supreme Court as the final umpire, in eases involving the politi cal rights of Georgia, her Sovereignty, and her domestic institutions, and to bow, or bend to such decision. Here is the difference then, be tween the two parties in Georgia. Let the pecs pic choose between them, we shall be content! The Fraud To which we referred a day or two ago, upon certain citizens of this county, who had made enquiries concerning Col. Ci Tier's vote in the Senate of the last State Legislature, is thus re sponded to, by the Ordinary of Fulton county. To the Public. In repelling the charge made against me in the '‘Examiner,” I refer to Mr. Lawshe’s ad dress, and also state that after that had taken p ace I thought no more of the matter, till Dr. Bomar told me Mr. Vaughan had made the statement that 1 had showed the journals, and that (Jollier had failed to vote upon the Bird ease. I was very much surprised at hearing anything more of it, and the next day saw Mr. Vaughan at the Store of Clarke and Grubb. I told him a wrong report had been made by him to Dr .Bomar about this case, stated to him what did occur, and which was as Mr. f-uwshe states, mid that he must see the Doc tor and correct it; he said the Doctor had mis understood him, but that he would see him and correct it. Several days then passed and 1 thought no more of it. when Col. Collier met me and said such a report was in circulation, and as having c un? from me. I told the Col. I it was not correct and explained to him, when he seemed to be satisfied. Now it appears the subject was brought up by Col. Collier at Cook’s Court Ground, on Saturday the 15th mstant, and without any person having said anything about it, and I think the Col. should have given my explanation to it at the same time, as 1 was not there, and which would have been more satisfactory to the people, and have kept down those angry feelings which has been since manifested. Politically. lam opposed to Col. Collier—personally 1 am. mid have til" wavs been, his friend. J. 11. MEAD. i September 19th, 1855. I In support of Mr. Mead, a Mr. Er Lawshe, of this city, hands in the following : To the Citizens of Fatten County. Having been shown some charges made in the Atlanta "Examiner” of the 18th instant, against (as I believe.) A. H. Mead, Esq., as a County official, 1 feel it my duty to give an ex. planation, having been present when the cir cumstances alhukd to took place. Ou that lav 1 was in the Ordinary’s office on business Mr. I’. M. Hodge and Mr. Vaughan came os they remarked to decide a bet of Fifty Dollars made— that Col. Collier had voted for the bill to panion Bird, or bad evaded the vote.— Whereupon Mr. Mead remarked that the jour nal of the proceedings of the Senate for that term was not in Ills office, but that they could rest assured that Col. C.. had not "dodged’ he vote, and farther added, that the Colonel Aould tell them the truth, if applied to in per mn, and. for their benefit he (Mead) would get the journal of the Senate for that term and jive them the information at any time they would call on him. and told them that the jour- ATLANTA. GEORGIA, EIIIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 28. 1855. i that Collier’s name would not lie found on them, as he belonged to the Senate. Mr. Vaughan stated there that the Col’s, vote on the Bird case would decide his vote at the coming elec tion for Senator, that, if Collier hail voted for Birds pardon, he would vote against him: if the reverse he would vote for him, when he j was re-assured by J. 11. Mead, Esq., that Col-1 Collier was too honorable and high-minded a I gentleman to vote for his pardon under the cir cumstances, and that of course his vote would have to go for Collier, however much he might wish the contrary. ER. LAWSHE. Atlanta, Sept. 191 hl 1855. In response to the representations made by Mr. Mead, and Mr. Lawshc, we present the vo ters of Fulton county with the following certifi cate of P. M. Hodge and IL A. Vaughan. We do so, too, without comment, as we deem any remark, on our part, unnecessary, and super fluous. GEORGIA FULTON COUNTY. We hereby certify that sometime past we called into the office of the Ordinary of said county and asked Joseph IL Mead to show us the vote on the Bird case, that we desired to know how Col. Collier voted on that bill. Mr. Mead stated he could soon tell us. He took up the Journal of the Legislature, as he said, and after turning it over, said, here is the Bird case but Collier’s name is not to be fonnd ; and then turned on further, and said here is the Bird ease again, and Collier’s name is not to be found ; and turned to it again and said, Collier’s name is still not to be found. This is about the sub stance of the information we obtained from Es quire Mead. P. M. HODGE, 11. A. VAUGHAN. Sept. 19, 1855. The Kansas Nebraska Bill and its Oppo* nents. When the Kansas Nebraska Bill was passed, and became a law, an universal acclamation of joyful satisfaction arose from the South, and was echoed by patriotic men throughout the length and breadth of the land. Faces that were before shaded with fearful forebodings for the rights of the South