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Wi'fklq (BrnHiiner. L. ; I “■ ftF’tUHKPSI 7 M % T.'W' 'Ssjtjij ' I ATLANTA, FEBRUARY 21, 1866. i ©Sy* Attention is directed to the advertise, j meut of M. Oppenhebieb & Co., who propose ] to cater to the outer man, in style, and at rates I corresponding to the times. Gas Chandeliers The card of Messrs. Grice & Covert, of) Charleston, will interest those of our reader g who have not already introduced the Gas into their domicils. Some specimens we have seen from this firm, are really beautiful. Those de siring to order such articles, will find the firm prompt and reliable. Peace- We have only the brief and unsatisfactory , peace rumor of our telegraphic correspondent, unsustained by any predicates for the opinion. We enrnestly hope the minor is true, but ala' for such rumors, they are like the negro’s white man, “ monstrous ousartin,” and should notex cite too much confidence, even though coming from as reliable a source as possible. • New Commission House. We take particular pleasure in directing at- [ tertion to the card of Messrs. Lamar, Lowe <fc J Co., in another place. Our acquaintance with j these gentlemen has impressed unfavorably, and | we (•arnestly bespeak for them a liberal share of patronage, confident that they deserve it, j both as citizens and traders. Give them a] call, and yon will certainly be pleased. Mr- Caldwell, of Pike- We ere it announced in several of our ex changes, that Hon. Mr. Caldwell, of Pike, died on a certain day. We are happy to state, however, upon the authority of one of his at tending physicians, that such is not the case. Mr. C. has been very ill, but is thought to be improving, Ilis friends nt a distance will be glad to hear that the report of his death was erroneous. Purchasing Agency- We have recently had our attention directed ; to the General Purchasing Agency of John W., Oahuinoton, 78 Broadway, New York. Such an agency affords the only reliable facility for satisfactory purchases in that city, and through the medium of it we can order anything within the wide range of that market, with the certain ty of getting exactly what we desire, at the lowest possible price, and promptly. Persons desiring the cervices of such nn agency, are ad vised to entrust their business to Mr. Cnrring-, ton, upon whore entire responsibility and failh . fijjnew, they may safely rely. Ile will purchase * anything for you, from a finger-ring to a steam engine, and knows more of the New York roar-1 ket, mid the best places to trade, than you can i leurn in twenty years. Something Nico In the way of beefsteaks, made a welcome visit! to our sanctum, yesterday, from the stall of Mr. K. Parko:<>f our city market. We don't pretend to be postal in all the points, which an epicurean taste would raise in the discussion of such a steak, but this much we do know, that our piaslicutors disposed of a very considerable quantity of the juicy broil, and that, too, with out the usual consequence to us of such indul gences, to wit: dream of red moukoys with peculiar eyes, and blue caudle appendages.— Mr. Parsons has recently purchased of a gen tleman in Campbell county, whose stock com. mauds the highest market prices, several fine beeves, and from one of them, which is a fair rumple of the rest, he has astonished our pal ates, and incurred our lasting obligations. The city render would do well to visit Mr. P.’s stall, where may be found beeves, whose shadows are said to murk the earth with greasy spots. Mr. Harris of Fulton. it will tie seen by ,eference to the legisla tive proceedings, of the 15th, reported inanotb place, that this geutlemmi has materially chang ed his views upon the Kansas question, and has not hesitated to confess his error. We are gratified indeed to see this, since our own convictions in the premises so essentially dif fer from those expressed in the gentleman's re marks upon the Kansas Aid Bill, of Jr, Crook- j The substitute proposed'by Mr. II Aiintsj.wbich ; will be found iu the same interesting Legisla-1 tivc report, seems to ns to have liecn the re-j suit of ii revolution of opinion as complete as I is to us gratifying gratifying, Iwcause we I seueerely regretted that our Representative should entertain views so esentiaily opposed to ■ what wo believed the untversial sentiment of his j constituency. The Removal Question Again. Among t all the nets of the present Legiskr tnre, none strikes us as more judicious than the late acceptance by the House, of u proposition to re-rcfer the question of removal of the State House to the people. It is universally understood, that the vote upon the question last year wan only the expression ol the duapprobn- : lion of the people of incurring the expense of! a new capital. No particular affection for Milledgeville influenced that vote—no convic tion that Milledgeville was the best point for the capitol; but it was solely through motives of misapprehended economy that so many of our people voted against removal. Had the] question been placed before them in properl form, their decision would have been different.; Now it comes iu proper form, and the Semite i will, doubtless, concur with the House, in the | proposition to -übmit it, in its true light, to the ] IK’ople li is now beyond question, that econ-] omy impcr.itiv, ly demands the erection of anew State House. The old sieve like shell which s< aree protee.s the people's representatives from the winds which whistle through its gaping I walls, cam e longei stand alone, but mutt sink ! into ruin from its own inherent weakness. It I will requ.rv aconsiderable sum to keep it togeth- ! er uu.il the.next ■'-sion of tU Legislature, and I even with a liberal appropriation it will hardly 1 l>e habitable for anything but owls and bats.--1 To talk of remodeling au.l adding to it. L sheer’ notw nse. Our pcop e are not so blind as to put “ new cloth into an old garment.' onh to lie compelled to make addition, again t i again. If we only needed a State Hou- .;, r : twenty or thirty years. we might with some! show of economy taik about the additions j. ro . posed. but since it i» not expected that \. ur existence M a State will terminate with that period, we have no right to entail upon poster' ity the expense of a new building, by patching up the old one so as to make it answer our own immediate purposes. The legislature sees this, and acts wisely in refusing to throw away so : much money in whitening., the old Sepulchre I with plaster ornamentation, and the addition I of a few rooms which will yield no strength to i the crazy old walls, and only give it. a showy i appearance to tickle the eye of the visitor, while ■ it only temporarily improves the comforts of i the Hojtse. A cupola more or less—a turret I raised and ornamented, will reflect no credit up ; on the State of Georgia, and is only a senseless j waste of money, which might lie better thrown | into the aggregate sum which must eventually 1 lie required to build a new Capitol. Our Milledgeville friends complain that it is 1 unfair to annoy them with another vote upon the question. It strikes us if they were so easy in their apprehensions of the result, they need experience no annoyance from another vote, which must silence the question entirely, and | either rebuild the capital as they ask, "or take | it from them and locate it at the point the peo l pie deem the most desirable. AAte can see no i injustice in it. If the people believe Milledge ville the most desirable point, as our cotempo raries there say they do, why, they will certain ly pronounce for that place. But we think they are mistaken in regard to the estimate in which their city is held by the voting people of Geor gia, and our opinion is sustained by the oliser. vution of many men equally as well posted as the Milledgeville press. Present the question i as it really stands—Rebuild or Remove- and ■ our cotemporaries’ figures will be found to lie I guilty of an immoral practice of which they are I proverbially innocent. At hast, it is fair to I ipake. the trial. Speech pfKr- S J- Smith, of Union I We present our readers today, with th e i zpeech/)f the Representative of Union County, i in our State Legislature, Mr. 8. J. Smith, on the bill to incorporate the Hywassee Railroad Company. It was nt oijr pirnert solicitation— influenced by more reasons than one —that thia gentleman consen ed to wr.te out his remarks and hand them to ns for publication. In the first place, he represents a county in which our jiaper has a very large circulation,and for which we do most of the legal advertising. In the second place, the democracy of Union ceunty— in fact, "nil the citizen* thereof—feel, and have a deep interest, in the construction of the Ily ■ wass<?