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THE ATLANT A WEEKLY EXAMINER. NA7" E3 3S IST. T ■ ”3?' UIFL C TJ'A TI OjN OST TMES .IS JSZ. A. 3AA X ES Et, 19000 COPIES! CHAS. L. BARBOUR, Editor. VOLUME 11. THE WEEKLY EXAMINER ir Publhed every Thursday morning in the City of Atlanta, at ONE DOLLAR P|j« ANNUM, To be paid strictly in advice. IS” No subscription tai en for less than six months. RATES OF ADV CRTISING. Advertisements are insert i in the Weekly Examiner at the following rates: Seventy-five cent* per square (of 10 lines brevier) for the first insertions, and 374 cents per square for each sub sequent insertion. Advertisements continuing three months or more are charged at the following rates: 1 Square 3 mnlhs $1 00 I “ 6 “ 600 1 « 12 “ 10 O 0 2 “ 3 " 600 2 « 6 « 10 00 2 •• 12 “ 16 00 3 « 3 “ 800 3 “ 6 *• 12 00 3 « 12 “ 20 00 4 « 3 “ 10 00 4 “ 8 “ 15 00 4 « 12 “ 25 00 i Col’n 3 “ 15 00 | •• 6 “ 20 00 | « 12 <• 30 00 1 « 3 « 20 00 1 <• 6 “ 30 00 | <• 12 <• 40 00 Ono Square, changeable, one year, sls 00 Two “ “ “ 20 00 Three “ “ “ 25 00 Four “ “ “ 30 00 Quarter Column “ “ 40 00 Hal f “ “ “ 55 00 Advertisements leaded and inserted un- Mr ths head of Special Notices will be charged jkio Boiler per square for the first insertion and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion idP* Legal Advertisements published at the usual rates. Obituary exceeding ten lines will be chargeAas advertisements. t?* Yearly Advert Jt'fti exceeding in their ad vertisements the average sypce agreed for, will bo charged at proportional rates. LS* All Advertiserneuts not specified ns to time will bo published until forbid and Merged accordingly. Legal Advertisements Sales of Land and Negroes, by Administra tors, Executors or Gurdians, are required by law to bo hold on the First Tuesday in the month, between tho hours of 10 in the forenoon and 3 in tho afternoon, at tho Court House in the County in which the property is situated. Notices of these sales must be given in a pub ic gazette 40 days previous to the day of sale. Notices for the sale of personal property must bo given in ake manner 10 days previous to sale day. Notices to the debtors and creditors of an es tate mus' also be published 40 days. Notice that application will bo made to the Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell Land or Ne groes, must be published for two months. Citations for letters of Administration, Guar dianship &c., must be published 30 days—for dis mission from Administration, moni/ry six months —for dismission from Guardianship, 40 days. Rules for foreclosure of Mortgages must be published monthly for four months —for establish ing lost papers, for tho full space of three months —for compelling titles from Executors or Admin istrators, where bond has been given by the de ceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always be continued accord ing to those, tho legal requirements, unless other wise ordered, at the following Rate? ’ Citations on letters of Adti mistration &c. $2 75 do do dismissory om Adminis tration, . * Citation on dismissory from Guardianship, 3 00 Leave to sell LandorNegi es, 4 01) Notice to debtors and cred, >rs. 3 00 Salos of personal property, t 1 days, 1 square 1 50 Sales of land or negroes by r.xeeutors, &c. 5 00 Estrays, two weeks, For a man advertising his wife, (in advance,) 5 00 Letters on business must be (post paid) to en title them to attention. THURSDAY, APRIL 3, 1856. Messrs. J. R. Brown, John F. Cooper and John Erskio, Esqs., have been admitted members of the Supreme Court Bar, at its present session in this p ace. The Supreme Court. The session of the supreme Court has con. veued in our City, a large portion of the Bar of the State, amongst whom are many of dis tinguished reputation. Their Honors Lump kin, McDonald and Benning, are laboring through the dockets with a most commendable desire to despatch at the earliest day consistent with the nature of the eases, the business of the • Court, but will hardly bo able to conclude the whole short of one month, we learn. They have comfortable quarters, however, and easy access to their respective homes, and all parties in terested . cent satisfied with Atlanta as a place for holding the Court, and commend the new system as decidedly superior to the old. New Stock of Clothing. Notwithstanding the varied tastes of our people in the article of summer clothing, we venture the proposition that our friends. Hun* nicutt A Silvey, can suit any customer, no matter whether his taste inclines to the fancy or sedate. We accidentally dropped in, a day or two since, just in time to witness the open ing of a portion of their handsome stock, and t <ke pleasure in commending it to the atten tion of purchasers for the taste of its selection, and the quality of the material used in its man ufacture. Give them a call, and we are snre yoa will l>« pleased in quality, variety, and price. Tin. —A correspondent of the Boston Trans cript, writing from Cambridge under the signa ture of H., has the following: By the latest accounts from Australia very rich deposits of tin have been discovered, and large shipments of the ore had been made to