and the permanency of the Union, grew radiant with hope at the an nouncement that the measure had been passed, and every eye kindled, aud every heart rejoiced that, by the Bill, the clouds which hung over the Union were to a considerable extent, dis pelled. A feeling of security began to reign, and the machinery of government was given an impetus by the cheerful response the bill met from the people, who breathed more freely af ter the battle had been fought, and victory had perched upon the standard of constitutional right. The galling restrictions of the Missou ri Compromise which bore in dead weight upon the rights and honor of the South, and which gave the countenance of law—indirectly, it is true, bat not less effectively—to the fanat icism of abolitionism, were taken away, and the South expressed herself satisfied with the Bill. It is true that a few men, of questiona ble loyalty to the South, such as Rayner, of North Carolina, whose sympathies were exci ted for what he termed the “outraged North,” Bell, of Tennessee, and that doting old dema gogue, Sam Houston, who, bidding for Nor thern votes for the Presidency, termed it “an obnoxious act and violated pledge,” expressed their opposition to it; bat the masses regarded that opposition in its true light, as emanating from motives of self-interest, and rejoiced that the South had. at last, gained an equal foot ing with the North. The voice which said to the South “thus farshalt thou go, and no far ther,” was hushed, and Southerners were once again freemen, with equal privileges in newly acquired territory. It is not surprising that the Southern people universally entertained a reverential respect for the Bill, and regarded with a jealous eye the men who raised their voices against it. Considerable time elapsed after its passage, and we heard of little com plaint against the Bill from Southern men, un til recently the Know Nothing orators and presses of this State have discovered that the bill is unfair. Now any min who can read the provisions of the Kansas Nebraska act. and honestly condemn it for unfairness, is either | entirely ignorant of the first principles of jus tice ; or blinded by fanaticism to the applica tion of those principles to the demands of the South. No reasonable man can prononne the n anything but equitable to all parties, for it gives no advantage to either. But these men ■ are engaged in a desperate conflict, the result of which must either stay the tide of defeat which overwhelms their )>arty. or totally anni hilate the organization, and they have injudi ciously picked a Haw in the Kansas Bill, in support of their onslaught upon foreigners.— Nothing could have been more ill-timed or un fortunate for their order. To substantiate a fictitious issue they have attacked a certain clause of the Kansas Bill, and, as a natural consequence, have brought upon their heads the wrath of every conservative man in the land, not connected with their organization.— They soon saw that they had raised a spirit they could neither exercise or control, and with reckless desperation they endeavor to stir up the people against the bill and its framers. ; Had this opposition been made while the Bill ! was under discussion—and there was ample ! time —there would have been a better show of I sincerity in it. But it was not until their char ges against foreigners had all been disproved. ; and they were scarce of political capital, that ’ they seized upon the clans-.' allowing foreigners' to vote, in the territories, after making oath of! their intention to become citizens, and after swearing to support the Constitution of the United States, and declared that it was unfair, and granted foreigners unwise privileges I Af ter they have failed to make oat a case against the foreigner by their other charges, they at tempt to inflame the people against him upon I the ground that he is allowed certain privileges by the Kansas act, which be should not have. Now. aside from the fact that this is a mere pretext, it strikes us that it coma with a bad i grace from Southern months to complain of for- I cigners being allowed to vote in Kansas : for it ■ is bevond contradiction that their votes and in ) luence in the recent election in that Territory 1 But let us see who are these men that oppose ! the Kansas Bill. The Savannah Republican 1 and Columbus Enquirer, and indeed many other ; organs of the Union Party are now opposed [to the Kansas Bill, and for the reason that it allows foreigners to vote in the first election in the Territory. Now these same presses will not deny that they defended the Texas bill, the Utah and New Mexico Bills, as well as the Ore gon and Washington Bills, all of which con tain precisely the same provision. Why did they not demur to the provision then, if it was so objectionable? The answer is plain. At the time those bills were passed there wm no such an order as this falsely styled •• American" party in the land; there was no necessity for capital against the foreigner; the falling fortunes of no party could be sustained by such orposi" tion. But now, when these things have come to pass, it is suddenly