« Railroad, and are naturally anxious to ! hear from their representative, and of his efforts to procure privileges desired by, and so impor iint to them. And, in the third place, because we think this gentleman has been unjustly re flected upon, by the correspondent of the Sa vannah Georgian" at this place, whose relined taste and city seaboard associations, doubtless have not prepared his delicately strong nerves, for, if he w 11 have it so. the boiatorous eloquence ■ of our hardy, liberty-loving, both in speech and I action. Blue Ridge Mountain den}ocr*te. I ()ur readers in Union county will p< revive. ! in perusing the speech of their representative, i that lie has zealously, ami with signal ability ’ and eloquence, advocated in the legislature, a ' measure of “ deliverance and liberty” to them — j deliverance from obstruction* which nature has , placed in their path to a market, and liberty to j trade, upon terms of equality with their more favored fellow-citizens, this side the mountain, n the line •>< tha W. &A. Railroad. Indeed, it was a topic—the cliarter asked by tha com pany—which was well calculated to excite deep feeling in the breast of him who represented our friends in Umon county, and the result was the impassioned, fervid, and eloquent appzal, which he made to t e House. But we will not stop here. The points presented, and argument, do full justice to tho proposed measure, and con clusively show, that the interests of the speak er's constituency were wisely entrusted to able and faithful hands. The failure of success, on its find trial before the House, must be attribu ted to causes and influenced over which he had no control. Its rcconmderatian and.pamage thereafter, by a majority ofeleven, was, iadoed, a triumph. We congratulate his constituency upon it. It affords us. also, great gratiticatfou to say, that we have witnessed with pleasure and with pride, the high toned inde]>endonce, libe rality and patriotism, which have characterized the legislation of the representative from Union county, during this session of the legislature. Governed by no sectional interests—restrained from his duty to the State at large, by no local prejudices ordisappvintmeuta—be has met every | measure with no shrinking point, and has inva j riably cast his vote, after deliberately determin i ing upon the merit* of the question. Guarding j the Treasury of the State with n jealous eye. ' he has liecn far. however, from acting on the I principle, that if he could not “ eat the h»y ' himself, no one else should eat itbut on all ' proposed measures of enlightened policy and ! usefulness, he has been found at his post, sus ' taining them. No menii er of the present Lc j gishr.ure can show a clearer, cleaner, and more | patriotic record, than 8. •/. Bmjth, the Repre sentative from Union county. It has. also, afforded ns much gratification, to hear of his course on the bill of Mr. Crook thenblc representative from Chattooga cauntv —to appropriate $50,000 to aid emigration from the South to Kansas. We were not prre ent at tha debate which took plaoa pn this bill, jon Monday last; but. if we arc correctly ad vises], our own representative, Mr. Harris, and the representative from Union, occupied antag onistic positions in reference to it—the latter supi>orting. mid opposing the meas ure. It would be improper iu us, to censure the course of the representative from Fulton, ! rt in a mere hearsay of positions assumed by I him in his speech on tliat occasion : hence, we ; refrain, truating to the future for reliable and [ mere specific information, as to his grounds of ; opposition to the bill. Hut as regards the rep j reaentative from Union, we can with pleasure ; say, that with him. the tth Resolution of the Georgia Platform is no mockery—that Soath i ern Rights is no farce—and that Northern ag gression must lie repelled, at any and every sa- I orifice. The theory that slavery is to l«> n stricted within its present limits, and that the 1 slaveholder, with his slaves, should lie discour aged from emigrating to Kansas, or that South : ern men. slaveholders themselves, or sonsof sires ! that are so, are not to be trusted in Kansas, is I a theory that we believe not in, and deeply re gret to think, that any Southern man can. for a mement. entertain it Jt is a doctrine that ; the stern, unflinching, antl-know-sothing de mocracy and whigs of Georgia, yea. nineteen twcntietiis of the people »f the South, will repu diate, whenever It is advanced. Like the rep resentative from Union, they will not tolerate it j for an hour! Speech of Mr. S. J. Smith, OK UNION, Upon the bill incorporating the Hywassee Rail road Company. Me. Smith of Union said: Mr. Speaker : —I regret that the elaborate argument of the gentleman from Gilmer, (Mr. Picket.) has placed me under the unpleasant necessity of inflicting on this House a speech. That there is a diversity of opinion iu this Gen eral Assembly, on the subject of Internal Im provement, by State aid, has been fully demon- i strated by the action of this House. But that any Georgian, particularly, any Cherokee Geor gian, should, with the luminous history of Rail road enterprise, and Railroad triumph, spread out Wore him,be heard to raise his voice in thesi Hal Is., against their creation or further extension by individual or corporate enterprise, excßea in me, the most profound astonishment 1 Bnt what are those enterprises ? What, their triumphs ? Otic fifth of a century has scarce elapsed since all Cherokee Georgia was an un explored wild—a savage inhabited wilderuess. Where the council fire then blazed or the im provident Indiuu.idly roamed, is now seen the well cultivated and luxurious farm, fresh gleaned of its golden and exuberant harvest. Where the low, di*gy wigwam theu stood, now looms up the romantic villa, or spreads the flourishing village, musical with the busy hum of industri al life, and teeming with all the joyous manifes tations of rapidly advancing civilization.