The Atlanta weekly examiner. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1854-1857, February 21, 1856, Image 1

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THE ATLANT! WEEKLY EXAMINER. CIRCULATION! OF* THE E3 X. A. JX/II TV KS ZFL, 12000 JOHN H. STBBLK, I Editore CHAS* I*. BARBOUR. ) u VOLUME LI. the weekly examinee it Publhed cv try Friday morning n the City of Atlanta, at ONE DOLLAR PEfi ANNUM, To be paid strictly in ad Vi ce. No subscription tai cn for less than six months* RATES OF ADV RTISING. Advertisements are insert I in the Weekly Examiner at the following rates: Seventy-live cent, per square (of 10 lines brevier) for the first insertions, and 37J cents per square for each sub sequent insertion. , Advertisements continuing three months or more ere chaijed at the following rates: -1 Square 3 ninths $4 00 I !. 6 “ 000 1 .. 12 <• 10 00 2 “3 “ 000 2 « 6 “ 10 00 2 «12 “ 15 00 3 « 3 « • 800 3 « 8 *• 12 00 3 <> 12 “ 20 00 4 « 3 “ 10 00 4 « 6 “ 15 00 4 « 12 “ 25 00 i Col’n 3 “ 15 00 i « 6 “ 20 00 1 « 12 “ 30 00 I » 3 “ 20 00 ? .« 6 “ 30 0 0 | « 12 40 00 One Square, changeable, one year, sls 00 Two “ “ “ ™ 3 Thrpo “ “ “ Four “ “ “ 30 00 Quarter Column “ “ *0 2!! g als „ „ « 55 00 Advertisements leaded and inserted un per the head of Special Notices will be charged Ono Dollar per square for the first insertion and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion rjjp* Legal Advertisements published at the usual rates. Obituary Notices exceeding ten lines will be charged as advertisements. ty Yearly Advertisers exceeding in their ad vertisements the average space agreed for, will be charged at proportional rates. jy All Advertisements not specified as to time will be published until forbid and charged accordingly. Legal Advertisements. . Sales of Land and Negroes, by Administra tors Executors or Gurdians, are required by law to bo held on the First Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House in the County in which the property is situated. Notices of these sales must be given in a pub ic gazette 40 days previous to the day of sale. Notices for the sale of personal property must be given in ate manner 10 days previous to sale day. .. r Notices to the debtors and creditors of an es tate must also be published 40 days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell Land or Ne groes, must be oublished for two months. Citations for'lctters of Administration, Guar dianship &c., must bo published 30 days—for dis mission from Administration, monthly six months for dismission from Guardianship, 40 days. Rules for foreclosure of Mortgages must be published monthly for four months—for establish ing lost papers, for the full space of three months —for compelling titles from Executors or Admin istrators, where bond has been given by the de ceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always bo continued accord ing to these, the legal requirements, unless other wise ordered, at the following Rater • Citations on letters of Adn udstration &c. $2 75 do do dismissory om Ad minis tration * Citatio’n on dismissory from Guardianship, 3 00 Leave to sell Land or Neg: es, 4 no Notice to debtors and credi ■re. “ uu Sales of personal property,! i days, 1 square 1 5 Sales of land or negroes by Lxecutors, &c. •> 00 Estrays, two weeks, For a mini advertising his wife, (in advance,) 5 00 Letters on business must be (post paid) to en title them to attention. _________ THURSDAY, FEBRUARY, 2L 1856. S ale of Stock. Attention of all interested, is called to the sale of stock, advertised by the Lawrenceville Manufacturing Company, in another column Persons desiring investments in manufacturing stocks, will find it to their interest to look into the matter, and can readily be satisfied that the stock offered, will be desirable. Amusements. The different portions of our State, except tliis particular region, seem to be stocked with all sorts of amusements. Circuses, et id omne genus, are amusing the people generally, mid the young folks here look enviously at the an nouncements of the different companies in al] the other cities of the State. A meritorious exhibition just uow would do well, and go far to enliven the long winter evenings, which hang upon our hands. i Hon. Howell Cobb in Concord- At a recent mass meeting of the democracy in Concord, New Hampshire, H Ilowelon.l Cobb is reported to have made a most forcible speech, which was enthusiastically received by the immense crowd assembled, who cheered him repeatedly, and gave the most flattering demon strations of satisfaction with the effort and the man. Wo arc truly glad to hear of such suc cesses of Georgia's distinguished sone, m sec tions from which so much is feared for the Uni on. They give hope- that those sections arc not altogether so lost to the power of argument, as haa been feared. Where such men as Mr. Cobb have access to the publie car, that people must be deaf, indeed, who do not profit by his argn. ments, seconded, as they are, by the tried and proven national democracy, whose claims upon the confidence of the conservative men ot the country, are so ably urged by Mr. Cobb. We clip from the Boston Post, the following brief report of Mr. Cobb's speech : .. Hon Howell Cobb, of Georgia, expressed hi» pleasant feelings at meeting a N ew England audience for the first time, and said that it the the people of the different parts of the Union each other better, many of the vils “ hieh now arise from misconception would be übaU’d and the spirit of sectionalism be lessen ti The great principle of the revolution, ieh had been aud shou’-d be now the ammat . nui na American republic, was i pnucij <■ doctrine of non-interfer- enee g tX'eeuthe States in the matter of slavery ™Sl7 Sweated at length by the speaker to the preservation aud harmony 01 “eTmou. aud the errors ot know uothmgisu tu* union.« theaddress closed witl b. "b. “X“, by which our fhthcra lived? * • ~ • fought and died, aud by winch we should bv, united* THE CHEAPEST POLITICAL AND NEWS PAPER IN THE SOUTH—A WEEKLY FIRESIDE COMPANION FOR ONLY ONE DOLLAR A YEAR, IN ADVANCE. Kansas. The spirited and truthful letter of P. S. Brobks, which we publish to-day will be found as interesting as it is earnest. The writer is “ one who knows,” and who takes a correct view of the subject. It is a subject of regret that our Legislature, now in sesion, should have refused to pass the bill introduced by Mr. Crook, providing for an appropriation for the aid of Kansas emigration With the provisions of that bill, our readers are already familiar, and we need not recapitulate here. We believe there were no objections of weight urged against the bill itself, except the principle upon which it was predicated. It was objected to any action on the part of the State, which might be construed into official in terference with the affairs of Kansas, which might furnish precedents for counter action by the