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THE ATLANT\ WEEKLY EXAMINER.
■W !E3 lEJ H. Y CIRCULATIONT O THE KJ -X- A AZE INT S XX, XQOOO COX>IE; S 3 •
JOHN 11. STEELE, )
CHAS. L. BARBOUR. E(htOrS '
VOLUME (I.
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THURSDAY, MARCH 6, 1856.
The Philadelphia Nominations.
The action of the Philadelphia Convention,
in the adoption of its ignoring platform and the
nomination of its candidates for the Presidency
and Vice Presidency, hove been subjects of no
surprise to the Southern public, as from the
elements making up that convention, nothing
better was expected from it by cither of the
political parties at the South. Os the platform,
we will to day, have little to say—regarding the
discussion of the iniquitous nomination as enough
for our columns one day.
In reflecting upon the nomination of Mr. Fill
more and Mr. Donnelson. one fact should not
be lost sight of; and that is. the evident inten
tion of the convention to get up a triangular
fight in the next campaign, without the hopeu"
any good resulting from the entrance of another
competitor between the contestant Democrats
and Black Republicans. Between the two last,
the issue is already made up, and they being
the dominant parties in the Union, a third man
on the track with their nominations has no
earthly prospect of success, and can only sub
tract from the strength of one or both the prin
cipal candidates. The question naturally arises
which of the two will be most deletcriously af
fected? The answer follows as naturally as the
question—the Democracy will be most injured,
since every Soothe, n vote it loses, whether east
for tho Philadelphia ticket or not, adds just so
much to the Black Republican strength, while
those lost fom lhat party, and going to the
Philadelphia ticket, do not give a correspond
ing strength to the Democracy; for, in the
event of the election being thrown into the
House of Representatives, (a consequence high
ly probable from the running of a thin! man.)
the strength of the two enemies of Democracy
in that body will be too formidable for the
party.- If the choice is left to the adherents
of the Philadelphia Convention to throw their
influence to the Democracy or the Black Re
publicans, it is easy to guess, from the compo,
neats of the convention, which way it will go.
a id the Democracy and the South have little to
hope from the decision. In the convention the
South had no part, but the North and the free
soilers had. They controlled its deliberation and
ide its nominations,and if any body is to receive
refit from its action, it will be the North and
anti-s]»very men. The Black Republican par
ty represents that section and those men, whi!<
the National Democracy represent the South
and the conservative and constitutional met
of the entire country. Was the South united
us one man upon the Democracy, we coulu
crush out everything that menaced the consti
tution, and laugh to scorn these Philadelphia
THE CHEAPEST POLITICAL AND NEWS PAPER IN THE SOUTH—A WEEKLY FIRESIDE COMPANION FOR ONLY ONE DOLLAR A YEAR, IN ADVANCE.
tricksters; but when we see Southern journals
commending this nomination and proclaiming
it acceptable to the South, we are disposed to
regard the trick as likely to be successful, in
some degree, in dividing the South, and in con-
I sequence giving support to its enemies. It is
I for this reason we warn the Southern people
i against this new ticket. Whether our surmises
| are correct or not, it is certain the ticket can do
the South no good. The free-soil members of
I the convention took good care to make the hook
! dangerous, though th y concealed it in bait so
: tempting to Southern Know Nothings. It is
1 sheer folly to expect protection to the constitu-
■ tional rights of the South, from free-soilers, and
i it must not be lost sight of that they made the
■ nomination. Truly may we exclaim can any
j ‘good thing come out of such a Nazareth?”
■ Those who expect any compromises from them
will be disappointed, and how any ticket ema
nating from them can be recommended to the
support of Southern men—and that too by
Southern journals—is more than we can account
for even in the inate hatred of those journals to
Democracy and its policy.
Last year the Philadelphia Convention of
National Americans (Heaven save the mark)
met and hatched up a wishy washy sort of a
platform, the modicum of questionable southern
sentiment in which, acted like an emetic, and
ejected from the convention the free-soil mem
bers. It was then satisfactorily shown that the
remaining balance only represented a Southern
American party. The North refused to sustain
ts action and declared the whole proceeding
not binding upon it. This year the tables are
turned, and the South is ejected, neck and heels,
by the abolition and free-soil character of the
action. Now what will Southern know noth
ings do—will they repudiate the action of the
convention, which only represents the North
or wi 1 the nomination meet, as the Chronicle
& Sentinel is sure it will, a “ cordial reception
throughout the South among the American
Party?” Wc await the decision of our Amer
ican friends, not desiring to prejudge their
course, and sincerely hoping they will refuse to
follow the Chronicle.
The Albany Atlas & Argus.
The recent consolidation of the two leading
papers of Albany, N. Y., the Atlas and the
Argus, is significant of more than a mere bu
siness transaction, in which dollars and cents
are the ruling considerations. It may be asked
why we so particularly notice the union, when
our readers have but little interest in either of
the journals, but a moment of reflection upon
the history of the papers will furnish a satisfac
tory solution to the natural interrogation. The
Altany Atlas and the Argus were both Demo
cratic papers and were regarded as the organs
of the two divisions of the party in the State
of New York—it is not our intention to allude
to the unfortunate differences which split the
party in that State, further than to sav. that
for a long time, their healing seemed hope
less. Each of these journals maintained firmly
and with much ability, its position, and kept up
a co. tinual war upon each other with a spirit
and energy, which, had it been directed against
the foes of Democracy, would have done effec
tual service to the party. The position of the
New York Democracy, as indicated by these
belligerent journals, was, indeed, a matter of
deep concern with the party all over the Union,
and no matter which division is wrong in its
platform of principles, or upon whi„h side our
sympathies fall, it is a subject of congratulation
that the leading organs of the divisions have
laid down the hatchet, and stricken hands over
the evident necessity for the unanimity of the
party in the efforts that it is making to preserve
the government and the constitutional rights of
the States. As a harbinger of “ better days a
coming” for the Democracy of New York, we
hail this union of the organs of its divis ons.