discovered that this princi ple is wrong! Wrong in what way? Did it prove injurious to the South in any of these territories? Ifithad done so, they would have paraded tlie injury before the people long since. We do not propose to lengthen this article into a discussion of the principle itself, and would point to its workings—its effects. It is an un deniable fact that the Kansas legislature had the ability, if they had chosen to do so, to pre vent foreigners from voting after the first elec tion. Now had that legislature regarded the principle as wrong, and its effects as injurious, they would certainly have restricted the privi lege. That they did not so restrict is the very best evidence that they regarded the provision a wise one. They knew it could not injure the the South; but on the contrary, it was a good provision for us. and hence they refused to touch it. If it is doubted they had the power to alter it, the language of the Bill itself will establish the authority. Src. 23. And be it further enacted. That every free white male inhabitant above the age of twenty-one years, we shall be an actual resi dent of said Territory and shall possess the qualifications herein after prescribed, shall be entitleil to vote at the first election, and shall lie eligible to any office within the said Territory; but the qualifications of voters and of holding office, AT AM. SUBSEQUENT ELECTIONS, shall tx.' such as shall be prescribed by the Legislative as sembly; Provided, That the right of suffrage, and of holding office, shall be exercised only by citizens of the Unitea States, nd those who SHALL HAVE DECLARED ON OATH THEIR INTEN TION to become such, and shall have taken an OATH TO SUPPORT THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNI TED STATKS AND THE PROVISIONS OF THIS ACT. And provided further, That no officer, soldier, seaman, or marine, or other person in the army or navy of the United States, shall be allowed to vote, or hold offiice in said Territory by rea son of being on service therein.” As for the charge which we see industrious ly circulated, that the Kansas Bill contains provisions granting 160 acres of land to for eigners, we have to say that it is entirely false. There is no such provision in the Bill before us, and we defy the American organs to show it. If they have ever read the Bill, they know it to be false. When they show such a provis ion, it will be time enough to answer them, and until then they cannot convince the peo ple that their opposition to this great Southern Bill, is not solely upon the ground of the quoted clause, of which capital is sanght by them to be made aginst the foreigner, and provision identical with which they defended but a year or two ago. Out upon such itc dessness, and such inconsistency! A word now, about the effect of this opposi tion to the Kansas Bill, and we are done. And it is the inquiry naturally suggested by the oc. casion—suppose a party opposed to the Bill should succeed in Georgia, what would be the difference between that party and the Anti-Ne. braska party of the North? In that event these Know Nothings and the abolition and free-soil Anti-Nebraska men would meet upon the floors of Congress, both pledged to the repeal of tois measure which has restored to the South her equality with the North in the Territories! What the consequences of such a meeting would be, we leave for the intelligent reader to decide For the present we drop the subject, but shaly resume it when we have more time and space to devote to the disaisiou. Meantime let the South ern people remember that they have an Anti" Nebraska party to fight at home, as well as in more Northern latittudes, the difference between whom is litje more that the distance which which separates there geographical positions. —— - Letter of Governor Johnson. We cull the attention of our readers to the following letter of Governor Johnson written, as will be seen, to repel the ridiculous charge made, that if a bill passed the Legislature to remove the Seat of Government to Atlanta he would veto it. We well knew that there was no foundation for such a report; and every sensible man in Atlanta ought to have known it; but to give it a quietus, and to leave no room for doubt on the subject, the Governor speaks for himself. Executive Chamber. ( Milledgeville, Sept. 3,1855. ) Dear Sir.-—You say. that my opponents are busilv circulating reports about Atlanta and the surrounding country .to the effect, that if i elected Governor. I will, in case the next D'g- I islature pass a bill locating the seat of Govern i meut at Atlanta, veto the bill. There is no , foundation for such rumor. I have carefully I abstained from any interference with the ques- I tion. The last Legis’ature pas-ied au act refer- I ring it to the people at the approaching eler- I tion. lam perfectly contented to abide their ' will, as mav be indicated by the majority of : the voters of Georgia. If in observance of their j will, so expressed at the ballot-box. the next ’ Legislature should pass a law locating the seat : of Government at Atlanta or at any other point. • I shall feel it my duty, if elected, to sanction . such a bid. Respectfullv, vour obt. s want. HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON. , Col. John Collier. Atlanta, Ga. A Gfa-bxous Firm.