Legislatures of the free States. And it was also urged, that such interference coming from other sections, being deprecated by us, it would be inconsistent with our position to thus prac tice what we have so long condemned. What ever weight these arguments may have had with the Legislature, they do not seem to us exactly to reach the case. While we cordially approve the policy of non-interference with the affairs of Kansas and the leaving the question of slavery or no slavery with her people, were at the same time unwilling that advantage should be taken by our respect for the principle to support us in Kansas by over riding that principle, and where it is so clear that the lex talionis is the only defensive measure we can avail ourselves of, no puritanical notions of consistency should prevent that protection to our institutions de manded by the exigencies of the times. As to governmental interference (the right to interfere at all being conceded) we confess we can see no essential difference between individual and State a:d. Every individual at the South is in terested in the discussion of the question, and in just the same degree is every State bound to afford protection to the property of her citizens. It is clear to the minds of all, that the blow which makes .Kansas a free State, will be eventually felt by every individual citi zen of Georgia, who is interested in slave prop erty. Was Georgia ever known to refuse pro tection to the property of her sons, when it was menaced? We opine not; and it is a subject of regret, that such an interpretation may be given hsr late refusal, upon ths grounds stated, to give material aid to Kansas emigrants, by our Legislature. The Adams’ Express Company. We are glad to have the opportunity of giv ing place to such merited notices of this com pany, as the following, since we have ourselves seen so much of the energy of its agents, that corroborates the statement We might add much to it, from our own observation cf its admirable and perfect arrangements, for the transaction of its diversified and extensive busi ness, but refrain from more than an expression of our obligations for the recent effectual ser vices rendered us by Mr. Bulkley, the agent of the company here, and his corps of messengers : The embargo laid upon the various lines of communication by the recent frigid ‘term,’has reminded the public of the great obligations they are under to Adams & Co., for the facili ties afforded by their übiquitous Express. De spite the frozen rivers and railroad interrup tions, wherever the steam engine finds its way, Adams & Co.’s car is sure to follow, accompa nied by one of their prompt and faithful agents to attend to the receipt and delivery of pack ages, from a diamond finger-ring, to a mountain of goods. Within the last few days, the busi ness of the company has exceeded all precedent, and extra cars, horses and hands, have had to be employed here and elsewhere. It will be seen by advertisements in another column of the Mirror, that their lines extend in all direc tions, and connect with all the leading cities, East, West, North and South. And when we add that the United States Mail is not a more regular or more responsible mode of conveyance than Adams & Co.’s Express, we pay the De partment, perhaps, a greater compliment than it deserves. Mr. John Hoey, the superinten dent of the transportation department, is a man of sufficient energy and method in his business, to make a Postmaster General worth any two we have had these dozen years.”— New York Mirror. Letter From lion. P. S. Brooks. House of Representatives, Feb. ", 1856. My Dear Sir: Last winter Gen. Stringfellow adressed a letter to myself and others, giving a description of the soil of Kansas, and the av erage products of agricultural labor. That letter was published in the newspaper of our State, and every aditioual testimony confirms the truth of theslatemends therein contained. Gen. Whitefield is now at my side, and in reply to the question relative to the demands and rewards of mechanical labor, bids me say the minimum of wages for labor in Kamas is fully double the price in Charleston. But higher considerations than pecuniary profit are now presented to the young men of our State; and they are just the considerations which soonest reach, and most excite the heart of young Carolina. They are the considera tions of patriotism and honor. Civil war has virtually begun in Kansas. The lives of such friends of. the institutions of the South and of the Cqnstituton, as have gone to Kansas to disseminate our principles, strengthen our insti tutions and protect your rights, my rights, and the nguts of every slave owner, are in peril.— By the fiat of “Abolition Aid Societies,” mon ey and men are going into Kansas. The spirit of popular sovereignty is being crushed, and the principles of non-mtervent.ou circumvented bv lawless fanaticism. J With the permission of Gen. Whitefield, I me the following extracts from a letter dated “Lecompton, January 23,” and writen bv a gentleman m high position, and of intelfgence aud integrity, whose name (for reasons which you would concur with me in regarding satis factory) is withheld: -About six days ago six men were sent to lowa to conduct 500 fighting men who are to be here by the last of Febtuary. Thev will be here without doubt. Yesterday, wagons were sent to meet a train with two cannon and five hundred Sharpe’s rifles from Illinois, which are being smt to Lawrence. “There things go to show that the traitors are industrious and are working. By the first of March they will have 1100 or 1200 men more than they have now, and be better pro vided with arms and munitions. “ On the 4th of March next, they put their t Government into operation, and if we are not strong enough to put down them and their mil itary organization, we will be driven from the Icffitory. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 21, 1856. “ For myself, I think that no man, in or out of the Territory, is willing to risk more of eve rything that is dear or valuable, according to I his circumstances, than I will, if the cause is ; appreciated by the South, and they show their appreciation by sending men and money to help. But if the slave owners of the South content themselves with temporary luxury and ease, and ■ make no effort to save their institutions, they : may take care of themselves in their own way, and I will of myself in mine. If there is a man who is enlisted more deeply in the cause of the South than myself, I don’t know where he is to be found. I am fortified in my position by : principle and feeling. I hate the adverse cause, • and love to war upon it. I have risked my life and my property, which are now in daily peril. “The South must act with energy and prompt ness. They must do the entire thing or give it up—acknowledge themselves whipped. “ Our friends must be here on the 28th of February, or