England. It is supposed by some persons that these tin discoveries will yet prove more valua file than those of Australian gold. It is be lieved that attention was first drawn to these deposits by Mr. Frank Storer, of Boston, a adnate of the Lawrence Scientific School, and mist to the Exploring Expedition under Commodore Ringgold. In the course of a short mineralogical excursion in Australia. Mr. Storer gathered, among other specimens, some pebbles of tin ore, and analyzed them. His analysis was published in the newspapers of Sydney during the detention of the Exploring fleet at that port, and to it is doubtless due this new and profitable directlea of ■tiaing capital and THE SHEAPEST POLITICAL AND NEWS PAPER IN THE S9DTII—A WEEKLY FIHESIDE COMPANION FOB ONLY ONE HOLLAR A YEAR. IN ADVANCE. Mr Fillmore upon the Nebraska Bill. ; The Washington Union facetiously, but i truthfully characterizes the nomination of Mr. j Fillmore as “ one of the most remarkable in- s stances of ‘ going it blind' that has occurred in the history of political warfare,” and in an arti cle of some length throws some light upon the position of Mr. F. upon the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. It is a matter of surprise to us that presses at the South are found to support the nomination of a man whose views upon pres ent national questions are so completely veiled. Himself in Europe, nnd silent upon the exciting issues which convulse the country; his friends with sealed bps as to his position, and no body knowing whether his views are sound or not our American friends are found advocating ins election upon the bare supposition that he will endorss the platform the Philadelphia conven tion constructed for him. Suppose he should refuse to do so—what would become of all the encomiums we see heaped upon him by these presses ? Suppose he should decide there was not quite enough Black Republicanism in the platform to propel it to the White House, and should insist upon adding a little more of that ingredient ? What would they say byway of excusing their advice to the people to sustain a man whose present views are so carefully concealed, and some of whose antecedents are of such questionable friendship to the Sou h ? The Union's article to which we allude, suggests some pertinent queries to those friends of tho South who have “ gone it blind” for this veiled prophet, and they cannot be eluded by hiding behind his former administration. In these troubulous times, we do not judge men by their antecedents. A year may materially change tho position of any man at the North, who has no abiding place in a national party. Mr. Fillmore's party was wrecked, and lio set adrift, subject to the winds of popular preju dice which set- upon every man at the North who is not firmly attached to a great national party ; and where he may have drifted, there is no telling. The South will place confidence in no man she does not know. Mr. Fillmore’ and every Northern Whig with him, has been subjected to an ordeal through which few have passed unscathed, and - the Southern people are not to take it for granted that he is an excep tion, merely because his administration was not particularly exceptionable to the South. To say the least of him, he has as yet shown no colors friendly to our section, though the dark ness which obscures bis course may not hide the piratical flag of Black Republicanism. But the man who receives tho vote of the 1 South must sustain the repeal of the odious Missouri Compromise. We want no halting | half-way man—his views must be open, ex- ' pressed and subject to the rigorous scrutiny of 1 our people, and if he wavers or dodges, we will , have nothing to do with him. It will be re- , quired of him that he shall hold fast to what we : have. One sep backward, one faltering on our ' part will wrec t us as certainly as we are a peo- ( pie. Is Millard Fillmore the man to stand to ( the issue? His partisans here say yea; but i upon what authority ? Nothing but his past 1 history—only this, nothing more. At the North bis supporters think differently. Tho following < extracts, for which we are indebted to the Un i ion, are the only attempts we have yet seen made to locate Mr. Fillmore, and we give them J place for the enlightenment of those k. n. press- , es who have the least care to lift the veil inter i vening between themselves and their candidate for the Presidency. Here arc the opinions of ' those nearest him. who have the best opportu- , nity of judging bis position : i “No man can doubt that t’>e writer of this ' message Would, if in public life in 1854, have resisted the di turhanco made of these compro- 1 mise bills by Mr. .Senator Douglas and Mr. 1 Presiilent Pierce, both northern men. No man can doubt thut Mr. Fillmore thus regrets, and 1 deeply regrets, the annulment of the compact 1 of 1820. and all the tearful sectional passions excited by it.”— N. Y. Express. “How do you know that Mr. Fillmore does ' not fully sympathize with us in our opposition * to that stupendous swindle of Douglas & Co.? All his antecedents are on tho side of freedom, i and in opposition to the extension of slavery.