—lt is rtased says the Boston Post, that a dry goods firm in that city I divided five thousand dollars among the clerks ! in August, being the amount of profits accruing i to that month over and above the per centagv which the firm has fixed as a limit of what they wish to make. Governor Johnson. Addnissed the citizens of Fulton county, ir this city, on Thursday last, in the morning, and by special request, did so in the evening also. We will not attempt a report of the two speeches of the Governor. We could not With in the limits of our paper to-day. do him justice. Suffice it to say, that a more complete vindication o himself from the fonl charges that have been heaped upon him by the press of this place and elsewhere, relative to the State Road, could not have been desired by the people of Georgia had they all been present. Os course we except the office seekers and all who are interested person, ally in his defeat. To such as these, the Gov ernor’s vindication was “gnll aud wormwood,’’ and. by no means, acceptable. In defence also of the principles of the Dem ocratic, Anti-Know Nothing Party, the Gov ernor was triumphant. His contrast between the platforms of both parties was most forcibly, fairly, and eloquently drawn. None but the preindiced went away unconvinced that he. and his party, were right. As for Know Nothing ism—its ritual, its secrets, and its opposition to foreigners and Catholics—all we can say is, that utter demolition of all its pretensions, so far as the argument is concerned, is too feeble a term to convey to our readers at a distance, what was thought of it, when the Governor conclu ded, by the large audience that were present— It was an overpowering and convincing argu ment; and an exposition of the "Order” fatal to its designs wherever and whenever the mass es hear it. The Governor left us in fine spirits, and good health, yesterday morning for Marietta, where he will address the people of Cobb. The State Road. Assault after assault is made by the Know Nothing organa of the State npon Gov. John son on account of the management of the State Road. Principally, we regret to say it, for the honor of our City, these assaults emanate here. If a merchant, representing some house in Tenniswee, does not have his own way, aud is not preferred in his shipments, or transship* ment of produce, he raises the hne and cry, to tally regardless of all other interests save his own. If an idle, or incompetent, or unfaith ful, subordinate is dismissed, he raises the cry of persecution, joins the Know Nothings, and vows a desperate revenge. If an officer on the Road is personally inimical to Mr. A., or Mr. B„ Gov. Johnson, or the Superintendent, is abused like a pick-pocket for keeping him in office. One would suppose from the talk of these, and such as these, that the Road was in a ruinous condition, and that those to whom its munagemement is entrusted by law, are as corrupt and incompetent, as it is possible for men to be. But there is yet another class in our midst, and it numbers not a few patriots in the Know Nothing ranks, that clamor loudly, and long er, and display a zeal, in abase of the State Road and Gov. Johnson that astonishes all who are ignorant of their true motive. We allude to those who hunger and thirst after the offices it has to bestow. One wants a fireman’s, another, a clerk's, a third a conductor's place one did we say ?—nay, there are a hundred of these hungry animals—and have no hope of success but in the election of Andrews, as Gov ernor. How this class of patriots fume and sweat in advocacy of Know Nothingism, and how they rave and rant at Gov. Johnson, mar-1 vellous though it is to the unsophisticated, serves only to amuse the standei' by who is post ed up, and whose contempt for such actors is equal to Hamlet s for the “robustuous, perri wigged pated fellows, who tear a passion to tatters, to very rags.” The press too is after “the loaves and fishes.” The State Road printing is too important an item to let pass without a desperate effort; au untiring effort; a ceaseless effort; to secure it. No hope for it, though, but in the defeat of Johnson I Hence the Governor bought up Mark A. Cooper I Hence the Governor per mitted Georgia to lie disgraced by allowing fifteen stock cars to be sold to an Agent of the Nashville Rail Road 1 Hence the charge that the Rev. C. W. Howard did not have justice done to him! Hence the he that the State Road iron was sold for 525, when 340 per ton was offered for it! Hence the fabrication that Cowart was appointed by Gov. Johnson without authority of Law, and that his, Cow-, art’s appointment, was an unconstitutional one I All. all this, gentle reaader, is but a desperate. attempt to deceive the people, and to fatten upon the “ loaves and fishes." VOTERS OF GEORGIA, if these things were as they have been repre sented by a reckless press—if the TRUTH was what they contended for—if they bad even the faintest desire to enlighten the