the few pro slavery men in this part of the Territory will be burned out and driven off as refugees. If the South can not send fifteen hundred men by the 28th of Febru ary next, and double that number by fall, and in time for the elections, they need not send a man.” Such is the state of affairs in Kansas, as rep resented by one who is on the ground. The admission of Kansas into the Union as a slave State, is now a point of honor with the South. Every assistance which legislation can render, was given by the last Congress, when the Missouri prohibition was repealed. What more can Southern chivalry ask of Congress ? An open field and a fair fight were all that our ancestors asked of an enemy. Has the spirit of the sires departed from the bosoms of their sons ? Shall the page of South Carolina histo ry, which records the lofty sentiments and glo rious deeds of Gadsden, of Hayne, and of Moul trie, grow pale, when reading of us ? And shall it be written that their blood was transmitted without their virtues? and of their spirit, that the “ grace of the fashion of it perisheth ?” The last Congress gave to the people of the South a fair field, and the Abolitionists have thrown down the glove upon it. Who in all the South will take it up ? It is my deliberate conviction that the fate of the South is to be decided with the Kansas issue. If Kansas becomes a hireling State, slave property will decline to half its present value in Missouri as soon as the fact is deter mined. Then Abolitionism will become the prevailing sentiment. So with Arkansas—so with Upper Texas. While we are thus de creasing in political power, the North will in crease. War with England is desired by Sew ard, who is the most dangerous man in Ameri ca. And why ? To exhaust the Sauth of men and money, and with our blood and our treas ure to acquire Canada as freesoil territory; and, then with freesoil power thus augmented, te reduce the South to provincial dependence.— And this war would be popular. The West is always ready for war. They fatten upon it and are out of danger. War enhances the val ue of all their products—grain, bacon, horses, beef. Their women and children are so far in the interior as to be at all times secured, and their young men are warlike by nature. Nor would its advocates be few even in the South Atlantic States which would be devastated by the enemy. Popular orators might be heard at every Court House in our State raising the cry, “to arms 1” who mope about now, as if they never heard of Kansas. May they not hear of it when it is too late. * If our State had imposed a tax of one dollar per head on each negro in the State, and ap plied the amount to the transportation of armed emigrants to Kansas, the people would have sustained the Delegates, and the funds would have wrought more good towards strengthening our institutions if thus applied, than if the har bor of Charleston was crowded with steamships, and every village in the State had its armory with a coup'e on the top. The election of Mr. Banks as Speaker of our House will precipitate the Kansas issue. The Abolitionists are emboldened here and every where. I venture this prediction—that in thirty days there will be a Proclamation by the President relative to Kansas; and that in sixty days af terwards there will also be a Proclamation per taining to the same matter, by the Governor of South Carolina. I tell you that the battle of the Constitution against Fanaticism is to be fought on the soil of Kansas. Let our young men wake from their lethargy. Let them organize companies in every District. A regiment of a thousand men, under the com mand of Maxey Gregg, if now in Kansas, would bear triumphant the flag of State equality and of constitutional liberty. If our institutions obtain in Kansas, the slavery question is settled and the rights of the South are safe. If fanaticism prevail, we may pjit our houses in order to die by inches. Let our people but understand the Kansas issue, and they will meet it with alacrity. Let them bnt see that every dollar expended in Kansas, and every blow there struck, is in de fence of their homes and firesides, and they will come up to the mark like men. They have been confused by the thrusts at the Kansas Nebraska bill, indiscreetly made in our own State, and the taunts of squatter sovereignty. The bill is not as I would have had it in every respect, but it is a good bill for the South; for under it we can go with our property, where before we could not go. Let the theorizers forget their theories and practise what is prac ticable. Every dollar appended in this cause by our people, is as “bread cast upon the wa ters.” Those of you who so see the points of the case should at once put the ball in mo tion. It you cannot act with much concert at first, go to work individually. Present a sub cription list to every man you meet who owns a single slave. Let others do likewise. A long step will be thus taken towards perform ing our part in Kansas. Col. J. D. Wilson of our State arrived th’s morning, and tells me that the people in his region are becoming alive to the issue. He pledged himself to arm and transport five deter mined young fellows to Kansas at his own ex pense. " The example is worthy of imitation, aud the sentiment which produced it patriotic. The route to Kansas is ria Nashville, from which point it is but six days journey to the promised land. I am, with wannest personal regard, and lively sympathy, with you in “Border Ruffian ism.” Truly yours. P. 8. BROOKS. j@°*ln England the hour of dining indicates precisely the rank. The Queen dines at eight o’clock, P.'M., the higher nobility at seven and half-past; the ordinary country gentleman at six ; the professional people and richer classes of merchants and manufacturers a four or five; the shop-keepers at two or three: clerks at one; workingmen at twelve. As a man rises in social importance his dinner hour advances.