But, not only is this an auspicious omen for
the Democracy of New York—it is indicative
of the activity of the entire national party j u
preparing for the momentous emergencies it
must meet in the next presidential campaign.
Everywhere wc hear of the reconciliation of the
disaffected in the party, and the cementing of
the broken links in the chain upon which sus
pends the destinies of the country. The South
is firm, and what little disaffection there existed
at the North is rapidly being healed, giving in
creased confidence in the entire sufficiency of
the glorious old Democracy, for the trying task
imposed upon it by the rottenness and corrup
ts :n of all other organizations, which leave it
the only defence for the Union against the as
saults of its enemies.
We subjoin the following extract from the
Springfield Argus, giving a brief history of the
consolidation :
” We have received the Albany Atlas and
Argus, a consolidation of the old Albany Ar
gus, and the Atlas, the former of which has
been published for a period of forty-fore years,
and the latter of fifteen years. Both have been
democratic papers, at times advocating the
views of difference sections cf the party, and
at other times agreed in the support of a single
ticket. Both have ranked among the ablest
political papers in the country
“ It is an auspicious omen, and a cause for
congratulation among democrats, not only in
but out of New York, that the democratic
organs at the capital of that state, yielding to
the prevailing sentiment in favor of the union
and single action on the part of all professing
democracy, have, by a mutual understanding!
aud arrangement, consolidated their understan-1
ing and united in a common effort to maintain ■
ascendency < f democratic principles in the
state aud nation.’’
Mr. Comstock, of the A r gns, having pur
chased the interest of Mr. Johnson, his partner,
and Mr. Cassidy, ot the Atlas, the interests of I
Mr. san dyck in that paper, the two have
been united uuder the name of the Atlas and
Argus. Messrs Comstock & Cassidy, editors
and proprietors, fhese two gentlemen justlv
rank among the ablest political writers in the
country,and their sheet may be looked to as a
powerful and influential exponent of democrat
ic principles. We trust its influence may be
instrumental in re-uniting the divided democ
racy ot New \ ork, and thus securing, beyond
i peradventure, the triumph of the party in
tae Union."
ATLANTA, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 6, 1856.
Slavery before the Supreme
Court.
We referred, some days ago, to the case be
fore the Supreme Court of the United States,
involving certain constitutional rights of slave
holders. The correspondent of the New York
Tribune, writing from Washington City, under
date of February 18tb, gives the following
statement of the case :
“As public attention has in some degree been
attracted to the case now before the Supreme
Court of the United States, which partially in
volves the constitutionality of the Missouri
Compromise, a brief outline of the leading facts
may prove acceptable and interesting. The
case is docketed, Deed Scott, plaintiff, a man
of color, brought ttie original suit in the Cir
cuit for Missouri, to try his right to freedom,
claiming to have been emancipated by his mas
ter having taken him to reside in the State of
Illinois, which act, it is declared by the Cons
titution of that State, operated to liberate him
from slavery.
At the trial, the plaintiff read in evidence a
statement of facts agreed to between the par
ties as follows: In the year 1834, the plaintiff,
Dred Scott, was a negro slave belonging to Dr.
Emerson, who was a surgeon in the army of the
United States. During the year 1834, Dr.
Emerson took Scott from the State of Missouri
to the military post at Rock Island, in the
State of Illinois, and held him there as a slave
until the month of April or May, 1836, about
two years. At the time last mentioned, Dr.
Emerson removed Scott from the military post
at Rock Island to the military post at Fort
Smelling, situated on the west tank of the
Mississippi river, in the Territory known as
Upper Louisiana, acquired by the United
States of France, and lying north of latitude
36’ 39’ north, and north of the State of Mis
souri. Dr. Emerson held Scott in slavery, at
Fort Snelling from the Spring of 1836, until
the year 1838, two years more, and making
four years during which he resideed on free
soil.
In the year 1835, Harriet—named in the
second count of the plaintiff's declaration—was
the negro slave of Major Taliaferro, who be
longed to thearmy of the United States. Dur
ing that year—lß35—Major Taliaferro took
Harriet to Fort Snelling, a military post sit
uated as before stated, and kept her there as a
slave until the year 1836, and then sold and
delivered her as a slave at Fort Snelling unto
Dr. Emerson, already named. Dr. Emerson
held Harriet in Slavery at Fort Snelling until
the year 1838.
In the year 1838. Dred Scott and Harrriet,
at Fort Snelling, with the consent of Dr. Em
erson, who then claimed to be their master and
owner, intermarried and took each other for
husband and wife. Eliza and Lizzy—named
in the third count of the plaintiff's declaration
—are the fruit of a marriage. Eliza is about
fourteen years old, and was born on board the
steamboat Gipsey, north of the north line of the
State of Missouri, and upon the river Miss s
sippi. Lizzy is about seven years old, and was
born in the State of Missouri, at the military
post called Jefferson Barracks.
In the year 1838, Dr. Emerson removed
Scott and Harriet, and their daughter Eliza,
from Fort Snelling to the State of Missouri,
where they have ever since resided. Before the
commencement nf the suit, Dr Emerson sold
and conveyed Scott, Harriet, Eliza and Lizzy
to John F. A. Sanford, of New York, the pres
ent defendant, as slaves, and he has ever since
claimed to hold them as such.
These were the material points in the evidence
adduced before the Circuit Court in Missouri,
and Ored Scott prayed the Court to instruct
the Jury that, upon the facts agreed on by the
parties, they ought to Bind for him. The Court
refused to give this instruction, but instructed
that the law was with the defendant, and thi
Jury so found on all the issues presented. In
this way the pending appeal has come before
the Superior Coutt here.