— Where the glittering scalping knife and blood stained tomahawk then’gleamed, amid the lurid light of burning pioneer houses, and the low, plaintive wail of the expiring victim, aud the terrific warwhoop es the exulting victor, broke in awful cadence upon the dull ear of night, now ! the tall church dedicated to God, bathes its! lofty spire in the halcyon rays of the midday I sun, and the euphonious chime of the church-go-i ing bell is summoning village and cottager to the; peaceful altar of diristian prayer—the service I of a Christian Got. And wScre the startled I deer then bounded over its grassy heath to elude the swi't flying dart from the red man's uner ring bow, now thunders along his iron track the fiery steam-steed laden with the rich and varied products of .ar-off valley and mountain. Verily, hath the waste places of earth been made glut], and the wilderuess to bloom as the rose—why this mighty metamorphosis, this mag ic-like transformation ? Turn to your statute books, witness the profound and’ far-reaching sagacity of your predecessors on this floor, then estimate the giant might and creative energies of our population, and the mystery is solved. Georgia's statesman saw and recognized the great political truth that it was one legitimate end aud object of legislation to foster, develop and call into requisition all the vast resources of the State, physical aud moral 1 but this po litical philosophy is left for modern statesman ship to illustrate and adorn. A celebrated an cient General once threatened, in the blind impotency of rage, to hurl an up-heaved moan tain from its adamantine base so that his deso latiag army of millions might inundate the classic plains of liberty-loving Greece with blood aud destruction. Georgia’s more philan thropic statesman said, in tones characteristic of true wisdom and humanity, wc will cut a! passage through the migh’y barrier on our ■ western border, and let the vast products and i exhaustless treasures of the great valley of the ' Mississippi, disgorge themselves into the expan sive lap of her own loved State. They spake, and j Striking the sterile rock, not with the divine i rod of Moses, not with the fabled wand of an ; cient magicians, but with the powerful talisman i of well directed enterprise, aud the enriching I stream of golden commerce gushed forth at | their bidding. What a striking contrast be- j tween the merciless folly aud infatuation of the ! blood-stained rulers of the past, aud the en : lightened, ameliorating statesmanship of the; preoentl Who can contemplate the inealcula-1 ble results of this stupendous stretch es states-1 manship—the consummation of this Herculean j and Stair-enriching enterprise without not only j thanking God that he is a modern —an Ameri-1 can, yea. n Georgian I What, representative [ on this floor can survey our magnificent system . of Railroad ami internal improvements stretch ing from the seaboard to the far-off, misty mountains, without wishing to see additional erms thrown iff from the great central trunk into all the prominent, sections of the State, giving an impetus to industry and business, that wii; egusc the great coinhitfei;;] hey.rt of Georgia to pulsate with new-born vigor and energy* I, nt least, r. Speaker, desire as you may infer from the Bill under consideration, to add another link to this extended and still ex tending chain,—a chain, sir, which is even now binding together the suuny south, and prolific south-west, with the strong ligaments of Iron Sir, I have the honor to represent on this floor, a constituency who have received but few of the business or commercial facilities lav ished on other portions of the State, by the erection of those great roads towards the con struction of qrhicn, they contributed their full proportion ; a constituency whose represen tatives have, session after session, voted larger sums of money, to create and facilitate the River and Railroad transportation of middle and lower Georgia ; a constituency, sir, whose representatives have neither asked nor received the reciprocal appropriations to which they were justly entitled, aud which their commer cial wants absolutely demanded. Nor am I here to-day, a mendicant supplicating State aid ; but here os the representative of a portion of the free men of Georgia, to ask, aye, demand, in their name, that they be permitted to con struct on their own soil) by their own unaided resources, a railroad in conformity with the promises of the bill bn your tabic, nor can I permit myself to believe that these, the honored representatives of freemen, who knowing, will dare defend the sovereign rights of the citizen, will refuse to grant mine, this poor, though, to them, important boon. Insignificant as this project may have here tofore seemed, I assure you ns guardians of Georgia's weal, that it itiyolyes questions and principles of grave moment, for your calm con sideration and deliberate action. * The section of State through which this road is designed to pass, is a picturesque and fertile region, abounding in fine productive lands— magnificent water powers, capable of propell ing the most powerful machinery, and becom ing the seat and heart of extensive manufac turing enterprise ; and entombed in the bowel* of its green hills aud rnggdt mountains, slum ber untold millioiis us undeveloped mineral wealth, all of which must ever remain cut off and excluded from the great market of Georgia aud the world, until tho mountain barriers bv which wc are sarrouuded, have been penetrated, and the same facilities of transportation extended to them that have developed and enriched other sections of our Sltste When this shall have been done, and the smoke gushing from the fla ming uostriis of the potent Iron Horse be seen flaying round the summit of the Alleghany.! an d the thunders of his wind-like speed heard dashing across the beautiful valleys of our moan-1 tai” SJrt home shall have fostered and calleil into ' requisition, our agricultural, manufacturing aud ; mineral resources; and shall have in fared healthful energy and vigor i»to all and every deportment of industry and life : then will I Georgia be made to feel, through her every; commercial nerve, the importance of this hith erto neglected portion of our State—the non- 1 summation of this enterprise. Scoff not at the stress I pla*e on this project, or the importance I attach to this portion of our common State. For, although co rice | fields were iu ocean-like grandeur on our low lands, or snowy cotton wifi teas our uplands, vet hath Deity been more equal aud beneficent ’ ia the distribution of his favors thau tho s°perfl cial observer may at first suppese. The region of State penetrated by this road boasts a soil redundant with almost spontane ous producti\-eness; has the capacity, if devel- ( oped, of furnishing Georgia, and the great markets of the South, boundless supplier of ice. frutts. vegetables and breadstud's, annually, and water powers, not only sufficient to manu facture tire entire cotton crop of the South, but to drive the entire machinery of the world. Whether we examine our agricultural, mine - ral or manufacturing resources, the conviction is forced home u> the exultant heart that Georgia is not oulv -Empire Stacu.'fcut thatehn possesses all the elements and capacity of rep arate and distinct national existence. From her agricultural and manufacturing resources may bo derived food and clothing for the fa wishing and destitute children of the world—from the mineral resources may be manufactured every article of ornament and utility, from the sim plest implement of husbandry and mechanism, to the ruby ring that sparkles on the snowy finger, or the brilliant diamond that flashes from the heaving bosom of peerless beauty. Then why, Georgia Legialators, tell tne why, are Northern capitalists suffered to grow princely rich by manufacturing the staple pro ductions of the south ? why permitted Io fur nish us w ith the very garments we wear, the fruits and vegetab'es tliat grace the tables of this, her capital? why our own in unions ar tizans and patriotic producers are barely subsis ting at home for want of lucrative employment and well directed ..patronage? Why do the parents of the peerless daughters of the South speud their millions annually at the various fashionable watering-places of the North— South—contemning North—while, amid our own ever-green mountains, beneath the sky as I blue as Italia's, they may revel almost without i price, in scenery more wild and diversified—' landscape more picturesque and variegated— inhale au atmosphere as pure and salubrious as the breath of Heaven—and quaff water, pure and lucid as christal, more health-giving and restoring than that which gushes from Sar atoga’s boasted fount ? The reason of all this is as obvious as humiliating to our state pride. At present there exists no rapid and easy tran sit to this bland, healthful summer retreat— no facilities for the transportation of material, to this natural, and, I will add, future seat of Southern Manufactories. Must this lamentable state of things continue to exist ?