— Some men of humble origin and great luck have eaten their way from plebeian twelve ail down the hours of the afternoon, and. nded a glorious i career by solemnly dining with royalty at eight, i Splendid reward for the labors of a lifetime ? tSflt is said that young Lord Bury has re : signed as private secretary to the governor gen eral of Canada, and superintendent of Indian 1 affaire—and the Canadian newspaper! are glad of it. , Abolition Appeals to the Noss- Slaveltolding Men of the South. , The power of truth has never been more forcibly illustrated, than in the influence pro duced by a single sentence tn the annual mes sage of President. Pierce, in regard to the ob jects and consequences of fanatical agitation of slavery. For the last twenty years, the bur den of the appeals of the abolition agitators has been directed to the sufferings and oppressions • of the “ poor slave. Oceans of crocodile tear have been poured out by heartless hypocrites, as well as some genuine effusions of misguided fanatical sympathy, in behalf of the enslaved and degraded Africans. “ Uncle Tom’s Cabin" has obtained a world-wide reputation as a de lineation of the horrors of slavery in the South. Os a' sudden, however, everything like a tear for the “ poor slave” has disappeared—he is, all at once, turned over to the tender mercies of his master—and now all abolitiondom is in tears over the sufferings, the oppressions, the degra dation and the ignorance of “ the poor whites of the South.” This wonderful transfer of ab olition sympathy from the “ poor slaves” to the “ poor whites,” is the result of a single sentence in the President’s message; that sentence is as follows: “ If the passionate rage of fanaticism and partizan spirit did not force the fact upon our attention, it would be difficult to believe that any considerable portion of the people of this enlightened country could have so surrendered themselves to a fanatical devotion to the sup posed interests of the relatively few Africans in the United States, as totally to abandon and disregard the interests of the tv. enty-five mil lions of Americans, to trample under foot the injunctions of moral and constitutional obliga tion, and to engage in plans of vindictive hos tility against those who are associated with them in the enjoyment of the common heritage of our national institutions.” The announcement of the truth contained in this extract exploded abolitionism from its very foundation, and ever since its promulgation, we have seen the discomfitted leaders busily em ployed in trying to repair the damage by a transfer of their sympathies from “the poor slaves” to “ the poor whites.” With an impu dence that none but an abolitionist could as sume, they now deny that it was ever the slave who was the object of their philanthropic la bors, but that they were working all the time for the emancipation of the white men of the South, who were suffering under the thraldom of the slaveholders! The New York Tribune leads off on this new tack ; its shrewd editors saw. from the first re sponse given to the President’s message, that he had blown up the magazine of abolitionis a ; that negrephobia was no longer an available ground to occupy ; that the idea of endanger ing the happiness of twenty-five millions of free white men for the supposed benefit of a com paratively few well fed, well clothed contented blacks, was made perfectly absurd by its bold and pointed exposure by the President; and hence its editors led oft in the effort to save ab olitionism by abandoning the cause of the slave, and pretending to have been all the time the champions of “ the poor Southern white men.” The 'Tribune quotes the foregoing passage of the message to show how “ignorant” the Presi dent was as to the objects of abolitionism and, with cool effrontery, says: “How ignorant and mistaken the President is; how he has been be- trayed by his ignorance into the most calumn- [ ious charges against men quite as patriotic as himself, quite as much devoted as he, and pre haps a little more so, to the intrest of the twenty five millions of Americans,”&c- When the President assumes that abolitionism has looked to the condition of the slave as the grand object of its agitation, the Tribune says he was not only “ignorant,” butthat he makes “calumnious charges” against such pure patriots as Horace Greeley. Joshua Giddings, and the like! Has it come to this, that, after abolitionists have toiled for twenty years in trying to excite sym pathy all over the world for the poor slaves of the South, the bare announcement of their ob ject, as heretofore avowed by themselves, is characterized as a “calumnious charge ?” We have said a thousand times that the sympathy of the anti-slavery agitator for the poor s aves. was sheer hypocrisy; and when we said it, he turned upon as, and charged us with calumnia ting bis generous. philanthropic heart. Now, the President says that the object of the aboli tion agitator is to benefit the slave, and the agi tator turns upon him, and says, you are not only an ignoramu", but you are a calumniator; it is the poor white man of the South, and not the slave, that abolition is seeking to benefit and protect. The remarks of the Tribune to which we have just referred were made for the purpose of re commending to its readers a communication from Mr. Weston, occupying six or seven col umns of that journal, in which, under the head “ The Poor Wliites of the South,” the writer undertakes to sustain the new dodge of aboli tionism to which we have been directing atten tion. Mr. Weston, like Mr. Greely, has no conscientious scruples in abandoning the cause of the poor slave, and. with even less show of candor than before, becoming the voluntary champion of “ the poor southern white men.” But are these agitators sure that “the poor white men of the South ” will accept their sym pathies or their intervention 1 We can tell’the Greeleys aud Westons that when they surren dered the original ground on which abolition ism rested they gave up its stronghold. They could appeal to the hearts of the philanthropic in behalf of the slave, and he could make no response- If he could have responded, in nine ty-nine cases out of a hundred his reply would have been an indignant rebuke. But “ the poor white men of the South ” can respond and they will show abolition agitators how grossly ignorant they are of the condition, character, and sentiments of the white non slaveholders.— Without now referring specially to the calum nious observations of Mr. Weston, we quo'te a fair synopsis of his communication as made by the editor of the Tribue. He says : “It is shown in that article beyond all dispute that the largest number of white persons who, on the most liberal calculation, can be supposed to derive any advantage from the existence of slavery among us, is less than two millions, while the remaining four millions and upward of the white population of the slave States are exposed to it by terrible humiliations and de gradations, growing every day worse and worse, and out of which it is utterly impossible for them to emerge by any efforts of their own.— Hitherto those wretched people have had a re source in emigration to new States; but that I resource is now almost exhausted.V/Ol the un occupied territory of the United States, there remains very little the climate of which is at all suited to southern constitutions. No doubt the southern peapie may still find some relief in seeking enjoyment in our rapidly-growing west ern towns and cities; bnt a great obstacle to that is their ignorance and their total destitu tion of means or opportunity at home to learn ; any useful trade or calling.” The gist of this six-column article of Mr. Weston, as extracted by Mr. Greeley, is that -four millions and upwards of the white popula tion of the slave States are exposed by slavery to terrible hummilitations and degradations, growing every day worse and worse, and out of which it is" utterly impossible for them to emerge by any effort of their own.” Mr. Gree lev, with all his hostility to the South, could not state the oondition of ths oca-tlaveholdan | | half as bad as Mr. Weston’s communication represented it. lie says this population is “entitled to the deepest sympathy and commis eration, in view of the "material, intellectual, and moral privations to which it has been sub jected, the degradation to which it has already been reduced, and the still more fearful degra dation with which it is threatened by the inevi table operation of existing causes and influ ences.” 