The court below decided against Scott cn
two grounds—first, that by his return to Mis
souri bis masteer's right, dormant while resid
ing in Illinois, was revived; anS second, that
the Constitution of Illinois was a penal law,
which the Courts of other States were not
bound to enforce. These grounds were also
taken in the opinion of the Supreme Court ol
Missouri, in a case which Scott brought agams'
his former owner, Dr. Emerson, in which cause
a majority of the bench overruled the doctrine
previously and uniformly recognized in Mis
souri, and generally elsewhere, hat the removal
of a slave by bis master into a free State makes
him tree forever. Judge Gamble, who deliver
ed a dissenting opinion on that occasion, held
the following language : In this State (Mis
souri) it has been recognized from the begining
of the Government as a correct position in law.
that the master who takes his slave to reside in
a State or Territory where slavery is prohibit
ed, thereby emancipates his slave.”
The plaintiff rests his right to freedom upon
the benefits conferred by the Constitution ol
Illinois upon him during two years’residence
there, and subsequently, duiing his residence ol
two years at Fort Snelling, upon the restriction
in the restric ion in the act admitting Missouri
as a State into the Union. Both of these pro
hibitions are in the same words substantially,
with only the difference in applicable between
a State and Territory, and belli exclude slavery
emphatically.
The Distance of the Sun from the Earth
Increasing.—The German journals have given
some tables which prove that the distance be
tween the earth and the sun is increasing an
nually. and argue from it that th ■■ increasing
humidity of our Summers and the loss of fertility
by the earth are to be attributed sloely to this
circumstance. No credit has heretofore been
given to traditions of ancient Eyptians and
Chinese, according to which these people for
merly said the sun's disc was almost four times
as large as we now see it, for they estimated
the apparent diameter of the sun' as double
of what it is seen in our day. If, however, we
pay attention to the continual diminution ot
the apparent diameter of the sun, according
to the best observations of several centuries, we
piust suppose that the ancien s were not mista
ken in the estimates they have transmitted to
us. In the course of six thousand years from
the present time, they assume that the distance
will be so great that only an eighth part 01
the warmth we now enjoy from the sun will be
communicated to the earth, and it will then
be covered with eternal ice, in the same manner
as we now see the plains of the north, where
the elephant formerly lived, and have neither
Spring nor Autumn.— Port. Trans.
What next?—The Philadelphia Inquirer
says:
Ixmgfellow's ‘Hiawatha,’ as read by Miss
Darling on Wednesday evening last at Concert
Hall, attracted a large an 1 brilliant audience.
Miss D. appeared in Indian character, and re
cited the poem with wonderful effect. At the
close she was called for, and warmly compli
mented. The effort throughout was fully suc
cessful. and we learn with pleasure that the
reading will be repeated on Thursday evening
next. If the author of Hiawatha'had been
present he would have been much gratified.—
The fact that this much-abused production has
been listened to with the closest attention by a
highly-intellectual audience, and with evident
delight, constitutes a complement of the meet
eaviabte character."
1 GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.
i Correspondence of'the Csnstitutionafist
Senate.
Milledgeville, Feb. 25th, 1856.
The Senate almost unanimously refused to re
consider the biH, lost Saturday, restricting Bank
agencies. Mr. Rope stated that there were
sixty Senate, and nearly two hundred House
bills, requiring action in this body, and that the
House had considered pretty near all their bills
except those made the special order for differ
ent days, and unless the Senate quickened up,
and manifested more facility in despatching
business, the House would be in the anomalous
position of having nothing to do. He hoped
that henceforth the Senate would repudiate and
utterly cease this ridiculous custom of every
morning reconsidering matter already digested
and decided.
BILLS ON THEIB PASSAGE.
A House bill to compensate Dr. Head for
services rendered during the prevalence of the
small pox in Oglethorpe, with $1,500. Pass
ed.
ATLANTIC AND GULF BAIL BOAD.
This bill was takeujip by sections. Section
Ist incorporating the Atlantic and Gulf Rail
road Company, was adopted without amend
ment. This section provides who shjjl take
stock, &c. The State is to subscribe $500,000
for 8600,000 subscribed by private individuals,
or corporations, though not until the Brunswick
and Florida, or Savannah, Albany and Gulf
Railroads shall have formed a connection with
said Atlantic and Gulf Railroad ; and the sub
scriptions of Georgia shall not exceed $1,000,-
000. The Capital stock may be increased to
$5,000,000.
Mr. Dunnagan, of Hall, offered an amend
ment to this section, requiring stock to be paid
for by specie, or bill?of good sound Banks in
this State.
Mr. Spaulding protested against the amend
ment, asserting that there was no use for it.
Mr. Wales arose and said that at first he had
been opposed to the bill, but now he was in
favor of it, and represented the wishes of his
constituents. He alluded to Railroads as the
medium of wealth, and development and pros
perity to the country. He had seen our coun
try when the red in vast pathless
wood?, and when hjKmtemplated the wonder
ful change, the miraculous magical transforma
tions, he felt his heart throb and palpitate with
joy and rapture. The sight would make the
very hills clap their hands with joy. He was
proud of Georgia as she is now, bat when he
thought of what she might be, he became rap
turous. There was no predicting, no foretelling
the brightness of her future glory. Every Slate
in the Union would be proud to claim connec
tion with her, the West, the North, and the
South, would join in one long loud shout pro
claiming her greatness. He esteemed his friend
from Hall, and considered him one of the sound
est of Senators, but still he could not vote for
the amendment.
Mr. Welborn thought it was right to throw
guards and restrictions around enterprises of
this kind. He was opposed to the whole work,
however, and contended that no pioject of this
kind could be as well superintended and executed
under State Supervision as under the direction
of private individuals. The interest on sl,-
000,000, would be $60,000 and the taxes
would be increased to raise the amount. He
intended to vote against the bill for these rea
sons.
Mr. Dunnagan, of Hall, said the gentlemen
were entirely losing sight of the amendment,
and discussing the merits of the bill.