— Have you ever read a message—have yon ever heard a speech -have you ever Been a letter— ! has even a private conversation of his been whispered in your car—that would justify the ] conclusion that he was now a pro slavery man in sentiment, and that he would not sanction a 1 ineasnre for the restoration of the Missouri ' Compromise or the admission of Kansas as a free State ? If you have seen or heard any- ! thing of the kind, let us have it. We demand ' to know the foundation of yonr faith before ' you again indulge in such injurious imputations toward the candidate of the Americano party.” —lndiana Tribune. Rail Road Convention. We have as yet no official intimation of the proceedings of thia body, and are left to surmise' the subjects which will claim its attention.— We have no deubt, however, but the interests of the several companies tepreseuted will be materially subserved by the congregation of their respective officers, and the public will doubtless be relieved of some of the grievances of which they with so much good reason com plain. There are several matters which should receive their consideration, and amongst others, we notice a proposition aubmitted the Conven tion by a publis-spirited friend and fellow-cit izen, which provides for some very salutary changes in the system of “runners” whith, we think, if adopted, will throw additional safe guards around the lives and property of the public, and obviate much ruinous pecuniary loss to the companies, while, at the same time, it will aSord additional protection to the ope ratives of the road. We need say nothing in commendation of the proposition, since it con mends itself directly to the interest as well ns philanthropy of the Convention. One of the beautiful swans on Gosfield Lake, Essex. (England.) belonging to Samuel Conrtaud. Esq , was eeen floating dead. On being drawn to the shore, it was {bond that it had been engaged in mortal conflict with a monster pike. Tne pike had swallowed the head and neck of the swan, and being unable to disgorge it, both had died, and rtre found thus Sstotf Meritor. ATLANTA. GEORGIA. THURSDAY MORNING. APRIL 3. 1856. [communicated.] At a meeting of the Wardens and Vestry of: St. Phillip's Church, Atlanta, held at. the Church on Easter Monday, the 24th inst., the i following gentlemen were elected Wardens a d ! Vestrymen for tho ensuing year, v>z : Wardens.—R. Peters, J. J. David. A'estrvmen.—N. L. Angier, J. E Wil liams, W. P. Orme. G. L. Warren, T. S. • Denny, H. L>. Currier. S. B. Oatman, Edw’d. Parsons. R. Peters, T. c. Denny, 11. B. Welton, S. B. Oatman and W. P. Orme, were duly elected Delegates to represent this Church in the next Convention to be held in Marietta on the Bth day of May, 1856. The following resolution was unanimously adopted : Resolved, That the Wardens and Vestrymen of thia Church express their deep regret at the resignation of Mr. S. C. Higginson, as Jun. Warden, and lender their sincere thanks for the services which he has rendered the church dur ing his term of service. An Englishman in America The following article appears in the London Shipping and Mercantile Gazette : Editor of the Shipping and Mercantile Gazette: Sir—l have now made the tour of the States of North America, and think it probable I can give your readers some useful information. I landed it New York city some ten months ago, and have spent my time in studying the charac ter and customs of those people, and must con fess that if I remained ten years the result would be the same: and I know very little abnut them. But upon one point —National pride —men women and children, are all alike; and the idea es any nation of Europe, or the whole of them put together, conquering this country, is per fectly absurd to them. Everybody reads the papers, and a good-humored urchin of twelve years used to rate me soundly at Philadelphia, for our failure at Sebastopool. The best ver sion of American sympathy was given me a tew days since. “When the war commenced the Turks were the weaker power, and our sym pathizing with England, but assisting her with material and.” This I heard from a very intel ligent man, who, I do not think, suspected my nationality; und Ifirmly believe it. In the South I spent some time upon the plantations, and many times had long conversation with the slaves; and always with the same result. They are much better satisfied, than I suspected, and when I spoke of the probability of a war, I was answered, that “white folks would’nt let nigga fight.” “But,” said I, "the blacks from the West Indies will come here and nelpyon to gain your freedom.” “What! black soger come here; let ’em cam, den, massa; let’s fight de nigga, I know, and Gar Almighty we give ’em gosh!” If not in the same language, the same feeling was ever expressed. I have visited all their national armories, and although the country is at pece, the greatest ac tivity prevails; all the old arms are condemned, and by next spring nearly 1,500,000 Minie ri fles will be ready for distribution, besides Colt's, Clark’s, and others. Mr. Alger, at Boston, is now engaged on a new kind of gun for the navy. I’he range, with solid shot, is nearly five miles; with