1 If we did not know that the writer was’drnw ing a picture of the no. -slaveholdi ig population of the South, we should take this to be one of those stereotyped appeals in behalf of the “poor slaves” with which abo.itionists have excited the sympathies of fanatics and misguided phi lanthropists for the last twenty years. It is the exact language of those appeals that eman ate from some crack-brained enthusiast whose fanaticism renders him incapable of understand ing the true condition of the southern people, or whose malignity renders him indifferent to the oblig itions of truth. His description of the material, intellectual, and moral privations and degradations of the southern non-slaveholders is without even the semblance of truth, and it will have no other effect than to intensify that feeling of disgust and scorn with which this population already regards abolitionism. If it is supposed by abolitionists that they can excite jealousies and dissensions between the slaveholders nnd the non-slaveholders at the South, they will find that their officious inter medling will only draw together more closely than ever the bonds which now unite them in one brotherhood. It is a total misapprehension to suppose that there is any diversity of inter est or antagonism of sentiment between those who own and those who do not own slaves.— The hostility of the former to the aggressive intentions of abolitionism is not stronger nor more marked than that of the latter. There b a perfect union and indentity of feeling and of sentiment between them. To assume that the latter are less intelligent, less independent, less devoted to the constitutional guarantees on the subject of slavery than the former, is to do them the grossest injustice. To say that they are degraded either materially, or morally, is to utter an unmitigated calumny against as brave, as honest, as patriotic, as intelligent a population as exists in om country. Such men will know how to appreciate and to repel the hypocritocal sympathy so insultingly thrust upon them. They will know how to estimate the philanthropy which first sought to elevate the slaves to a level with free white men, even though the process of amelioration involved the cutting the throats of their owners, and which now manifests itself in an effort to degrade free white men to the level of their slaves, with the hope of exciting the termer to wage a war fare on slave-owners which may inure to the benefit of abolition aspirants for the presiden cy. In conclusion, we repeat to abolition agitators, what we have heretofore said, that if their purpose is to engender dissensions and discords between slaveholders at the South, with the expectation of having allies in the non slaveholdcrs, either for political ends or purpos es of aid and comfort in the event of a sectional war, they will assuredly find the non-slavehold ers, in either contingency, the firm, fast, and efficient friends and allies of the slave-owners. The ranks of southern me: may seem to be divided and distracted by know-nothing issues, but, when the crisis so mindly precipitated by abolition agitators comes, the South will be a unit in sentiment, in feeling, and in action. Discovery e s ths open CircumpO lar Sea appears to have been made by a Rus sian- officer thirty years ago. This was Lieut. Wrangel, who, somewhere about the year 1824 advanced by sleds across the ice "from the northern coast of Siberia, due north to the open sea. Lieutenant (now Admiral) Wranjel took frequent soundings during the trip, mid found the water shallow, with a mud bottom. The climate became moderate as he made nothing. According to his estimate of his position at the margin of the open polar ocean, he must have been near the parallel of 82 degrees north, on which Dr. Kane wa< when he saw the same sea, almost on the opposite side of the pole. Lieut. Wi angel coceah’d provisions in tho ice as he advanced, which he cut out for supplies on his return. The party s'ept in lodges warmed by a spirit lamp, which also cooked their meals Tteir suffering were not as great as those of the land parties that have gone out from the British exploring ships. Condition of Jamaica.—A Southern gen" tieman writing from Kingston to Jamaica, to the New Orleans Picayune, gives a sombre ac count of the dilapidation which negro emanci pation has produced in that colony : “Kingston,” he says, “which once counted eighty thousand prosperous inhabitants, who re sided more in a great accumulation of beauti ful gardens than in densely built squares, now contains only about forty thousand poverty stricken people, composed in a great measure, to the use the expression, of an English gentle man resident here, of liberty-crippled negroes. The white population has 'largely diminished, a dis rapidly disappearing. The coloied pop ulation presents the most marked contrasts within itself. The young men look hale, well fed, and joyous; and the young girls, if at all good-looking-, give evid .nt tokens of prosperity in theirjdress and adornments. The middle aged of both sexes seem everywhere joyless; aud the old are images of hagga'rd want aud despair.” A Petrifie Indiam. —While engaged in ex caviling recently, upon the Milwrukie and La Cross Railroad, near Schleseugerviliee, (lowa.) the workmen came upon the petrified remains of an Indian, and with the remains some singu lar relics of olden times. The body was per fect. not having suffered by decay. His hight, at the presen time, would be considered gigan tic, measuring seven feet two inches. On his baeast was a plate of coppca, on which were engaged numerous hieroglyphics, the meaning of phiee can hardly be imagined. An arrow of considerable strength and curious constrution was also found with him. Sam Houston Intends to Resign. —Mr. J C. Porter, in a letter to the Cincinnati Colum bian, says : “ I was present at a conversation between ’ Judge Perrin and Gen. Houston, in which the; General distinctly said, that the Legislature of Texas had passed a resolution instructing him to resign, and he intended to obey instructions. In a conversation with Judge Perrin, an hour since, he confirmed this statement, and author ized me to say so to you.” We believe this intelligence will be bailed with peculiar joy throughout the South. The Accident to Ges. Cass.