Mr. Long, of Glynn, stated that a large por
tion of his constituents were opposed to this
bill, and in he was acting contra
ry to the wishes of his people. But he felt it
his duty to look to the interest of the State, and
not to the interests of one locality. And con
sidering this a State measure of great importance,
he felt it his duty to vote for it. He was en
tirely friendly towards Savannah, &c.
Dr. Landrum stated that, unless this proviso
were adopted, he would vote against the bill.—
The ame: dment was lost. Each section was
successively taken up, and unremitting efforts
made to amend each one, but they all were lost
by a vote of between 25 and 30 ayes, to 50 or
60 nays, thus showing the defenders and enemies
of the bill remained unchanged during the
whole contest. The bill finally passed unamen
ded, unaltered and unadded to by a vote of 55
ayes to 26 nays.
Dr. Screven may be considered as the leader
of the defence. He exert® himself most unceas
ingly. There was very little speaking upon the
bill, most of the time being taken up in reading
amendments and taking ayes and nays upon
them. When the report of the committee was
finished, the “previous question” was called, cut
ting off all debate, and the same thing was done
when the bill was put and carried. The bill
has achieved an easy and a silent conquest, and
its friends may pride themselves upon their
quiet success. All that is now needed is the
signature of the Governor. When the ayes and
nays were called, several gentlemen arose and
explained their votes. Mr. Landrum voted in
the affirmative, and made the following explan
ation :
He said that it might appear strange to those
who were aware of the decided opposition man
ifested by himself to the original Brunswick
bill, that he should take position for the one be
fore the Senate. The original bill involved the
principle of direct taxation of the people, for
the purpose of building railroads. This 1 have
not yet. nor never will consent to. I believe it
would be violative of principles of justice, and
an outrage on the rights of my constituency.—
The present bill, in my judgment, does not in
volve this principle. It proposes to assist the
people of lower Georgia, with the proceeds of
the Western and Atlantic railroad. But it may
be asked, what difference does it make with the
people, whether the people of lower Georgia be
assisted by direct taxation or out of the pro
ceeds of the Western and Atlantic road ? As
a mere question of dollars and cents, there may
be no difference ; but the principles of the two
bills are as different as right from wrong, or
justice from injustice. The people of lower
Georgia are stockholders in the State road; they
arc not stockholders in the private property of
constituency. They have been taxed since the'first
shovel of dirt was headed in the embankment
of this road up to the present moment, to defray
the expenses of its construction and equipage,
for which they have not received one dollar iu
return. They never have been taxed for the
private advantage of my constituency. Then,
it is but sheer justice that some advantage
should accrue to this isolated community, be
cause of such extraordinary taxation. The
only possible way for this to be accomplished
is, to assist them with the proceeds of their own
taxes, which have been deposited in the Wes
tern and Atlantic road. Besides, a bill has
passed the Senate, and I am informed will pass
tha House, to sell the State road. If this is
done. I had rather a portion of that fund should
be invested in the Atlantic and Gulf road,
than for it to remain in the treasury to be
squandered by those who suck at the public
pap.
A bill to allow Administrators, Executors
Guardians residing out of the State to control
stock in the State, Jcc. Passed.
A bill to alter the liability < f those who may
be enraged in a Judiciary character. Passed.’
A b.li declaring who shall be competent wit
nesses. Passed.
I A bill appropriating SI,OOO for fixing the
* State House, and providing for leaving the
; question of reconstruction or removal to he
people.
I Mr. Brown, of Baldwin, offered a substitute,
I appropriating $7,500 for reparing the Capitol.
I He made a short speech in favor of his measure.
I In 1803, the Capitol had been permanently lo
c ted at Milledgeville, at a time when the
country North of it was one wild forest, where
the Indian roamed; and this particular locality
had been selected with the intention of having
the seal of Government in the center of the
j State. The citizens of Milledgeville had always
I been induced to believe that the Capitol would
remain fiere, and had endeavored to do every
thing asked of them for the convenience of
the legislators. They bad been requested to
build, first, a railroad, they had done so; then
a hotel, that had been done; and it was not
right to keep them in a state of suspense ab ut
the value of their property. The question
had been submitted once to the people, and
threc-fonrths of them had voted for non-rcmoval,
and it was the duty of three-forths of the
Senators to respond to the wishes of their con
stituents.
Mr. Pope said that if they did appropriate
money for the reparing of this building, he was
in favor of appropriating a sufficiently libe
.al sum to efieet their object, and he moved to
strike out $7,500, and insert $16,000. For
many years the question of removal had been
agitated, and he considered this an excellent
opportunity to silence all agitation of removal.
Time and again had the people of Milledgeville
been excited, and laboring under appreliension
of a serious depreciation in the value of their
property, by the removal of the Capitol. It
had been let'rto the people for their ultimate
decision, and they had decided most decisively
on no removal. It was contend.d the vote had
not been general. Reverse their decision, and
then ask the gentlemen who press this point
whether they would then have acknowledged
it was not a general vote. The peop’e had ex
pressed their willingness to appropriate money
to repair this building, and it was their duty
to do so. The building was in a shamefully
decaying and dilapidated condition, and Geor
gia should be ashamed to let it remain so when
she possessed the means of repairing. But what
is to be gained by removing the Capitol ?
Increased taxation! A more central point
could not be found, it was perfectly accessible,
and there was not a single argument for remo
val. The House bll was a ridiculous farce;
the idea of appropriating only SI,OOO for re
pairing, and keeping the building in a state of
preservation until the question of removal could
be referred to, and decided by the people. He
also wished to add an additional section for an
appropriation to the Executive Alansion. It
was six years since any money had been given
to the Mansion, and it needed even more than the
appropriation proposed. It was their duty to
take eare of the public property, and not let
it go to ruin for want of care, in the expecta
tion that some day the capitol would be re
moved.