people as to FACTS—when their presses charged Gov! Johnson with buying up Mark A. Cooper, by ■ extending to him privileges and immunities! not granted to others, why did they not pub-' lish Mark A. Cooper's answer to the charge, and the lie it not only gave to it, but proved upon, its propagators ? When they put forth the vamped up story of the sale of the Stock cars at Chattanooga, in which truth was most glaringly perverted, why did they not promptly undeceive their readers, by publishing the facts connected with that transaction ? When they published the assault of the Rev. Mr. Howard, upon Gov. Johnson, why did they not publish the response of the Governor, in which he “showed up" so completely that I Rev’d. gentleman ? When they publish the malicious libel against i the Governor and Superintendent, that earn ' nated from the Thomaston Rail Road Compa i nv, or its Agents, why do they not publish the ! lie given to the infamous assault, as well by I the Superintendent as the Governor? When they charge Gov. Johnson with ma king an appointment not authorized by law, an<l creating a new office for his. Cowart’s, spe cial benefit, why do they not publish ex-Gov ; ernor Cobb's complete refutation of the charge? ir.g like this docs not suit their purpose, nor > the times, nor the “Secret Order" whose de • signs are to be promoted. Trick, and strate gy ; cunning and falsehood: arc the weapons for 1 present warfare. Experience has not even ■ taught them a good lesson. The same game was played in Virginia, and in North Caroli na. Alabama. Tennessee, and Texas; and it is notorious now that the rank and flic in large numbers in those States complain of the Know Nothing presses as having deceived them in im portant particulars, and in some of these States, vows of vengeance have been recorded against them. The same dirty work is going ■on in Georgia. Voters, look to it, and stand : . by the COUNTRY, and by TRUTH 1 A Practical Illustration. I We offer to our readers the following as an j illustration, practical in its character, of the j management of the State Read ; and to show I bow little Governor Johnson merits the abuse | ' and censure of his enemies on said account. I The gross earnings of the Road for 1855 will j i amount to 3700.000. The Road has paid for construction previous j to 1854, 3249.208. Since 1854. for 1600 tons of new heavy rail,! it has paid 3200.411. Besides this, it has paid into the State Treas-! ury. 3100,000. And it will pay, in another month, an addi- i tional 350,000. This, with the fact that its earnings dnriug i the administration of Johnson will reach the j sum of 31.000,000, tells in language not to be ; misunderstood, that the State Road is in a con- J dition that excites the admiration and ap plause of its friends, while it excites only the envy of the opponents of Governor Johnson. From the foregoing tlie voters of Georgia cannot fail to perceive that a degree of pros perity attends the State Road unsurpassed here tofore. That it is now a paying Road, and, we repeat it, lias actually set aside, some SIOO,OOO, which is in the State, or people’s Treasury, from its net profits the present term of Governor Johnson, and will pay this month $50,000 more. This plain statement is of itself sufficient to relieve the Governor from all the charges that have been heaped and are now being piled, upon him, by an unscrupulousopposition. Never be-1 fore, since its completion, had it paid a dollar into the Treasury, until Governor Johnson's term of office. Ever before it was a tax to the State and people! Now it is a source not only of profit, but large profits. Had it been man aged as the Governor’s opponents desired, in al]' I human probability, instead of paying its way. I providing for the future, and setting apart $150,- 000, the people, through their representatives in the Legislature, would have beeu. asked again for $150,000 to aid in sustaining it. Think of all this, honest, independent voters of Georgia' and repel with scorn the malicious charges made against the Governor, on account of the State Road management. Never has a Governor, nor candidate for Governor, been so slatviered, as has|been Herschel V. Johnson! Let the voters of the State put the slanderers down I [communicated.] To the Universalist of Georgia. Judge Andrews' election would be a pretext for your contumely and disgrace. Every man of common discretion knows that his outrage ous decision against you—branding you ax ni \ famous in a court of Justice, was a flagrant uct of oppression without excuse or shadow of au thority in this State. Insolence never was mon daring, and hence justice speaks in unmeasured terms his shame for so foul an outrage upon your feelings and your rights. In the name of common liberty and justice, how can such abuse of power be countenanced in Georgia? He not only did this grievous wrong, but says that the law had decided who is entitled to ciedit, and it is his duty to administer it. And al though HE KNOWS THIS DECISION IS UNFAIR AND UNJUST, AND OFFENSIVE, HE HAS NOT DARED TO HAVE THE BOLDNESS TO SAY HE BELIEVES YOU OUGHT TO BE RESPECTED, FOR THE REASON