shell, somewhat shorter, and the explosion of the shell renders conflagration certain to a great distance. Those are called, by those at work on them, the secret gun. But what the secret is I could not ascertain. Since the war rumors I have been observant of all and every thing that could give me a chto to the feelings of the people. This is not difficult to come at, for tl.c feeling is general, and their confidence is so great in their own strength that the most diffident speak only of the consequence and re sult. In company with a party of merchants, most of whom were engaged in trade with England, I broached the war subject, and was astonished to find them, so ind fferent about the consequences. One of them largely inter ested in clipper-ships, in answer to a remark of mine, that he would have to lay up his clippers —‘ Not a bit of it,” said he, “ they will make capital privateers ; the Gove, nment will I'urn ish guns of long range ; no British man-of-war can catch them except a steamer, and they can not. in a good breeze, so we must take chances.” “ But where will you get your men ?” “Where 1 We have 84,000 enrolled fishermen who will flood our seaports, and I will tell yon candidly that less than six months after is declared there will be 500 of the fastest vessels in the world afloat as privateers, and an English merchant man will not be able to show herself at sea.— What if we lose a few, we will make it up in the end? Two steamers were launched a few days since, each about tons, built in eight months, and it is just as easy to build fif ty in the same time or less.” “But your eonsts are not defended. Remember you have no Se bastopol or Cronstadt.” Nor do we want any. We have a few very pretty forts, but should any nation attempt "an invasion, he will meet them with hands and hearts equal to any, su perior to most; and we can concentrate 500.- 000 men at any point on our coast in a few I days. Let the alarm brsounded at this moment, i and in a few hours near 50,000 men will make I their appearance, armed and equipped.” This j sounds like bragging, but it is a fact. This ; city (New York) hts near that number enroll- j ed and equipped ; every man keeps his rifle at i home or in the private armory of the company to which he belongs ; and I find it is the same throughout the country. I have frequently met with boys Os 12 and 14, with gun and game bag, starting at early dawn for the woods, for here thev can shoot’ game wherever found.— War is urgned against by everybody as some thing to be avoided, but the idea of backing out to avoid it does not appear to enter the snind of anybody. Some of the papers speak of the President's message disparagingly, but the people are with him. and I candidly believe he would be elected if the election came off to dav. ‘ And I regret I cannot defend my coun try at this time as I would wish. The Bulwer- Clayton treaty is plain and explicit, and these people don't and won’t understand double mean ings in treaties. They say the man with the white hat does not refer to the individual in the white cap, and my Lord John Russell acknowl- i rdgts the American interpretation. There are thousands of men here that the Americans would be glad to get clear of. but that does not justify England in breaking their laws by en- : listingthem; and my Lord Pa'mers.on's instruc-1 tiocs were something like telling a man to stab his neighbor but not hurt him. If the treatv (Clayton and Bulwer) Is ad hered to, we have the States pledged never to occupy it. (Centered America.) for, say what we will, they will stick to the treaty and it will never be annexed : abrogate it, and in less than ♦en vears it will be one of the States of the Union. The Canadians are a very loyal set.; and think that they could.taka, possession of! the States at a moment’s warning. They have caught the habit of braging from their neigh bors without having the wherewith to brag on.! A trip up the lakes is the most convincing proof we can have of the difference in the two people. In the American are well-fininishd cities and towns, sawmills, railroads running in every direction—in fact, you eeldem lose sight of the locomotive —and there are innumerable steamers at every landing. On the Canadian. > where there are ’settlements, you see tbe well- Inpt rosfonabtodwcUiDp, tbs oroettorimrad awn, and everything wears an air of comfort: but little or no business, with the exception of the great railroad. However, they are rapidly improving ; but should there be war, the larges’ and best portions of Canada are lost to us.— Quebec, Halifax, and other points would both er them. But to sum up my own observations after every opportunity that one man could have afforded him, tiie result would be as fol lows : Mexico, and the whole of Central America in the South, including Cuba would be annexed: and I have little doubt, of Canada, in the North ; millions of treasure and thous ands of valuable livers lost to England forever: our commerce crippled in every sea. and some fighting that will gladden the hearts of our tir ed soldiery. Now, what can we gain ? A foot of terri tory? We dont want it; and if we did. six feet for the majority of our brave fellows, I fear would bo the extent. Naval or military glory we don’t want : and as for the sand beach ol the Mosquito king, it is a decided humbug.