Mr. Calhoun, of Fulton, did not call in ques
tion the power of the Legislature to move the
Canitol. He did not consider the last vote as
indicative of the wishes of the people. They
had understood that with a very small expendi
ture the present Capitol might be so repaired
as to last for years, while removal would be
attended with heavy expense. Since then, the
facts had baked out that, to repair the Capitol
in a suitable manner, nothing less than $150.-
000 would be commensurate with dilapidation.
Refer the matter back to the people with these
new additional facts, and they would most like
ly reverse their last decision. He said that
there was a growing dissatisfaction with Mill
edgeville in the minds of the people, and he did
not believe $200,000 would be able to keep tbe
scat of government, here. Whatever was their
d ‘cisio , however, he would pledge himself to
abide by it.
Mr. B-own—Sir, the gentleman's predecessor
was the first one to propose leaving the ques
tion to the people, and lie also declared his in- .
tention of recognizing their decision, and now
the gentleman is the first one to rise up and ,
propose the people’s adjudicating the question
a second time. I would also state that a com- ,
petent person has decided, after necessary ex- '
amination, that the building can be well re- !
paired with $7,500, and 1 hope the gentleman
from Wilkes will withdraw that part of his ,
•amendment inserting $16,000 in the place of >
$7,500.
Mr. Pope consented to withdraw.
Mr. Murphy, of DcKalo, supported the sub
stitute, because it would be a saving to the
State to appropriate that amount, and the peo
ple having decided the question, they should be
bound bj it, and again it was injuring the peo
ple of Milledgeville to continually agitate this
question.
Mr. Hardeman, of Bibb, stated that two
years ago he had voted for removal to Macon,
and stil desired the same thing, but he consid
ered it incumbent upon himself to be governed
by the people upon this matter, and they had
decided. He considered it also an imperative
duty to protect public property. Besides, re
moval could only be accomplished by large
heavy expense, which Georgia was not in a sit
uation to bear nt present ; she having just ap
propriated a mi lion of dollars to a railroad.
Mr. Wingfield informed the Senate that the
expense of repairing the Executive mansion had
been estimated by the Committee appointed for
that purpose, at $15,000; and he thought that
the appropriation there should be increased.
The amendment of Mr. Pope was finally
adopted, and the substitute of Mr. Brown, and
the bill passed.
A bill to regulate the suits in the Supreme
Court. Passed.
A bill to appoint a new Commissioner for the
Greene and Pulaski Monument Lottery. Lost.
A bill to allow the taking of testimony of
practicing physicians by interrogatories. Lost.
House.
Dr. Philips introduced a bih to compel the
payment of the taxes heretofore imposed upon
the agencies of foreign Banks.
SENATE BILLS ON THEIR FAS AGE.
A bill to amend the charter of the Southern
Mutual Insurance Company, amended, to trans
fer of shares of stock of Georgia Rail-
road Company, owned by the Benevolent Soci
ety to the Samaritan S iciety. Passed.
A bill to amend the first section of the third
article of the Constitution, prescribing the du
ties and powc.s of the Judiciary. Ayes 34,
nays 58.
A bill to amend the charter of the town of
LaGrange, by extending its limits, Ac. Passed.
A bill to appropriate money for the building
of a road from Dahlonega to Morganton and
Blairsville, over the Blue Ridge. Ayes 29.
nay- 56.
A bill for the payment of Poor School teach
ers for the years 1853-’54 and '55. Passed.
A bill to incorporate the Athens Gas Light
Company. Passed.
A bill to make valid all land warrants Issued
by two or more Justices of the Inferior Courts
and Justices of the Peace. Amended so as not
to apply to cases now in litigation. Passed.
A b H limiting the time in which suits mav
be brought, and limiting the time for finding
indictments, and of prosecuting the same.—
Passed.
A bill to confer upon Justices of .he Inferior
Court, the same criminal jurisdiction that is
now exercised by J ustices of the Peace. Ayes
48, nays 29. '
I A bill to amend the oath taken by members
of the Legislature, when being qualified to take
their seats, leaving out the words “ canvassing”
and “ treating.” Ayes 76, nays 8.
A bill to incorporate a Company to build a
railroad from the town of LaGrange to Oxford,
Ala. Amended by extending the provision to
the Greenville Branch Railroad, and to incor
porate a company to build a road from George
town to any point on the South Western or
Atlantic and Gulf railroads.
A resolution was introduced by Mr. Dawson,
of Greene, which was agreed to and transmit
ted forthwith to the Senate and agreed to there
requiring the Governor to transmit the pay-roll
to Washington city, in order to have the veter
ans of 1812 pensioned.
A bill to regulate the testimony of Attor
neys. Lost.
A bill to prevent deer hunting in Clinch,
Bryan, Berrien, Richmond and Worth, by non
residents. Ayes 60, nays 37.
A bill to amend the fifteenth section of the
fourteenth division of the Penal Code. Passed.
This amendment is that when two or more
persons are necessary to the prepetration of a
certain crime, one of them may be taken up
and tried.
Dove-Tailing.—The richest specimen (says
the Arkansas True Democrat,) we have ever
seen of political dove-tailing, is that executed
by the abolitionists and the northern and south
ern know-nothings in their ballotings for Speak
er. They dove-tail into one another singularly
well. The abolitionists and northern know
nothings vote for Banks, the abolitionist. Mr.
Pennington also votes for Mr. Banks. Mr.
Fuller votes for Mr. Pennington, and the south
ern know-nothings vote for Mr. Fuller. Thus
they dove-tail beautifully—Banks dove-tails
into the abolitionists—Pennington dove-tails in
Banks—Fuller dove-lails in Pennington, and
the sputhern know-nothings dovetail in Fuller.
As a specimen of the art of dove-tailing, this
is all very pretty. But we submit, it is too
complicated—it is going too far arourd to do
an easy thing. Let southern know-nothings
dove-tail, at once, into Mr. Banks, and elect
him Speaker of the House, and the thing is
done. Let them do that, and the country will
think none the less of the southern know-noth
ings. This round about dove-tailing business,
is only “ whipping the devil around the stump.”