—Gen. Cars' fell the distance of four steps leading to the i Patent Office, and was picked np and conveyed I to tne Nation’ Hotel in a state of insensibili ty. His forehead is badly cut, and it is feared his sku 1 is fractured. When taken up he was bleeding profusely from the temple and month. He was speechless j for some time, but has recovered his voice, and i now recognizes some of his friends. The New York Veterans of 1812, will celebrate Washington’s birth-day, by a Cou-i vention at Albany. Mr. Cullom, the Clerk of the (House. Why did the Southern National Know Noth ings vote for Mr. Cullom for Clerk, and refuse to vote for Mr. Banks for speaker ? They are both anti-Nebraska men—they are both mem bers of the “American party.” The Black Republicans voted for both, and the Southern Know Nothings for one of them. The New York Tribune's correspondent, of the 4th inst. says : “The compliment was well deserved ; for no man in the last Congress had been more earnest in resisting the Nebraska bill of iniquities, and none had suffered mere severely from the con sequences of that vote. Gen. Cullom was en titled to this mark of respect.” A Southern constituency refused to send Mr. Cullom back to Coegress, after his oppo sition to the Free States in Congress, aided by Southern Know Nothings, were determined that a notorious enemy of the Nebraska bill should not be prostrated at the South. Mr. Cullom, by the joint support <# those parties, tucceeded to the responsible and lucrative po sition of Clerk of the House of Representives of Congress. , Messrs. Foster and Trippe voted for Mr. Cullom, and Mr. Cullom voted against the Ne braska bill. What principle was sustained or announced in thus voting for Mr. Cullom, will be matter of interesting inquiry for the people of Georgia and the South. What party nomi nated Cullom, and who supported him, and for what, the people will diligently enquire about. Will some of the Know Nothing papers ex plain this matter ? Let tlie Thoughtful heed. There is something in the littb telegraphic dispatch subjoined, which speaks with more point, significance and force, than any editorial against Know Nothingism which the wit of man can devise. It is a mere news item, to set forth the proceedings of the New Hampshire State Know Nothing Convention. Who are chosen as exponents? John P. Hale, Amos Tuck and Geo. Nesmith—radical abolitionists all. On the other hand, the New Hampshire Democrats appoint a rally, and whom do they invite as speaiers? John B. Weller, Howell Cobb and Jas. L. Orr. What a contrast! and is it accidential ? Is it not, rather, a fair il lustration of the animus of the two parties, upon the great question of Southern equality. When will intelligent, patriotic Southern gen tlemen, tire of even a quasi association with such allies ? New Hampshire Politics—Concerd, N. H., Tuesday, Feb. 5,1856. —The New Hampshire American State Convention to day was atten ded by about 500 Delegates. Gov. Metcalf was re-nominated by acclama tion, and Greanlcaf Cummins of Lisbon was chosen for Railroad Commissioner. A mass meeting held in the afternoon was largely attended. The Ron. John P. Hale, Amos Tuck and Geo. Nesmith were among the speakers. The Democrats anticipate a grand rally on Thursday next, when the Hon. John B. Wel ler of California, Howell Cobb of Georgia, and James L. Orr of South Carolina, ara expected to hold forth. Ma. Buford and,Kansas.—Mr Buford ad dressed the people of Dallas county, Ala., at Selma on the 31st ult., and at Cahawba on the 2d inst. At Cahawba, the Gazette says seve ral gentlemen subscribed SIOO each, and expresses the opinion that 5000 will be raised iu Dallas for the cause of Kansas. L!:ap Year.—lt must be recollected that any woman during the present year can marry any man she pleases—provided he be willing. One of the authorities, writing in 1600, lays the law down as follows: “Albeit is nowe become a part of the com mon lawe, in regard to social relations of life, that as often as every bissextile year dothe re turn, the ladye’s have the sole privilege, during the time it continueth, of making love unto the men, which they do either by wurds or lookes, as to them it seemeth proper ; and moreover, no man will be entitled to the benefit of the clergy who dothe refuse the offers of a ladye, or who dothe in any wise treat her proposals withe slight or contumely.” P r 'A., The Texa- Debt Bill, which has passed the Legislature of that State, distributes about seven millions of dollars from the U. 8. Treas ury, to those who hold claims against Texas.— One-third of these claims are held in Philadel phia, one-third in New York, and the remain der in various other cities. Some of these claims were bought very low, and the profit re aized will be la'-ge. ■ When Mr. Adams was elected Presi dent by the House of Representatives, General Jackson, his great competitor, was the first to advance to him on the floor ot the hall and give him his hand in congratulation, an inci dent which drew plaudits in Europe.—Phila We think this is a mistake. We have an impression that Gen. Jackson was not In Wash ington at the time. Senator Douglas in Washington.—The Union of Saturday morning last, says: “It is w ith great satisfaction that we announce this morning that Hon. 8. A. Douglas, who has been so long detained on his way to the seat of government by a violent and protracted inflam mation of the throat, arrived in this city yester day morning. He is in ranch better health and spirits than his numerous friends here expected or hoped for; and we sincerely trust that it will not be many days before he will be able to re turn to the scene of his distinguished labors and distinguished triumphs in all his wonted vigor of mind and body.” Hon. Millard Fillmore was in Rome, 1te1.., by last accounts, sitting for his bust in marble to Bartholomew, the celebrated Amer« ican sculptor. Hon. Robert Toembs, of Georgia, de clining to receive any compensation for his lec ture on slavery, the committee, at his request that the amount should be given to a society for aiding emigrants, has paid over the sum of one hundred dollars to the German Emigrant Aid Society of the city of Boston. ■ ■— ggy The New Jersey Geological Report states that the ocean is steadily and rather rap idly gaining on the shore. At Cape Island the waves have gained ou the beach fully a mile since the revolution, and the rise of the tides on the eastern uplands is higher than formerly, in j the opinion of the oldest observers. jgy* The Cincinnati Gazette states that the five leading offices in that county, yield the fol lowing profit*: Treasurer, 840,000; Clerk, 825,- 000; Auditor, 818.000; Sheriff, 820,000 ; Pro bate Judge, 815,000. Remarks of Judge Cone, ON THE DEATH OF MR. MILLER. Judge Cone said : Senators, — The duties which now devolve upon us, and which are both pleasing and mournful, admonish