—shall the Blue Ridge ever constitute an icy wall between upper and lower Georgia?— If so, be the honor on other heads than those of my constituents, who uow, wiih a magnanim ity characteristic with their own chivalrous and indomitable nature, ask the p ivilege of hewing down with their own strong, unaided hands, the great wall that loom* up be: ween us, thus iden tifying themselves more fully’ with, and pouring their now buried, inert and pent-up treasure into the lap of Middle and Lower Georgia. Is there one here who has the temerity to dispute this their natural and guaranteed right, or reject this, their proffered treasure ? Yes, and tiie ac knowledgement brings the indignant blush of shame to my cheek. There is one in this temple erected to Justicz, Equality and Freedom, who would draw invidious distinctions and place'the brand of Cain on a portion of the common chil dren of a common parent. A righteous Heaven, mark the oppressor! doom him, to the cutting lash of an indignant public opinion—outraged natural rights but spare! in mercy,: spare, his constituents from the misery aud degradation he would inflict on mine. 1 have thus glanced briefly at some of the advantages to be derived from the construction of this road, aud will now, with t lie indulgence of lhe House, proceed to examine some of the alleged, appaling effects incident to its erection: First—lt is objected, that this contemplated road is designed to connect with the Tennessee and South Carolina Railroads. This is untrue, as you will perceive by reference to the connex ion spcc.fied in the Bill. But suppose it did con nect with the Tennessee and South Carolina Road, would this justify you in refusing to my constituents the rights and privileges extended ; to all other sections es the State? Dois not the Western & Atlantic Railroad connect with the Tennessee Road ? Does not the Georgia Railroad connect with the South Carolina Road? The LaGrange Road witii Alabama ? Does not the Cen'ral Road land your produce on the great highv ay of N ations ? Have we not now a Bill on our table, asking State aid to build a Road from Brunswick to Florida? Aud last, but not least in iniquity, did not the very eOTisfsten/and considerate gentleman from Gilmer, (Mr Pick et,) introduce a Bil], asking State aid to erect a Road making the same deprecated connexion with Tennessee? “O 1 consistency, thou art in deed a jewel.” ’ But, sir, is not the value of all these roads en hanced a hundred fold by these connexions ? Then why should Northern Georgia be made an exception totiie general rule? If this doctrisc is to be inaugurated and engrafted on Georgia policy, go lop off your Rail Roads—make their termini in your own State—block up your navigable Rivers—lusli back the mighty Atlan tic from your shore—cut off all foreign and inter state communication, and let Georgia's vast surplus products rot on Georgia soil. -7 7iis would be enlightened statesmanship—this, polit ical economy sagely exemplified. But stop not here—go demolish the magnificent structure of government reared by your patriot sires-blot out the sun cf freedom —stifle the clarion trump of liberty—lest your neighboring nations, inspired and aroused by your example, should shake off the lethargic slumbers and shackles of ages of thraldom, and aspire, aye, imperiously aspire, to a participation in your happiness and prosperity. This may be the statesmanship ?of antiquated schools, but it emanates not from t ..e statesman's head, it springs not from she patri ot’s heart. Secondly, It is chrged that this supposed connection will divert freight and travel, and thus ruin the State Road. Now, the very re verse is my intention, and will be the effect of the erection of this road. In North Carolina, thought slumberless thought, and action, have been fully aroused on the subject of Rail Roads and international improvement—like Georgia she, too, can boast a great Central trunk of Rail Roads, which she is yearly extending Westward. Charters have already been gran ted, routes surveyed, aud roads partially under contract to Ashville, on her AV estern border— she, too, ia alive io the importance of the vast trade and travel to the West, straining her every nerve to its utmost tension to secure it, and thus make her road the great thoroughfare of the na tion, and her magnificent harbor at Beaufort the emporium of the South. In the prosecution of this scheme, her next Legislature will grant a charter from Ashvilk to Duck Town, in Tennessee. This link filled up, this connection secured, aad she will hav curtailed tho distance from the South-West to the North-East from two to three hundred miles. Look at a Map of the two States, and you will find this statement fully corroborated. Would not this decreased distance, and the consequent diminution in the cost of freight and travel, di vert a large proportio of business from Geor gia Roads? How is this calamity to be aver ted ? I answer, by the erection of the North- Eastern Road and the one contemplated by this Bill. The former will place you in direct com munication with Cincinnati and the great North-West—t ie latter will be a great feeder to the former from the South-West, and thus argely augment the business of our roads and and the commerce of your s. a~port towns.— 1 his is your remedy, your only alternative. Then instead of toe sworn guardians of Georgia's in terest waging v;ar on thoj? who would volunta rily shoulder this weightv enterprize, would it uot better befit their position to be clamoring at the coffers of the State for aid to thwart the catastrophe suspended over our commercial in terest ? But the gentleman from Gilmer scoffs at the idea cf building a Road over the lofty and rugged Mountains of AVestern North Carolina, and. I suppose, I ought to succumb to the gentle men s superior knowledge, he having the honor once to represent them. He, however, differs on this subject with the distinguished civil En gineer of the AVestern Turnpike Road, (Mr Fox.) wiio was instructed in that surrev to as certain the practicability of building'a Rail Road from Salsbury West I was present when he reported, anil if my memory is not greatly at fault, he pronounced it a practicable Ra hroad route. But suppose, for arguments stake, the gentle man be correct, th it difficulties and obstruction do exist, calculated to deter North Carolina; from extending her Railroad rapidly Westward, doea this not constitute an additional reason why Georgia should open her less obstractoi and na ional outlet*, and thus securo the com merce of Western North Carolina. instead of suffering her tosecure that of Northern Georgia by either the contemplated Railroad or rhe no uow being couslrueitxi from Clayton to Knox ville. Tennessee ? Sir, I lay it down as a fundamental truth—' an incontrovertibt? proposition—that where] navigable rivers do not exist, or afford the re-: quisite facilities for transporta ion, they, the ‘ sovereign people, have a natural and an unques tionable right to create them ; aud that it is I tho imperative duty of the Stat ', to foster every enterpriz" which has a tendency to develop her resources, and increase the aggregate wealth and revenue of her citizens, ft was the recog nition and observance of this great, principle by the Northern States, that drew the vast pro ducts of the North-West to tho North-Eastern cities. It was their system of Railroads spread- ’ ing out, fan-like, in the productive North-West, that enabled hereto monopolize that, mammoth tra e. mid make the city of New York the un disputed Emporium of this vast continent— and. ns a consequence, the non-observance of this principle, by us has left unfostered, undeveloped, the agricultural and manufactu ring interests and commercial resources of the South—exhausted our substance to enrich Nor thern manufactures—aud is now preying, like a might}- vampire, on our seaport towns and cities. It is t..is enriching monopoly, together with our taeit acknowledgement of their supe riorly over us. that has made them proud, arro gant. factious, would-be independent; and it ii this seeming independence that has estranged and alienated their affection from the Union ; aud I would say, as a Georgia legislator, as j this influence continues to paralyze and make the heart of this great Union beat feebly, and still more feebly, bind the Southern territory together with the strong ligaments of iron— her people by identify of interest, and couviv iality of sentiment This can only be effected by spreailiug out your Railroads in all the prominent regions of the State, by fostering the m urn factories that spring up evory where along their iron pathway, by developing all your nat ural resources, and by affording the facilitic tor the acquisition of wealth and education to all classes of your citizens. This done, and eur, whole populat ion stands as a unit, and the South, upon winch God has stamped the indellible sig t get us natural and commercial independence' will then take her appropriate and lofty posi tion iu a galaxy of State*, and transcendantly : among them will flash Georgia's culminating i star. I now proceed to notice the third and last j objection to the bill: The distinguished and lynx-eyed gentleman I from the State of Gilmer says, iu substance, that I wc wish, by the agency of 'this road, to divert our trade to Rabun and South Carolina, and that, therefore, this charter must not be grant ed—which means, in unsophisticated English, that Georgia—the kind and fostering mother of us all—must stoop from her lofty position— must doff the proud appellation and resplendent habiliments of Empire State—must den the royal robes of despotic King George the third, I and manacle th j strong arms, and chill the warm hearts, of her devoted sons; and why ? because, forsooth, '.ve, like our gallant ancestors, desire to find th" l best and most lucrative markets of the South, of the world, for our surplus pre ducts. King George said to his American colonies, ■ thou shalt not buy, sell nor’trade, with France or Spain. I ain thy master, England is thy mother ; and your commodities shall have uo other receptacle but England." King Gilmer would say, to Union and Fannin, you wish to trade aud traffic with Rabun and South Caro lina, but I am the guardian of Georgia, the State Road particular, and her depots shall be your depots, her markets your only markets. Is there not a striking analogy between the des potism <>f King George of execrated memory, and the unmitigated tyranny of the principle announced by the gentleman from Gilmer? a principle which, I had buried too deep beneath the blood and carnage of our glorious revolution ever to be exhumed, resusci tated, aud reproduced in a Georgia Legislature —a principle, sir. even tho Ijinglv assumption of which stirred the deepest depths’ of the great American heart, ato roused her patriot sons to arms—a principle, the refutation of which cos t America tho lives of her noblest sons, an ocean of patriot gore—a principle, the overthrow of which gave freedom birth, aud America a posi tion and a name—a principle, the re-assumption of which would suateh the brightest gem from Georgia’s glorious coionet, and stamp her the veriest machine of despotism and oppression. Sir, whilst I assert and maintain the absolute right of iny constituents to trade where they can buy lowest and sell highest, and to create, at their own expense, such facilities for the transportation of their products as will be most conducive to their interest and prosperity. I deny the allegation, that the erection of this road would have a tendency to divert the trade and commerce of Georgia. On the contrary, I think I have shown that it has beccmc indis pensably necessary to preserve and augment it. Mr. Pickett—-Wil. the gentleman from Uni on permit me to ask him a question ? Mr. Smith—Certainly. Propound a dozen, if you desire. Mr. Pickett—Then will you permit me to amend your bill, by saying you shan't connect with the “Rabun Gap Road"? Mr. Smith— shan’t? shan’t? no, sir—that is a word long since expunged from the freeman's Vocabulary 1 Thiukest thou my constituent* are base-boru slaves, to bow to the behest, or nod to a tryant ? No, sir—sooner would I see this bill consumed by the lightning of Heaven, and the Road engplphed by an earthquake, than recognize your right to say shan’t to those who have honored me with their suffrage 1 Does the gentleman not only wish to place himself on record against the onward march of impr. vement, but also against foreign com merce? If so, I envy him not the distinction. If foreign commerce be prejudicial to the in terest of State or Nation, then were the abori gines of this vast continent, where navigable rivers were unrippled by the Indians’canoe, su premely blest—then was the invention of steam, through the agency of which our wide spread commerce is whitening every ocean and nav igable stream on the globe, the curse ia which State or Nation has ever fallen heir. If commercial ignorance and seclusion be bliss, then, indeed, were it folly to be commer cial ly great or wise; but if, on the contrary it be beneficial, us all sane me* must admit, and Northern Georgia can enrich herself, and greatly increase the revenues of the State, by supplying South Carolina from her vast store house of surplus products, whence the right or policy to thwart this laudable project? If Ra bun Gap be the natural channel of commerce, what mortal power can revoke or counteract the decree? AVhat ! can you lull the winged winds to sleep? Or rest the rolling world? Chain the heaving deep?” The one is as feasible as the other, and he who lias the temerity to attempt it, will find more congenial companionship among the hallucinated victims of the Lunatic Asyluw, than in Izrgislative Hall. I have ever been taught that the proudest boast aud boo* ; of the American, be he ou the nnrni ng sands of : Africa, the icebergs of Greenland, or on the [ mountain billows of the tempest tossed deep, consisted i» the consciousness with which he , thundered in the teeth of an aggressive foe. I am an American, her laws extend to, and her stars and stripes will protect, defend or avenge me—shall it, then, be said, because the Blue Ridge looms up between try constituents, and this, our common Capitol,’ that they do not I •'Assess, and may not rightfully exercise, all the rights and privileges guarrantecd temfdle and lower Georgians? Undiscriminating God of myfathtrs! patriots. Statesmen of Georgia, orhid! * Why this unjust aud invidious di«crimiua tion against my constituent* ? Has Executive State or National, ever made a requisition on ns. and wc responded not ? By the bloodv re cord of exico's well-fought "battle-field—by tbc red glare of the burning and desolate homes of your own Florida frontier—l answer, no! The gi ntleman appeals to members, by thoir love of their own sea port towns, to defeat this bill. I appeal not to sea-coast Georgia, by ’ their exposed position—to middle Georgia, as 1 the recipient* of State aid—but I invoke von. by year magnanimity, your love of justice'and equality, your detestation for oppression and tyranny, to aid me in the passage of this bill, aud toe expulsion of tyranny and proscription from this House [Reported for tiro Constitutionalist.] Debate on the Kansua Bill. HOUSE. Milledgeville, Feb. 11,1856. The bill was introduced by Mr. Cuook, of Chattooga, aud its object is to aid in its settle ment with a slavery population, by an appro priation of 850.000 from the Treasury of Geor gia. A bill to promote the settlement of the terri tories of the United States. It appropriates 850,000 in aid of Kansas emigration, to be raised by a special tax on slaves, to be expended at the rate of SSO to each grant. Mr. CnooE moved a suspension of the rules this morning, iu order to consider this bill, aud opened the discussion with a few explanatory remarks. Mr. Jones, of Muscogee, moved to strike out the feature requiring the imposition of a special tux on slaves, and defended his motion by some observations explanatory of the deleterious ef fect this feature would exercise in arousing jealousies between white and slave labor, and the incipiency of a species of Kansas excite ment in Georgia; and he was. also, opposed to class legislation. Mr. Crook energetically repudiated any w’ish to engender such jealousi.