[Wash. Union.
Shakespeabe on Modern Bonnets.—lt has
often been said that Shakespeare touched upon
and exhausted every subject—that he praised
everything worthy of praise, and ridicule every
thing deserving of ridicule—but until now we
never supposed he had held up the present style
o 'ladies’ bonnets to public derision or raillery.
It was Punch who first pointed out the fact, in
the wag's “ Illustrations of Shakespeare,” a
wood-cut helping out the ridicule of the thing.
The scene rendered is from “The Taming of the
Shrew,” Act IV, Scene 3, and Petruchio is
scornfully holding up to the gaze of the scowl
ing and scolding Catharine one of those little
oddities formed bonnets. The point of the di
alogue lies in the following, and it is pointed
enough :
Pftrucbio—“Why ’tis a cockle, or a walnut
A knack, a toy, a trick, a baby's cap; (shell,
Away with it come let me have a bigger.”
Katharine—“l'll have no bigger ; this doth fit
And gentlewomen wear,” &c. [the tine,
[■Seitz. Republican.
Maryino the Wrong Nigger.—Soon after
it was known that Leidesdorffe’s property in
this city was immensely valuable, a well known
gentleman then living here, but since dead, left
town in a great hurry and was absent some
moths when he returned, to the great wonder
ment of his acquaintances, who were entirely
in the dark as to where be had been, or what
he bad been in pursuit of. After a while it
leaked out that be had been to the We.t Indies
lookin j up Leidesdorffe’s heirs, and finding, as
was said, a female that he believed was the
real Simon Pure heir of the vast estate, he
without ceremony poded the question, was ac
cepted, and married forthwith, congratulating
himself that Capt. Fulsom and all other claim
ants would have to stand aside, while be, the
great nabob of California, would be without
a rival in the Golden State. After the marriage,
in preparing the necessary documents and get
ting testimony to substantiate the claims of his
lady fair, he found to his astonishment that be
nad made a small mistake, and that in fact he
“married the wrong nigger.”
[San Francisco Bulletin.
Theatrical Blunders. —They are having
5 a run of very bad luck at the Broadway Thea
‘ tre. Night before last a horse leaping a chasm
5 of twelve feet width, as is required in the spec
table of "Hern the Hunter,” did bis duty, but
’ but found no bridge to fetch him up properly,
• and so tumbled over, rolling bis rider under him.
’ i Last night matters were still worse. The cur.
i tain was down very often where dropping the
curtain was not desirable, Aune Boleyn’s
grand entry upon the stage was arrested by the
crashing of the platform over which her chariot
and six horses were to pass—two of the horses
dropping into a celler. In the tilting scene, a
' splendid horse, rode by Sylvestre, came full
tilt to the footlights, and, not meeting the ex
pected cheek iron his opponent, pitched over
' them and fell upon the sharp iron spikes of the
' i railing that separated the parquet from the
• orchestra. The poor brute was raised in great
agony and borne off behind the scenes. The
’ rider was not seriously injured, nor any of the
audience, though some of those in the parquet
were terribly frightened. Other accidents were
‘ not wanting; some of them, however, rather
contributed to than detracted from the little
■ amusement of the evening.— New York Times
j cf yesterday.
A Mystery of crime.—We copy the follow
ing from the Albany Atlas and Argus:
’ “Edward IL Ruloff,a physician, was convic
-11 ted in Tompkins county, ten years ago, of the
! abduction of his wile end child. They had
' disappeared, and no clue was ever found of
i their disappearance. Every one believed be
-' murdered his victims, but be was convinced
only of the abduction. He was offered pardon
■ I if he would reveal the mystery of his guilt,
but he has refused to speak! He has awaited
1 for the prison doors to open and iet him free,
-: after long and unhappy years.
It is said that a largeestate has fallen to him
lin Europe. But. just as his term expires, he is
t i again arrested, and is again to be tried for the
1 abduction of his child. The conviction of his
r guilt and of its atrocity has not diminished iu
i the neighborhood where he and bis victims lived.
.i The sheriff of Tompkins arrested him on a
bench warrant as soon as be was di charged.
• At is believed that the crime of murder can this
time be brought home to him.”
Robbing the U. S. Mail.—The Chicago
•Journal says : “ Two b ys were brought in from
Rock and by the U./ited States deputy Mar
shal yesterday, charged with robbing the United
States mail at that place. One is but twelve,
and the other but nine years of age.”
E-Jj-An editor describing a lecture to the i
fair sex, exclaims with enthusiasm, “ Threei
‘ thousand ladies hanging on the lips of one |
' , man This is rather too much of a very good,
1 hing.
. What the General Government is
to <lo in Kansas. •
A portion of the press in the northern cities,
affected by a morbid and vicious sentiment up
on Kansas affairs, is using its influence to pro
■ voke armed resistance against the authority of
' the United States in that disturbed Territory.
It insists upon civil war as the proper resort,
and only effective vindication of t’ e wrongs it
alleges the free-soil party has sustained. The
proclamation of the President is treated with
studied con’empt, mid he is charged with a fear
ful responsibility if he attempts to execute the
purpose it implies. Thus we have the language
of insolent rebellion uttered here upon the At
lantic coast against the constitutional executive
authority of the nation, and a virtual declare
tion of war, in behalf of the free-Slate party ol
Kansas, put forth flippantly, but with aflected
consequence, in the columns of our daily jour
nals. It is a shame that men occupying posi
tions of influence and respectability in the com
munity shou’d be so culpably indifferent to the
peace and welfare of society.”