NO DOUBT, HE THINKS HIS DECISION IS Jt ST AS THE law ought to be. God forbid that you should ever vote for a religious proscriber, who even thus insults and contemns you as worse thai vagabonds I Never, never, let it he said that you voted for Garnett Andrews. I am deter mined that history shall not record my vote in favor of such a narrow-hearted bigot. And I 1 call upon each of you, to be at the polls, ami influence every vote you can against him. H< is bound to be defeated, but let his defeat be overwhelming, and you will share the honors ol the triumph. Be up and doing—let duty to religious freedom be the watchword I LIBERALITY. [commtni<’atf.d.] To Southern Bights Men of 1850. Mark this. After all the issues of Southern i Rights had been finally determined and adjusted ! by Georgia, so far as they could be, and we al I were amicably and faithfully on the Georgia Platform. Judge Andrews in his letter of ac j ceptance has the impudence, the effrontry am ; insolence, to say that “those who fought t< | maintain the principles of the the Georgia Plat | form can have but little of the gall of bitter i ncss not to feel indignant at seeing their cne ! mies in that contest bestride it. &c.” and fur ! ther says they are "alien enemies” and that the ! ought to “confess” "THAT THERE WAS NO TRO 1 worthiness in them," see his letter of ac i ceptance. Will Southern Rights men vote fin a man who will thus set them down as having no true worthiness in them ? In 1850 such lan guage might have be< n somewhat indulged, bu; now, when you have proved yourselves true, am when all Georgians are brothers indeed npo' G -orgia policy in reference to the slavery ques. ti >n, is not such insolence unworthy a true pa triot? Is i: not an insult to you? Friend- G-iruett Andrews has proved himself to be : bigot in religion, aud a demagogue in politics i Will you support him, when he has not evei the manliness to recognize you as worthy of hon orable notice ? No. never, never! if yon wil reflect npon the inanlt! [t'or the Atlanta Daily Examiner.] To Dr. A. Connell—American Candidate for the Senate in Cobb County. I Dear Sir :—We admit the right of your | self and your Know Nothl'.ig allies t > interro | gate the Democratic candidate. Mr. Moore as ; to his views and ' pinions of matters of public , interest, lie has nothing to conceal; on the ' contrary, he is bold to declare himself the can j didate of the Democratic party, and pledged l to the support of Democratic men and meas ures, in defiance of all the isms of the day.— U.S principles are everywhere known and ac knowledged. No resolutions have ever bexm i jiassed requiring him or Am party to conceal from the people the authority by which he is I brought bes re them. The fact of his identity I with the great Anti-Know Nothing Democrat-1 ic party of Georgia is no secret. But. since' your party freely exercise this right to interro- i gate, it is but fair that you yourself should be J I questioned as to your views upon topics of pub-; I lie interest. We naturally expect of a candi-! | date who desires to represent ns, that we should 1 ! know his view sand opinions, in order that we] i may decide whether those views and opinions | correspond with our own. If they do not, he can not of cours". represent our opinions without do ing violence to his own. which should never be required of a legislator. Since yon assume to occupy such a position, we have a right to re-: quire that you come out boldly and declare I your principles; so that if you are right we I may support you. and if you are wrong, that we rnav exercise the discretion of men, untram melled by oaths, to choose between right and wrong—a discretion which attaches to freemen, and which should never be deprived them by tyranical oaths, either legal or extra judicial, either in the Court room or in the Council I room. The questions to which we respectfully request your attention, and which it would gratify us to have categorically answered, are briefly these : Ist. Previous to your present position as a candidate, w ere you not known to express your self in favor of Mr. Overby for Governor; were you not spoken of as the Prohibition candidate, and have you not, since yonr present positioi, disclaimi'd being a Prohibitionist. 2nd. Have you not, on more than one oc casion, when von met the above charge, bought whiskey to disprove the charge. Did you not, on one occasion buy the article for a certain man who said he would not vote for any man who did not treat him ; did you not treat and drink with him? 3rd. When your Temperance friends met you with these charges, have yon not expressed your regret for thia violation of common decen cy, and said if it was to do over again, yon would forfeit your election before you would be guilty of such conduct as to treat to a single drop ? 4tii. Do yon deny that Cobb county w»f canvassed over and over again to get a Demo crat to run against Mr. Moore for the Senate and none could be found ?