-s, or to legislate for classes. His chief reason for the insertion of the words “on slaves,” was that, as they were the great object and cause of the act, they might be the ones to act on the defensives, though he would not desire to let the burden of taxation rest on them, and have them bear the respousi- I bility. Another reason for his so doing, was i to stop the palaver of northern Abolitionists; as by assessing slave property, they could not ' say to the southern white laborers) the tax of ; slave labor falls on you. The motion to strike out was carried. Mr. Ibwin, of Wilkes, considering that his was a gratuitous donation, thought a majority of two-thirds was necessary to ca.ry it. He characterized the whole matter as improper and unsound, for recognising the troth and wisdom of nonintervention, it would lie inconsistent to meddle with home affairs of a distant State or Territory. Mr. Lewis, of Hancock, proposed a substi tute, authorizing the investment of $1,000,000 in K ansae lands, the money to be raised by the sale of State bonds, and a Commissioner to be appointed to purchase the lands. Lost. Mr. Crook again strenuously supported the bill, pleading the great necessity of some action on this really important matter. The pro per time had arrived for the acqusition of Kansas to the ranks of slaveholdiug States; the tempting fruit was lying before our eyes, ready for our grasp, and wc must lie laboring under a strong hallucination to refuse the splen ' did prize. The speech abounded in fine patri ’ otic sentiment, and glowing appeals to South ; ern interests and Southern principles. Mr. Jonbs, of Muscogee, differed from the gentleman in his estimation of the character of this bill. He did not consider it in the light of a donation—a gift. If this was to aid iu the perpetuation of slavery, it was no donation.— lie did not consider it necessary to prove that our interest and the perpetuation of slavery i were convertible terms, or that the birth of new Abolition States militated against Southern weal. He denied the existence of such a prin ciple a* non-interventiou. Ixigal charters have been granted to Emigrant Aid Societies, aud thus indirectly countenanced intervention. He was in favor of making an open and bold man ifestation of our intentions, by legislating in our own Assemblies. These measures are self protective, and we have undisputed right to adopt any means for our future safety. He had been told that we had endorsed the non-in tervention principle. Ile admitted it, but asked non-intervention ou the part of whom? Why, Congress, of course. Congress does not, nor ■ever did, possess the power of interference in the settlement of territories, and the establish ment of their forms of government; and why is this? Congress is our creature, and conse quently can exorcise no power not expressly accorded to it by us. From us it received its vitality and strength, and by us was it restrict ed of the power of interference. But with a free independent sovereign State, intervention is au inherent right, whether by money, by the press, by legislation or other just means,‘in or der to prepetuate existing institutions, and all the Free-soil, Abolition States, possess the same right. They have the same right to organize “Emigrant Aid Societies” that wc have, and we have the ight to repeal force with force.— The existence of slavery, and the existence of the Union, are closely connected; when one falls the other follows it. Domestic slavery, as it exists in the South, is a conservative and pre servative clement. Look at the Free-soil States. With what rapidity are they becoming incor porated with anarchical aud despotic elements? Their Society is a hot bed for the germination of all kinds of extravagant insane “isms."— Their educated men are fanatics, aud their ig norant, are fanatics’ tools. Our Southern count ry is unpolluted by tho wild disorderly scenes that are enacted at the North. African Slave ry is necessary to the preservation of Repub lican principles. Sir, I am a propaganpist, and would not hesitate to plant the “Black Flag,” os it has been sneeringly te.med, in the centre of Freesoil-dom. Past history proves the continued existence of slavery from time immemorial. If white men cannot have black slaves, they will have white ones. The South has her blacks, the North her whites. Let the world pass judgement upon the condition of the two. They are not to be compared. While the South enjoys the blessings of peace and tranquility, the North trembles with the throes of tumultuons passion., and is threatened with ruin. And if the gloomy prospept as disunion is realized, which must take place, unless some miraculous, unforeseen circumstance shall arise equal to the dread emergency, the Black "Flag will wave over New York 'city, and will be welcomed as a substitute for anarchy and des potism. If, Sir, our wisdom advises, and our interest demands an effort iu self-defence, who cau better take the lead than Georgia—rich, prosperous, powerful, standing foremost among the Southern States in her advocacy of a cor rect policy for the whole Union—let her lead the van. Mr. Ward, of Butts—Sir, I do not approve of this plan, and oppose it, because I am a friend to Kansas. A wiser and more politic plan will be to organize Emigrant Socitics in every county. A fellow countryman of mine, some time ago, who has been to Kansas, addressed the people of Butts, and be recently returned with seventy true men. No difficulty was ex, perienced in getting funds, or men. This, Sir is the proper plan to work out your purposes. Trust m the noble sons of the South, and their warmest wishes, greatest efforts will not be wanting. Established Aid Societies, and ap peal to the Southern feelings of true Georgians and a sthe danger increases that necessitates this action,so will increase the effort. Your men. too will lie true men, upon whom you can depend. This, Sir. is the true plan, if yon would succeed. Mr. Thornton of Muscogee : Sir, uiy efforts for Kansas will compare with the efforts of any member on his floor. lam a member of an Aid Society, and my whole influence has been used in the accomplishment of its object.— But, sir. I cannot fully endorce the sentiments of my colleague, that such societies are moral ly right. I deny the right of Massachusetts to send her paupers and incendiaries to Kansas.