Among the other irrelevant matters, it is
gravely asked if the President will dare author
ize Gov. Shannon to enforce, by civil or milita
ry power, certain acts of the legislature of Kan
sas practically stringent upon the subject of
slavery. These acts declare the printing, pub
lishing, &c., any book, pampb’et, &c„ contain
ing statements, arguments, opinions,documents,
&c., calculated to produce a disorderly, danger
ous, or rebellious disaffection among the slaves,
u felony, and provide a penalty. It is gruvely
asked whether Uncle Toni’s Cabin, the writings
of Dr. Channing, Longfellow, Bryant, and
Cooper are not of such a character, and wheth
er the sheriff shall make a haul of all men in
whose possession are found such publications.—
It is asked if Northern men who go to Kansas
are to burn up their libraries be ore they de
part. And much more frivolous stuff of the
same sort is put before the public by men and
journals from which we looked for better things
at such a time as this.
It is needless to say that these arc forced and
violent constructions of the executive authority
of the United States. The general government
has no alternative but to sustain the constituted
and recognized authority arising out of the act
of Congress. The Territorial government of
Kansas has been duly reported to the President,
and authenticated by the act of the governor
appointed under the law of the United States.
All that the President has to do is to sustain
that authority, not to enforce its laws. If the
laws made by the legislature are obnoxious to
the people, they can repeal them by the same
means by which they wore enacted. The pow
er of the United States W I be present in the
Territory to protect the ■kabitnnts in the fu
ture against invasion adl outrage, and thus
they may quietly redress ti e grievances of which
they complain. Whatever wrong has been
done may be easily put to right—but right cun
only be firmly and securely established in , the
right way.
The effort is also apparent in the quarter to
which we allude to array the Congress of the
United States against the President in this
matter. It is urged that Congress should re
cognize the free State legislature, (so called,)
and admit Kansas as a State into the Union
upon the action of this illegally-constituted
body. To urge this is to encourage disorder
and strife here between Ibe respective branches
of our national government, and to inaugurate
a conflict of power, the end of which may be ■
dimly foreseen through scenes of turbulence and
degradation which every good citizen should ,
as earnestly deprecate as he would remorsely de :
plore. ,
It is but the part of fanaticism and the sng i
gestion i f impotent rage to make false issues ;
before the people as agair.st the supreme power •
of constitutional government. The leniency ol >
our system tolerates wrong even of this uppa- i
rently dangerous character; but only witli the i
conscious effect of developing the right. It (
follows, therefore, always and inevitably, that
those who indulge their passions and pr< judices |
thus unwisely become the certain victims in the
end, and alone suffer the consequences of their
folly. 1
A Knowing Horse.—“E. M.,” of Belcher
town, writes to the Amherst Express about a
very intelligent horse, of which lie is the owner.
I’he following incident, among others, illustrates
the matter.-
“One day last week he was driven a few
miles out of town, and on li is return, sometime
in the afternoon, was fed with meal and cut feed
as usual, but for his supper he had nothing but
dry hay, which did not agree very well with his
sense of right, after traveling twenty miles with
a load, through snow drifts. However, he kept
his thoughts to himself till we were all out ol
the way for the night; then, sundering his rope
in some way, he passed through the cow stable,
cross the barn floor and the carrage room to
the granary, at the further end of the burn,
some forty feet, where he had often seen us get
the meal for him; hs there found two bags of
meal, standing by the bin tied up tight, buttlie
top one being two heavy for his purpo e, he
threw it aside, and after examining the other
bag, which weighed between fifty and sixty
pounds, he took it in his teeth and carried ii
about twenty feet, to a clean spot on the barn
floor. Finding it difficult to untie it, be cut a
hole in the side and shook out about a peck of
meal, and ate what he wished; and seeing the
cow (the only companion he lias these long
winter nights) looking with a lunging eye at
his pile of meal, he took up the bag again, and
carried it about ten feet further to her manger,
and shook out some more meal for her. They
were found in the morning feasting together.” w
Colored Military Company. Robert
Morris, J. \V. Clark, and other colored citizens
of Boston, have petitioned the Legislature ol
Massachusetts fur a special enactment author!-
izing them to organize as an independent mili
tary company, on the model of volunteer com
panies of the commonwealth. The petitioners
are already organized as a private military as
sociation, and are the proprietors of a hand
some stand of arms.—Buflalo Express.
tn Massachuselts, foreigners were not con’
sidered worthy of being trusted with fire arms,
when organized into military companies—bu
free negroes were. The inference follows, that
free negroes will favor the designs of the Abol
itionists and foreigners will not. ‘ Acts speak
stronger than words.”
The Coolest Cass yet.—We learn from a
private resource that on Wednesday of last week
a Duel was fought by a Wiley Jones and Wm.
Bane, relatives, near Dallas in Paulding county.
We know not the cause of the difficulty. Our
information states that they fought with rifles
and that at the first shot a part of Jones’left
ear was cut off. The parties not bring satisfied
they re-loaded and fired, a part of Jones’ right
ear-lock beingcut oil by the ball ofhis antagonist.
They were still not satisfied, —loaded aga n aud
fired, Bane’s ball passing through Jones’hut
just above his head. Jones then made at bis
antagonist with his rifle and attempted to knock
him down with it but Banc got the advantage,
knocked him down and heat his brains out, and
fled unhurt. Jones died immediately and up
to the latest accounts Bane bad not been arres
ted. We cannot vouch for the above facts but
suppose them to be substantially true.— Pome
Courier.
WM. KAZ PROPRIETOR
NUMBER 30.
College—City Authorities and
Lexington Telegraph.
M c notice in the last number of the Lexing
ton telegraph, the following announcement:
“ Great Excitement in Columbia I—The
Military Ordered Out! .'-We ] ea rn that
ffreet excitement exists t< day in consequence
ol the arrest of a College student by one of the
--I ty Marshals. Ihe students commenced this
morning, and severely beat Mr. Bnrdell, of the
pohcc who is lying dangerously ill ofhis wounds,
ihe Mayor called out the military, as an
attack was anticipated from the College students
again this afternoon.