us all how brief a thing is life I There is nothing which so commands and deserves to command our at tention, as the stroke of “ Death.” Our recent bereavement tells ns in language that can not be mistaken, that erelong, we too shall be called upon to walk through the dark valley and shad ow of death. We shall soon be called upon to resign the joys and pleasures of social life. The relatives and friends that now know us, shall soon know us no more ; and it is useful amid the conflict of passion, and the strife of clashing interests, for us to remember, that we have to render an account to God. One short week ago, and him we now deplore was with us, en gaged in the active and able discharge of the duties of his station. He stood among us more than a peer. He was among the ablest in this chamber. His experience, his wisdom, bis in tegrity, his truth, all caused us to look upon him as a counsellor and an exemplar; but God had numbered his days, and said to him “Thus far shalt thou go, and no further,” so inscrutable are the ways of Providence. The moan of the widow and the cry of the orphan shall ascend to God so. the loss of their protector, amid the lamentations that go up from his grave. Sir I have known Mr. Miller for twenty years—for twenty years of professional life-and I never knew one more courtou* or more kind than he. He was the embodiment of truth, and no professional temptation swerved him one iota from the path of duty. No language can do him justice in his domestic relations ; as a father, he was devoted and kind; as a mas ter charitable and forgiving; as a lawyer, the soul of honor and embodiment of truth. He has left his character upon our laws, and the records of the Senate attest how much he did for Georgia. Sir, he was a gentleman—a man of honor. As a legislator, enlightened and liberal. Full of honors, he has resigned his soul to God. He has gone to that bourne from whence no travel ler returns. But, sir, he was guided by the pre cepts of that religion which “brought life and immortality to light'’; neither sin nor sorrow reigns in the sphere where he now dwells, and the entrance to which he has won by his worth. I would here call upon the young men of the Bar of Georgia, to gaze upon his bright exam pie, and learn from him how to be good, useful and great. The sacred griefs of the bereaved family, I cannot approach. None can know how bitter are the widow's tears, but she who sheds them. None but an orphan knows an orphan’s grief. But we may leave it to God whose hand strack this blow, to pour the oil of consolation upon the hearts he has himself af flicted, and commend to them that religion which has solace for every woe. The ways of the Lord are strange and inscrutable; but he has told us, they are wise—let us not repine be cause we cannot understand. We, too, will ere long be called upon to meet the great event. My years admonish me, and the companions I have long known, and so many of wh;m are gone, all bid me remember that my own end cannot be far distant, in the future. Colquitt, Meriwether, Dougherty, Charlton, Sayre, and now Miller— all friends and long companions with me at the Bar are gone, I too must go ere long. Sir, let us take to heart the solemn lesson which our affliction teaches, aad so act our part that we mny merit at its end, the same eulogies which are the right of him we deplore. Let us endeavor to merit the consolation of our di sine religion, and its last great reward—a home iu that Paradise, where sin, sorrow and suffering are no more ; and in which sinful man sha 1 stand up, redeemed, regenerated and disen thralled I Tub Next Presidency.—The Friends of Messrs Filmoreand Law, in New York, seem to be getting a little excited. The New York Times of yesterday says the friends of the for mer gentleman look upon the forthcoming Phil adelphia Convention of the 22d as a device of Geo.. Law’s supporters to force his nomination upon the American party, and they are not in clined to give it the benefit of their adhesion in advance, of its action : It then adds: It is pretty well settled that Mr. Law will have a majority of the delegatas at Philadelphia and that he will be put in nomination by that convention. If Mr. Fillmore’s friends should not succeed in postponing action, we presume they will.withdraw him from the convention. At all events, they will not, unless we arc misin formed, give their support to Mr. Law if ho is nominated now. The Committee on banks of the Legis lature of New Jersey, presented an elabsrate report on Tuesday, against granting special charters for banking purposes, and recommen ding that the charters passed at the last session be repealed. They reiterate the arguments, sentiments and opinions of the opponents of the special banking system at the last session of the Legislature. They regard the granting of special charters as conflicting with the provis" ions and principles of the General Banking Law. They then proceed to argue the banking ques tion, contending that no notes to circulate as money should be allowed to be issued without fuads being secured for their redemption; to charter a banking institution without such pro vision they consider a palpable legislative if consistency, and a violation of the duties that the members of the Legislature owe to their constituents, as servants of the Ipeople. They also contend that to grant special charters is unjust to those who have associated for bank ing purposes under tflb general law. Ths re port eulogises the free banking system, allu ding to its success in New York, where 820,000 000 are invested unler the General Law in banking business. It concludes by recommen ding the repeal of all the bank bills passed at the last session. Letters from Jerusalem state that at present the European consuls hoist their flags regularly ou Sundays and all feast days—a ceremonj which has hitherto been jealously prohibited by the Turkish officials throughout’the Ottoman em pire, excepting at the seaport towns. It was first done on the occasion of the capture of Se bastopol, when the English, French, Spanish aud Austrian consuls displayed their flags, and the Prussian consul has since done the same.