— If she haa a right, it is the right of a mule to kick one over. I consider these sccieties as wrong in principle, and not the legitimate children of Hepulicau principles; but it ii necessary to light the devil with fire. Massa chusetts commenced the battle, and we must fight to conquer. Besides, sir, there is a wide difference between Stat and iud vidua! enterprise. Suppose Massachusetts should invest her surp-, lus millions in the colinization of a Territory, I to be admitted as a non-slaveholding State, in- ; to the Union, in the existing state of affairs, I' would willingly arm myself to hid in the redress! of such an outrage. But let Georgia pas-, this bill, and I ask if we could with consistens, cy, even protest, much less fight, against such , an act. We set the precedent, tuey but follow in our track. This rule, then, must work both ways, ff Massachusetts cannot, consonantly with right, enforced her institutions on the Territories Georgia is eiaufealy bofod. The Territories, are our rnutunl property, arc nei ther the sole property of the one or the other. I The grand leading principle in the Georgia] Platform of 1850, is non-intervention at the) —intervention at. the hazard of disruption, i Such a contingency of the necessity of the j platform to keep Georgia from “laying on vi-■ olent hads” was never dreamed of. Shall wo ; then as Georgians, tho constructors of this glorious fabric, sound enough to bear upon its broad, deep surface, the while Union, and upon which fifteen sovereign Slates already stand, be the first to strike the death blow? 1 trust pot, sir.Lct Georgia pass the bill, proud her position will be lost—her prestige gone. She would feel deep reprach were she to yield her formost position; but how much deeper could be her shame, were she to violate her honor, by repudiating this platform. Sir, I trust forth honor of the State, this bill will not pass. Mr. Crook : Mr. Speaker, the idea of ex ecuting your project by private effort, is some what chemerical. The original settlers of Kansas were pro-slavery men, and now a governmet has been established there, or attemp ted to be established, which they despise and condemn. Massachusetts has commenced the war of intervention by flooding Kansas with her creature*. Aye, sir, already has the reck less spirit of Abolitionism been turned upon the sacred pillars of the Georgia Platform. They tremble ’neath the sacriligious touch, yet those who rest their security on this Platform arc unconcious of the trembling; no warning is given of approaching danger. I consider, sir. that the time has come when action is nec essary, when resistance is a defensive measure. Let Georgia pass this bill, and lead the way, and fourteen sister States will support her in onward course—in a short time nearly a million dollars will be raised for the defence of our dearest rights and our homes. Mr. Harris, of Fulton : Mr. Speaker, while I sanction the noble sentiments of the gentleman just proceeding me, I do not agree with his judgement. No one can advocate Southern rights, as warmly and boldly as he has done without excitiug a thrilling response in my bo som. I honor bis intention, but disapprove his policy . Sir. the object of this bill is to make the State of Georgia a great “Coloniza tion Society,” intent upon forcing our political i nstitutious upon a Territory, the c .mmon pro parly of the who'e Union. I advocate the es tablishment of private, monied and physical en terprises, for the perpetuation of our Southern Institutions; bnt the principles laid down in this bill I consider, as radically non-conscrva tive, and pernicious. 1 admit there is a storm racing about us, bur let us be calm and self possessed, and have perfect control of our ship. We want no buncombe speeches on clap-trap harangues. Let us bring this measure to the test of sound dispassionate statesmanship. M hat is the object of the bill? “to promote the settlement of' the territories of the United States.” This is unprecedenrid in the history of our State. Georgia, in her sovereign ca pacity, is to embark in the general colinization scheme. Allowing that this is lawful, and just, and proper, is it prudent and politic, to send forth the bone and sinew, the muscles of the country, the bulwarks of oir liberty, the the pillars of safety and security to our wives aud mothers, the vitality and life of Georgia, to permanently locate in a distant land ? Is it good policy to depopulate the country? An other argument urged by the supporters of this bill is, that tho poor and destitute of Geor gia arc sent where they can make fortuies.— Why do wc wish to ship off our poor? Let the legislature of our State show the consider ation aud care for her needy. Give them sym pathy at home. They are as capable of devo tion to the interests of the State as any, and will stand by you iu dauger. Sir, my position it one which may be looked upon with suspic ion, but eonciousness of right nerves me to its support. In the settlement of new territories, slave labor depreciates free labor; and the larger the number of laborers, the less will be the wages. Applying these truths to Kansas, we see that every man there who own i no slaves, has two reasons for opposition to their introduc tion; and more forcibly will they be felt by the destitute we send there. Our object in send ing them there being, to prepare the way to introduce slaves. I here disclaim all imputa tions on the poor man, for l am the poor man’s friend. But, Mr. Speaker, what is Georgia called upon to do, in this bill? To enter, sir, into a contest with Massachusetts, who is sending forth her paupers and beggars to Kansas, in a body. Can we mantain the contest? AVould it not he stooping, for us to do so? Massachu setts is pouring out and relieving herself of her corruption. Georgia is parting with her very life-blood.' Gentlemen rave alluded to threatening dangers that are about to rise, thick and heavy from the dark future. I feel the truth of their gloomy forebodings; the Union is in danger. Is this the time for depopulating our land? No sir. If our people need susteu ance, wrench, tear off the Treasury doors, and let the tide flow out. Give them labor in works of internal improvement. I never shall advo cate any measure that contemplates the depop ulation of Georgia. If our destitute wish to try their fortunes on the rich, fertile soil of Kansas, I am willing to aid them by private donation; but this bill, a bill hiring them to leave the homes of their childhoods, and the graves of their parents, I shall oppose. If you p sz this, you open the way for Massrchusettz to adopt a similar policy. Sir, it does not become me to approach t hat temple where lie enshrined the ashes of Cal houn, yet 1 can gaze at the monument that commemorates his greatness. The South is beginning to discern his worth. He laid down the great principle, that concurrent majorities obviate and counterbalance uumcrical majori ties. He was treated with derision, and he would have done, by an equitable adjustment of powers, what you would do by violation of existing agreements. By consulting the pro ceedings of our Congress, to a recent period, you will find that the American Union totters to its fall. AVho is there that, like Sampson, would precipitate to the dust the noble struct ure ? Our policy should be eminently self strengthening, by the encouragement of every thing capable of improvment, by schemes of education, internal improvement, &c. A few days ago I urged this course, but to no purpose. Now you tear down the ramparts of your State by sending off your population. Sir, the times are gloomy. Empires, Kingdoms and Princi paii ties arc falling in rapid succession. “How little do we know that, which wc are! How less what we shall be. The Eternal surge Os time and tide rolls on, and bears afar Our bubbles ; as the old burst, new emerge Lashed from the foam of uges— While the graves of empire heave, But as a passing wave.” Let us be calm, and wise as a “serpent, but gentle as a dove.” Mr. Smith, of Union—l confess Mr. Speaker, I have been disappointed in my expectation, of not hearing one anti