“ Our informant states that so intense was the
excitement, business was almost suspended.”
To which the Columbia New Era replies :
“Me have often observed that men, under
the influence of fear, were sure to have the organ
of marvellousness wonderfully developed ; and
this was, doubtless, the case with the Tele
graph's informant.
“ We also think that a failure to notice the
transaction and record what really took place,
is also injurious to all concerned, because lhe
facts are sure to be exaggerated the further lhe
news get from the point where the occurrences
happened. To the best of our information then,
we will state what happened in Columbia, on
the occasion above alluded to, premising, how
ever, that all the stores were open, mid whoever
wanted to buy, had no difficult, in obtaining
what they wanted. On Monday night 1 st,
three students of the South Carolina College
came in front of the guard house. One of them
called out the name of Mr. Burdell, one cf < ur
police officers. Mr. B. came out, whereupon
the Student struck the Marshal a severe blow,
for t hat cause we know not, doubtless there
was a cause. Mr. Burdell was not slow in re
turning it, and so the fight commenced. lie
also carried the assailant, after the fight, into
the guard house, and being badly hurt, a doctor
was sent for to see him.
“ In the mean time, the other two Students
had carried the news to the College of what had
happened, when a pretty general onslaught upon
the Guard House by nil the students was made,
and their comrade conveyed therefrom. This
was done at the expense of smashing in the
window lights mid breaking small things up
generally. Thus ended Monday night. On
Tuesday morning, the students not feeling sat
isfied that they were even with Mr. Burdell, t wo
or three of them made another attack upon him.
In this fight, Mr. Burdell was roughly handled,
and so were two or three of the students. The
Students now assembled in mass, many of them
armed. The Mayor ordered out the Military
Companies to preserve or ’er, and after some
two hours, the students, at the solicitation of
Dr. Thornwell, Col. Wni. C. Preston, and some
otl er of our citizens, retired to the Col'ege, since
which time quiet has prevailed. We learn that
on Thursday, by order of the Governor, the
arms of the State which were in possession of
the College Cadets, were taken from the Col
lege grounds. As we remarncd above, an oc
currence of this kind should, tn our judgment,
be noticed, and a true history of the transaction
given, for the express purpose of p’eventing
exaggerated and hurtful rumors, sure to arise
by the press preserving a profound silence.”
Slavery in Massachusetts.
It is related of Mrs. Mary Dean, a market
woman of Boston, who recently died at the age
of ninety years, that she recollected that, at
periods previous to the revolution, she iaw loads
of negro children carted about for sale. When
she spoke of this circumstance, she generally
added that the first wheeled carriage she ever
saw was loaded with suih slave children ; that
according to her understanding on this subject,
when a cargo of slaves arrived in Boston there
was sometimes u number of children among
them from five to twelve years old, and, us such
children were not so much wanted in Boston as
adults, they were carried out and disposed of at
Roxbury, Dorchester, Dedham, &c., at the best
terms the venders could make.—lnvestigator.
The Authors.—Less than twenty-five years
after the landing of the Puritans, their colony
passed the fugitive slave law. This is a very
important fact.
Pitkin’s Civil and Political history of the
United States, vol. 1, pages 50 and 51, in allu
ding to the articles of government formed for
the Plymouth confederacy, says:
“ It was also very wise! / provided in the ar
ticle, that RUNAWAY SERVANTS and
fugitives from justice, should be returned to
THE COLONIES WHERE THEY BELONGED, OB FROM
WHICH THEY HAD FLI D.”
Thus the North was the author of the fugi
tive slave law—kept slaves so long as it was
profitable—and engaged in the slave trade un
til the government prohibited it. We h.,ve but
little reason to reproach the South, whose cli
mate and productions actually require negro
labor in some form.— Keene Repub.
Fire on Board of the Ship Telegraph.—
Yesterday morning, between one and two
o'clock, a fire broke out on board of the fine
clipper ship Telegraph, lying at Tybee; sixteen
miles below the city.
Intelligence of the fact was sent to the city
at an ear'y hour to procure the assistance of
the firemen. Accordingly the Washington and
Young America fire companies, with their res
pective engines, went down to the ship on board
the steamer Lemar aid lighter Levant. The
fire originated in the forward part of the vessel
in ti e neighborhood of the foremast, and before
the ship was scuttled (which was ultimately
done) had burned from the main hatch clear
forward. The mainmast was cut away and
the foremast burnt.
The Telegraph was loaded with flour princi.
pally, aud was bound for Australia. It will be
remembered that she put into this port soma
weeks ago in distress, being then on her way to
Australia from New Orleans. After having
undergone thorough repairsjshe was agaiti’loadcd
to meet with a still more serious disaster.
The origin of the fire is unknown. It is sup
posed, however to have been the work of uu in
cendiary.—Snr. Journal.
Luck vs. Talent.—lt often seems to be luck
rather than talent, that gives to people position.
Seven years ago, Myron IL Clark kept a one
horse hardware store. In 1849, Myron IL Clark
was a Depu y Sheriff. In 1850, Myron H.
Clark was one of the marshals for taking the
census of a certain village. In 1853, Myron 11.
Clark was elected Senator. Myron H. Clark
is now Governor of New York. Whether he
will go still higher remains to be seen. If lie
should, it would only show that a man's posi
tion in this world depends less upon bis deserts
than upon surrounding circumstances. Think
that of Myron 11. Clark, and never say die.—
The man who will be President in 1870, is now
probably, peddling India rubber rat trips.—
Again we say, never despair ? Com. Adver
A Chance for Doctors. The following
advertisement appears in a Paris journal:
“ The parents of a young lady, aged 21,
handsome, and well educated, and possessing
4300 francs per annum, but affected by St.
I Vitus’ dance, offer to unite her to a doctor from
40 to 45 vears old, who will pay her incessant
attention."