• Never, until then did you consent to take the yoke upon your neck. Knowing your party to be weak, did you not have passed a resolution to keep yom nomination a profound secret, with a view te gull the Democracy, as one of your candidates, high in office, hael done before you, and wh< has recently been exposed to the satisfaction oi the most incredulous. Are you not carrying out Biiid resolution by telling Anti-Know Noth ings that you arc not the can lidate of any par- s ty ? And did you not directly falsify thisstute ment the other day at the .Marietta Hotel din ner table, by saying that you were the Know Nothing candidate? Answer this. sth. Have yon not promised Ihe peopli about Roswell, t. new county, under curtail circumstances, if elected. 6th. Tell us your object in proposing t< withdraw from the contest, and submit tht race to Gov. McDonald ? Did you not know t’lat he spurns, your Know Nothing princi ples ? Did you not know that he did not desire the office? And if he did, your being a candi date would not be in the slightest degree in his way, in this or any other position in the gift of the people. We have yet to lean; that you are in the way of any Democrat, much less Gov. McDonald or Tom Moore, Your exces sive courtesy in making this effer, which you ( knew would not lie accepted, smacks very strongly of Buncombe, I >r. Come out like a man, and declare your prin ciples, so that free voters may know who and what you are—whe' her you arc for Overt y Johnson, or Andrews, for Governor; Hill or Warner for Congress. Come oat and let them know. •‘Whether the snake that made the track, Wai going (South or coming back.” FAIR PLAY. Mtnagement of the State Road.—Within the last two years, or since the State Road has been under the supervision of Gov. Johnson, one hundred thousand dollars have been paid into the State Treasury; two hundred and forty-nine thousand two hundred and eight dollars and six jents have been paid out for constructing depot buildings and equipments, on account inem red •mder previous administrations; two hundred thousand four humlred and eleven d.illars and d.xty-one cents have been paid on account since, ncliiding purchase of sixteen hundred tons new rails; and all current cx>v rises for working the Road have been promptly met. These are facts which show that nil the ■lamor about the mismanagement of the State Road is fabricated for political effect, especially when it is remt?mbrtvd that never liefbrc has •he State Road paid one dollar into the State Treasury. Santa Anna. —We stated some weeks ago that Santa Anna had purchased rial estate—up own houses an! lots—in this city, with an eye to a future residence among us. ’ It is now sta ted by more than one jierson "under the Govern nent.” that the Ex-Dictator is at present in the vicinity of New York, and that he has marie ivertures for the purchase of Mr. Edward For rest's mansion known as Font Hill, near Yonkers, md that Mr. F. has named the price of the place it sl9o.o(iii—stating tiiat if H. S. H. the Gen •ral and Dictator wonld come to his terms, it ■ould be made a bargain. It i; also said that ii? z.'reneex-Highness has for some months past ■een negotiating stocks through a Wall street WM. KA / PROPRIETOR NUMBEK 7. ]Fnm the Constitutionali; t llrpublie.] Letter from .lolm W. Lewis. Garteusvillk, Ga., Sept. 17,1855. Mr. Gardener— Dear Sir: lo the Chronicle If Sentinel of t]\e 7‘L Inst., 1 notice an article, ; headed “The Cowart Appointment and Cooper Arraagment,” most of which article is copied ■ from the Savannah Republican, 1 wish to make i mime comments on a part of the article of the j Savannah Republican, for the r uson that some i of the statements, made “upon good authority,” , (as stated by the Republican.) 1 know to be'vr i roneous. 'The Savannah Repu'dica . is tpiotcd Ito say, "iniliN'd we learn from goal authoritv, I that the freights at Etowah, not belonging to Mi. Goqier, would hardly average a tou per an num.,” I laving been a pretty largo shipper myself for several years fiom that point, / Line that the Savannah Republican, as to the “ton per an I num ’ spoke on bad authority. I have, tlitTefore, I sent to the agent at that Depot, and obtain from j him a certificate of amount of tonnage to and from that point, for other person than Major i Cooper. That certificate J herewith send, und : needs no comment, so far as the “ten per annum” is concerned. It shows, though, at the same I time, that the Etowah Depot is not “a private I Depot.’’ ■ Suppose though it was a private Depot, built I for Mui. Cooper’s freights only, what then? Why it would show that one man was producing freights sufficient to make it an object for the carrier to incur the expense of furnishing a De pot for the reception of his freights: mid taking the view ofastateimm on the subject, regarding the kind of freights that this one man produced, i it would show a vast accession oi Sate wealth, ■ brought into requisition by the development of the earth's hidden treasures, by his skill ener gy and perseverance; and more than this, its I resources of the country, a source of State i wealth, admitting of State taxation, for all com ing time. Putting this whole matter through, on the ground of makuig the most money in the short est time by the Road. I think I s’p- ak advistd'y