Kansas speech, on this floor. The gentleman from Fulton, si r, is opposed to emigration, as our country will be depop ulated. If this is true now, it was 'years ago' Where would Texas be if it were not for em igration ? The doctrine of anti-emigration was not in vogue then. Our fathers beheld the rich, smiling, waving lands which stretch out to the Pacific ocean, and they went hither, and made them thsir own. lam in favor of t this bill, of securing Kansas to ourselves. It is a pearl of great price, and it is only necessary for us to stretch fotth our hands to obtain it. 1 am surprised at the avowal of Mr. Harris’s sentiments, that slave labor is antagonistic to free labor. Is not this the argument of the Northern Abolitionists? If this assertion is true, then, in order to advance the interests of her citizens, Georgia should abolish slavery. Mr. Harris—Didn't you understand Mr. White, the Kansas lecturer, to say that many emigrants from Tennessee and some from Gor don county, had turned against slavery after going there ? Mr. Smith—l hlid hear it, and with deep mortification. But the gentleman does not mean this as an argument; that eighty out of every eighty-nine emigrants will prove traitorous to our cause. If so, 1 deny that such is the truth. Such u charge would be a slander upon the honesty and truthfulness of the South. But to retup to tire argument of slave labor versus free labor. Is' it so in England ? In England laborers earn from sl6 to $lB per month ; and in New York the wages arc less than they are in the South, for the mme work. Mr. Haei’is—The gentleman misunderstands my position. 1 am applying the principles to new territories. Slave labor is only profitable were it is continuously employed. Mr. Smith—ls the gentleman means to inti mate that slave labor is not profitable in Kan sas, he is mistaken. Hemp hands get more than the cotton hands of the Soutu. I hope, Sir, that this false idea of slave labor, as opposed to free labor, will not induce us to give up that mag nificent territory. But, Sir, it has been asserted this bill proposes a crusade. 1 deny it. It sim ply proposes to meet force with force. lam in favor of the bill, and if my county should re fuse t > bear her part in the expense, 1 will be-ar it for her, In conclusion, I would say, let us sustain the gallant State of Missouri. She is battling for the South and Southern institutions. Men can be obtained to send to Cuba, to Texas, and when a sister State is bravely contending for our rights, wc should breast the storm with her, even if we do it alone. The bill was put and lost—ayes 43,nay563. A. I . S. House of Representative*. STANDING committees. Committee of Elections—Messrs. Washburn, of Maine, Stephens, Watson, Spinner, Oliver, of Missouri, Hickman, Colfax, Smith, of Ala bama, and Bingham. Committee of Ways and Means—Messrs. Giddings, Letcher. Bishop, Jones, of Pennsyl vania, Dunn, of Indiana,'Knowlton,, Taylor, Gilbert, and Marshall, of Illinois. Committee on Commerce—Messrs. Wash burne. of Illinois, Wade, Millson, McQueen, Tyson, Kennett, Pelton, Coming, and Eustis. Committee on Public Lands—Messrs. Ben net, of Now York, Harlan, Cobb,of Alabama. Lindley, Cullen, Walbridge, Brenton, Maxwell, and Thorington. —Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads Messrs. Mace, Norton, Flagler, Barclay, Day, Powell, Walker, Wood, and Herbert. Committee on the District of Columbia Messrs. Meacham, Dodd, Goode, Cumback, Dick, Harris, of Maryland, Bennet, of Miss., Trafton and Bell. Committee on the J udiciary—Mtssrs. Sim mons, H. Marshall, of Kentucky, Barbour, Caskie, Galloway, Harris, of Alabama, Leake, Wakeman and Tappan. Committee on Revolutionary Claims-Messrs. Ritchie, Murray, Smith, of Virginia, English, Fuller, ol Maine, Allen, Clawson, Cragin, and Kmrie. Committee on Public Expenditures—Messrs. Dean, Covodc, Kelly, Mott, Pearce, Vail, El lie tt, Waldron and Branch. Joint Committee o.; Printing— Messrs. Nich ols, Oragin and Flagler. Committeeon Private Laud Claims—Messrs. Porter, Horton, of Ohio, Thorington, Etheridge, Bowie, Sandidge, Herbert, Robison, and Hor ton, of New York. Committee on Manufactures—Messrs. Clark, of Connecticut, Knight, Crawford, Bliss, Dur fee, Edwards, Dowdell, Campbell, of Kentucky, and Ricaud. Committee on Agriculture—Messrs. Hallo way, Ready, Grow, Bell, Campbell, of Ohio, Morgan, Sabin, Cullen mid McMullen. Committee on Indian A flairs—Messrs. Prin gle, Orr, Billinghurst, Greenwood, Leiter, Hall, of Massachusetts, Todd, Caruthers and Her bert. Committee on Territories—Messrs. Grow, Giddings, Purviancc, Richardson, Houston, Granger, Zollicoffer, Morrill and Perry. Committee on Revolutionary Pensions— Messrs. Broom, Albright, Edmundson, Miller, of N. \ ork, Miller, ol Indiana, Craige, Knapp, "Woodruff, and Hall, of lowa. Committeeon Invalid Pensions—Messrs. An drew Oliver, of New York, Pike, Florence, Savage, ’Welsh, Talbott, Jackson, Lumpkin and Robbins. Committee on Roads and Canals—Messrs. Knox, Hnghston, Ruffin, Scott, Peck, Moore, Barksdale, Bradshaw and Rust. Committeeon Military Affairs—Messrs. Quit man, Allison, Sapp, Faulkner, ’Williams, Stan ton, Denver, Buffington, and Washburne, of Wisconsin. Committee on the Militia—Messrs. Kunkel, AVhitucy, Harrison, Hoffman, Foster, Parker, AVatkins, AVright, of J/iss„ and Hall, of Mass. Committee on Naval Affairs—Messrs. Ben son, Stranahan, Bocock, Haven, AVinslow, Se ward, Davis, of Mass., Boyce and Milward. Commit tee on Foreign Affairs—Messrs. Pen nington, Bayly, Cliugman Aiken, Fuller of Pennsylvania, Matteson.Sherman, Burlingame, and Thurston. Committee on Patents—Messrs. Morgan, Chaffee, Smith of Tennesssc, Pain and Eddy. Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds —Messrs. Ball. Todd, Puryear Kcitt, and Rob ■ erts. Committee on Revisal and Unfinished Busi ness.—Messrs. Sabin, Knowlton, Warner, Clark of New York, and Shorter. Committee on Accounts—Messrs. Thurston, Codwalder, Nichols, Buffington, and Carlile. Committee on Mileage.—Messrs. Sneed, Brooks, Kelsey. Evans, and Woodworth. Joint Committee on the Library jfessrs. Aiken, Tysou, and Pettit. Committee on Enrolled Bills—Messrs Pike and Davidson. Committee on Expenditures of the State Department.—Messrs, Brooks, Smith of Tenn essee, Parker, King, and Damrell. Committee on Expenditures in the Treasury Department,—Messrs. Waldron, AVells Alex ander K Marshall of Kentucky, Kidwell, and Clawson. Committee on Expenditures in the War Do partment.—Messrs. Cragin, Valk, Jewett, Ri. vers, and Covodc. Committee on Engraving.—Messrs. Kelsey, Damrell, and Wright of Tenn’ Committee on Expenditures in the Navy De partment.—Messrs, Harris of 111., Wheeler, Washburne of AVisconsin, Underwood, and AVright of Tenn. Committee on Expenditure in the post-office Depatrment.—Messrs. Pettit, Cox, Williams, Burnett, and Reade. Committee on Expenditures on Public Buil dings.—Messrs. McMullen, McCarty, Stewart, Swope, and Trippe. ARRIVAL OF THE oa.kta.ua. [telegraphed expressly for the daily kx- AMINKR.] ADVANCE IN COTTON. RE ACE ALMOST CERTAIN. New York, Feb. 18. The steamer Canada has arrived. She brings advices of the advanc* of Cotton 1-8 d. Sales 8;>,000 bales. Market closed steady and quiet. Pence is regarded us almost certain. L VTEST NEWS in EXPRESS. From the Fejee Islands. New York, Feb. 10. Intelligence has been received by the St. Lou is that the Sloop-of-Wur John Adams had burnt five of the largest towns in the Fejee Is lands, in consequence of the inhabitants having plundered several American ships. A treaty of peace was afterwards signed. Letter from Gen. Houston. New York, Feb. 15. The Post contains a letter from Gen. Hous ton, addressed to President Pierce, in which the writer declares that no consideration would in duce him to remain, iu official jxwition, at Washington.