— Rain is very much wanted throughout Syria, and the inhabitants are enduring great suffer ings, as prices of ail provisions are very high. The Austrian coisul at Jerusalem has received from his goveremeut a very large sum for the erection within the walls of the town of consu lar buildings, an hospice, and a place for the archbishop of Vienna. The Latin patriarch is building a place for himself and a college at Beit Sala, near Bethlehem. The Greeks are in possession of about two-thirds of the land with in the walls of Jerusalem, generally supposed to hava been bought with Russian money. WM. KA if PROPRIETOR NUMBER 28. [From the Detroit Free Pres*.] Complexion of the House. The votes on several resolutions in the U S House of Representatives on Saturday, involv ing the question of the restoration of the Mis souri compromise, exhibit the tem|K>r and com plexion of the House. The substance of the resolutions is thus stated : By a majority „f vote, the Houso repudiated the doctrine, that no one but a strong anti-Ne braiika man ought to be elected Speaker. By a majority of one vote, they declared that the restriction against slavery in Kansas and Nebraska, imposed by the compromise of 1820, ought to be restored. By a majority of three votes, they decided that it was not their solemn duty to persist in their efforts to restore that restriction, until the object should be accomplished. By a majority of one vote, they decided that any agitation of the question of slavery, in or out of Congress, is unwise, unjust to a"portion of the American people, injurious to every sec tion of our country, and, therefore, should not be countenanced. By a majority cf fifteen they voted, that the repeal of the Missouri compromise line was an example of useless and factious agitation of the slavery question, unwise, and unjust to the American people. Upon all these resolutions,the recognized de raocrats voted in a body, as did, also, on the opposite side of the question, those members who acknowledged allegiance to the “ republi can ' party. The Southern and a few Northern know-nothings u and some old-line whigs, voted on most of the resolutions against the “ repub licans.” Mr. Peck, of this State, steadily acted with the democrats, of course, and Messi s. How ard, Walbridge and Waldon, with the “ repub licans.” One certain conclusion can be arrived at from the disposition made of the several resolutions : that a proposition actually to restore the Mis souri compromise, would not. be sustained by a majority of the House. This is an interesting fact—especially wheu we remember the claims set up as to the complexion of that body, by the leading “ republican" journals of the coun try, when all the congressional elections had transpired. It was asserted, with singular con fidence, that “ repeal” (of the Nebraska Kansas act) had been carried at the ballot-box, and that the popular branch of Congress would pass a repealing bill. See what is the fact I Not only cannot the supposed anti-Nebraska major ity elect a Speaker, but the votes on the resolu tions we have given, amount to a solemn, reite rated declaration of the House against “repeal.” With such a result of the election of mem bers of the present Congress, the friends of pop ular sovereignty have reason to be filled with courage. Another contest will throw black republicanism into a smaller minority than know-nothingism at present. A late number of tlie’ Louisville (Ky) De mocrat, in speaking of. the Ganlt House says : “The entire roof fell in, and the wall, four stories high, crumbled to the earth. Some time since, it will be remembered the doors of the hotel were closed, and a large force of work men placed upon it, in making repairs, additions, changes, alteiations, &c. Fortunately there were but few engaged at the’ir work at the time of the accident. “A workman by the name of James Carrack, or McCarrick, was killed. His body was re moved from the ruins literally torn to pieces by the fallen timbers. A little boy, the adopted son of Mr. John Ryan, who was playing in Iho yard, was so badly hurt that he died in a few mintitcs. Mr. John Ryan, one of the workmen, was very badly hurt, but will recover. Ann Hearn, a little girl, who was also in the yard, had her nose completely shattered end Ji.-r head terribly bruised. Her nrm is also broken in • several places. aMr. C. White one of the ear penters, had his coat completely torn from his back, by the falling timbers, without any seri ous injury to his person. “The foreman, who was in the lower story, was not hurt, though literally overwhelmed with • timbers, brick and mortur. He extricated himself. “A man whose name wc did not learn, saved himself by leaping from the third s.ory a mo ment before the crash. The keeper of un ad joining shop wus so badly frightened at tho noise that ho leaped out through th window, cutting himself severely with the glass. At the time of the accident some of tho work men were endeavoring to raise one of the floors by means of pulleys attached to onoof the joists above. The Nicaragua Minister.—Secretary Mar cy bits addressed the following note to Col. Parker H. French, the minister from. Nicaragua: Department of State, | Washington. Feb. ", 1856. f . Sir.-1 have received your letter of the sth tnst., with a copy of your letter of credence, and laid them before the President. lam dfrected by him to reply to your request to be received as Minister Plenipotentiary to this government from the Republic of Nicaragua, that ho has again taken the subject into deliberate con sideration, but has not seen sufficient reason for changing the determination made known to you in my letter of the 21st of December last. I am, sir, your most obedient servant, W. L. Marot. Railroad Connections in Cities Mr. Floyd, from the committee of roads iu the Vir ginia Legislature, has reported u bill entitled “a bill to promote the convenience of the trav elling public on railroads.” It proposes to ac complish the object by authorizing the connec tion of railroads terminating in cities; and in the event of the refusal of any city to permit such connections, the roads are authorized to make it outside said city, and shall procure the right of way as provided lor tinder the general railroad law.— Richmond Dispatch. Flour in New York.—The stock of flour in store in New York is said to consist of 410,- 000 barrels Western Canal, 46,000 barrels Southern, and 14,000 barrels Canadian. The market is very dull. United States Senators to be Elected —Both houses of the Maryland Legislature have agreed to go into an election for United States Senator on the 14th instant, to supply the vacancy which will occur ou the 4th March 1857, by the expiration of Mr. Prutt’s term. ’ The Abolition and Know Nothing legisla tive caucus in Ohio, has postponed the nomina tion of a candidate for United States Senator until the 27th of February. Sir. Wade's term expires on the 4th of March, 1857. tl k - elccted b ? the sanl ° Plurality aa T A Ob a’ I ,D 1849 ' Tbe lut,cr recc »’«i one hundred and two votes against ninety-nine for W inthrop. Mr. Bank's vote was one hundred and three against one hundred for Aiken. And !P* e 81x K n°w Nothings who were reported toted fAt B °A U ? d I \ at,onal Americans/’had voted for Mr. Aiken, he would hav > been elect ed by the same majority that Mr. Cobb was. It appears, from the annual report o birtlw, marriages and deaths, just made to the legislature of New Jersey, that there have been 3,184 marriages in tbe State during the past year, so far as reported ; 14,930 births, 7 J 337 being of males, 6,550 of females, and 1,043 of kx not reported, and 8451 daatai.