j when J say that, in my judgment, there Is no De ' pot which pays better than the Etowah De|X>t. I think so for these reasons: Most ofthe freight ing is safe freighting, much of it safe from burn ing. all safe (or nearly so), from breaking, and much from stealing. A large portion is done cn I open cars, loaded mainly at the shipper's ex pense, (a heavy item), and usually loaded both ways—in addition to this, it is n business all the tunc. This "arrangement" though will ail be right after n little, the laws which govern the moral world have decreed it—time will exe cute it Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, John W. Lewis. Accompanying the foregoing is a “tabular statement of Freights, from Etowah, by other persons than M. A. Cooper, for twelve month, from Sept. 1, 18.54, to Aug. 31,1855,’’amount ing to 146,439 ]x>unds, (not including eighty bags of Cotton) on which the payments of freight were $479,60. Also, Statements of Freights received at Etowah Depot, from September Ist, 18,51, to Ac.gust 31st, 1855, by other persons than M. A. Cooper,on which the charge were $912.12. These tubular state ments being written on both sides of a large sheet of paper. Appended to the first is the following certificate: I do hereby certify that the above is a true statement of freights shipped from this station, from the Ist day of September. 1854 up to the 31st <'ay of August, 1855, by other persons than M. A. Cooper, and the freights charged in the above statement are the Mime rates us charged upou ail articles shipped by M. A. Cooper. tj.ven under my hand, this Ist day of Sep tember, 1855. J. T. Rukiiam, Ag’t. W. & A. R. R., Etowah Depot The following certifi.-ate is annexed to tho second: I do hereby certify that the above is ii Correct statement, as taken ironi my books, for freights shipped to this depot from other points, by per sons other than M. A. Cooper, mid charged at the Mime rate os ure charged on the same arti cles shipped to M. A. Cooper, from the Ist day of .September, 1854, to the 31st day of Au 'u.st, 1855- Given under my hand, this Ist day of Sep tember, 1855. J. T. Rt’KHAM, Ag't. W. A. A. R. R., Etowah Depot. Folly o? Ruligious Persecution.—The very worst niisehiel that cun be done to religion, is to pervent it lo the purposes of faction. Heaven and hell ure not more distant than the Ixmevoleut spirit ofthe Gospel mid the inaiiguut spirit of party. The most impious wain ever made were those called holy wars. He wh<- nates another man for not lining a Christian, is Himself not a Christian. Toleration is the basis if public quiet; it is a charter of freedom given to the mind; more vahiable, 1 think, than that which secures our persons mid estates. Indeed t hey are inseparal>ly connected,for where the maid is not free, were the conscience is enthralled, 'here is no freedom. I repeat it, persecution is as impious as it is cruel mu! unwise. It not only opposs's i very “precept o. Jtb" N v Testame, t la t it invades the perogutive of God himself. It is a usurpation of the attributes which belt ug ex clusively to the Most High. It is a vain endea vor to uKCend into His throne, to wield His sceptre, hurt His thunderbolts. And then its history proves how useless it is. Truth is immortal, the sword cannot incarcer ate it, famine cannot starve it; all the violence of men, stirred up by the power and subtlety of hell, cannot put it to death. In the persons of its martyrs it bids defiance to the will of the tyrant who persecutes it. and will: the martyr’s last oreath predicts its own full and final triumph. The Fagan persecuted the Chrii’timi, but yet Christianity still lives. The Ro man Catholic persecuted the Protestant, 1 nt yet Protestantism still lives. 'The Protes tant persecuted the Romnn Catholic, but yet Cat! ok ion lives. TleCi.uiih of England IKreecutcd Nonconformists, and yet Nonconfor mity lives. Nonconformists persizculcd Episcopa lian's. yet Episcopacy lives. When persecution L eai rcd to its extreu e length of extirpating heretics, Truth may bo extinguished in one place, but'it will break ont in another. If op inions cannot be put down by argument, they cannot by power. Truth gains the victory in the end. not only by its own evidences, but bv the sufferings of its confessors. Therefore, if w■ have a mi.id to estab'ish p ac; among tie people, wc rnii ‘1 allow men to judge freeiv in matters of religion: aud to embrace that opinion they think right, without any hope of temporal regard, without any fear of temporal jiuuish ment..— Union and American. Hen Hill and Kossutli. Zebulon, Ga., Sept. 12, 1855. Messrs. Editors: I wish that you would make it known, through yonr columns, that H.H. Hill, the “Indian Rubber" candidate for Congress, in the 4th Congressional Dist., voted for some Resolutions inviting L. Kossuth and Smith O'- Brien and his Irish compatriots to this country; at any rate, he moved to take up the resolutions after they had been laid on the table, and the presumption is, he voted for them. See the Journal of the House of Representatives for 1851 and 1852, page 176, where be moved to take them up—and on page 959, see the rasolu-