— What would be tho result to this country ? It would put her back in prosperity for half a century ; it would ruin thousands who are now in affluence, but would enrich thousands who are now poor. But the great advantage the Americans have, is that they can produce and manufacture everything they want; the differ ent climate affords this. They would get ac customed to their own goods and discard ours forever. But the greatest injury to all parties, and I may say to the world, would be the ma king of this nation of 25,000,000 a warlike people ; and, once instilled with the love of war, the propagandists of Europe would have a Car ful ally. The hist years crop of wheat is offi cially given at 170,000,000 of bushels, and ev erything else in proportion, so that we cannot starve them out, and. from my own observation I would rather see England contending with the whole of Europe than against this country. I am no croaker, nor have 1 any doubt of the power and wealth of my beloved country, and, if need he, could again handle a musket for her honor and glory ; but the day that war is de clared between these two mighty rivals a con test will be commenced that will bring more horrors iu its train tbnii the world ever yet witnessed. There is another item which I am like to forget. Many of my countrymen place great dependence on the abolitionists, or friends of freedom, in this country; but 1 assure you the greatest protection here is their insignificance. They flourish au long as thought harmless, but the slightest suspicion of their collusion with a foreign foe, and they would be annihilated ; in fact, I have proved to my entire satisfaction ; but those terrible and exciting questions are only intended for political effect; but attach any importance to them affecting the interests of the country and they are gone. You would no doubt, bo astonished to hear that many children of foreigners, and, in fact, foreigners, themselves, are Know Nothings, started to proscribe them; but such is tbe fact. I have extended my remarks further than I intended, but they have one desirable future—that is. truth. Should they prove acceptable, I may again intrude on you. I remain, yours. "JAMES R. WARREN. Buffalo, New York, January 11, 1856. Slavery in Kansas. The Lawrence papers are laboring hard to convince their Yankee brethern t' at slavery does not and cannot exist in this Territory.— They may succeed in satisfying their North ern friends in th s, but how will they get over the census returns, which will show over one thousand slaves in Kansas? An examination of the Assessor's book of each county, will prob ably surp iso our editorial brethern in Law rence. They will find that several hundred thousand dollars ofslavo property is owned in Kansas, and profitably employed ; and what i< better, the master and slave both satiffled with the country. The a Idition to tbe slave proper ty iu this county is gradually increasing by the arrival of wealthy farmers from Missouri, Virginia. Kentucky, and of her Southern States In every instance where it has been tried, their labor has brought to their owners a larger re turn than where they formerly resided : and the planter from Virginia, who has been in the habit of supporting his negroes, will find that in Kansas they cannot only feed themselves but be a profit to their owners. The climate and soil of Kansas are peculiarly adapted to slave labor: and hemp, corn, wheat, tobacco, and other staples, can be as profitably produced here as in Kentucky or other Southern States. In view of those facts, it becomes the duty of every Southern planter who is not makinir money fast in the South, to remove with bis I slaves to Kansas, where a fortune awaits him. j Squatter Sovereign. Bank Robbery at Jacksonville, I By the Florida boat of this morning we have ! an account of the robbery of a Bank Agency | at Jacksonville. The following is an adver-j tisement of reward for the thief or thieves : 1000 DOLLARS REWARD! ■ Stolen, from the office of G, C. Gibbs, at! Jacksonville, Fla., on Thursday night, the 20th ' the hours of 11 nnd 2 o’clock, a . package of Bank Notes, principally of the i Bank of Charleston, containing SIX THOUSAND FOUR HUNDRED j DOLLARS. The above reward will be paid for the re- 1 covery of the money, or a proportionate re-1 war! for any part of it. G. C. GIBBS, Agent, Planters' Bank of Fairfield, Jacksonvdh, March 22. 1856. Solution of the Cuba Question. —Col. Baylor, in a recent letter to the New Orleans Delta, makes the following suggestion: “ Why not make a Cuba ? By the construe-! tion of an ample ship canal over Florida, we! will be forming a great highway tor all nations i between the Gu.f of Mexico and tbe Atlantic: ■ and also between the Pacific and the Atlantic, j via Florida. It would tea highway resorted i to by the commerce of the world, and within ! the juriodiction of the United States. Instead! therefore, of expending time and money in at- ■ tempting to acquire Cuba, why not expend the said time and money in a ship canal across Florida? It would give us an independent Atlantic outlet for the Gulf and Pacific trade, including the Mississippi—shorten the route to I Europe—reduce the rate of insurance, and. build up New Orleans." Democrat and Anti-Know Nothing State Convention. —Our Democratic friends will re member, says the Federal Union, that by the appointment of the late Convention of the Democracy of Georgia, another State Conven tion is to assemble at this place on ’he 4th of ' July next, to take into consideration the ac i ticu of the Convention at Cincinnati. The late meeting directed the central correspondicg j committee to select an Orator for the 4th of July. We take pleasure in stating that the ! committee has performed that duty, and made choice of the Hob. Wo. H. Siufos, of Cbat- 1 ham. To tLe American Party South. It is necessary for the rank nnd file, ol tbe American party South to consult together in regard to the platform adopted by the nation al council at its called session, and tbe can didates placed upon it by the national c. uven tion. The 12th article of the platform of June, 1855 announced these fonr professions as the deliberate sense of the American party. Ist. That the existing laws on flic subject of slavery ought to be abided by and maintained, as a final settlement of the whole matter, in spirit and stibstuncc; and that there ought to be no further legislation by Congress on tho sub ject. 2d. That, whether it possesses the power or not Congress ought not to legislate on the sub ject of slavery in the Territories. 3d. That it would be a violation of the com pact between theU. S. and Maryland, and con trary to good faith, to abolish tlavtry in the District of Columbia. 4th That when a new State presents herself for admission into the Union she has a right to come in if her constitution is republican, and she has the requisite population, whether that constitution recognizes or prohibits slavery. It was a very general feeling at the South that we yielded something too much in “pre t'-rinitting an expression of opinion as to the p wer of Ccngress to legislate in regard to slavery in tbe Territories. In most of the Southern States the State councils made plat forms stronger on this point t. an the national one. None made them weaker. But in framing that platform wo were not making one for the South alone, but one that Northern conservative men could safely stand on ; and it was right that we should not ask them to declare one opinion as to the power of Congress, while they entertained another diametrically opposite; if they would agree that Congress ought not to exercise the power even if it has it. The June platform docs not declare that Congress ought to do any affirmative act about slavery but only that it ought to do nothing. No Southern American, once having plant ed his feet on that p l .it farm, can step off from it to another without deserved risk of political ruin and annihilation. No Southern man ought to abandon, or can safely abandon any one of the four propositions. If he does the South ought to, and will, abandon him. The national council, meeting on the call of States which had repudiated the June platform, was assembled in February for the purpose of repealing the 12th article. The northern men took control of it at the beginning, upon the wrong basis of representation, and kept that control. The 11th article, with all the rest of the platform, was struck out, and a new one sub stituted. That new platform declares that the people of a Territory have the right to frame their own constitution and laws [when?] and reg ulate their own social and domestic affairs; but the word slavery is carefully avoided, and it concedes them, not the right, but the privilege, of admission into the Union when they have the requisite population. It certainly givi s up the three first proposi tions of the 12th article, and it waters the 4th, so that it amounts to little or nothing. The Ist proposition was the chief one of the 12th article. The South imperatively demands that the agitation of the subject of slavery in Congress shall cease, and esp-eial'y that it shall no longer legislate on that subject in the Ter ritories. The South demands, and has a right to de mand, in every platform. Democratic, Whig, or American, specific lan uageonthe subject of slavery. It does not want to be toll that laws constitutionally enacted are to be obeyed until repealed or decided null by judicial au thority. It does not want to be told that a new State shall have the privilege of admission It is tired of ambiguities, and sick of general ities; aud. as the matter now stands, when a man reclaims his share at the risk of his lite, and at ten times the expense of the slave—when clergymen preach sedition, and State’pass per sonal liberty acts —ambiguities and general ities are u mere transparent cheat and fraud on the Sout o And such a fraud is any platform that studi ously omits the word slavery, and uses round about phrases, circumlocutions, to avoid ex pressing plain ideas. If lhe new platform is the same in substance as the old, why the change? If it is not, tie South has no use for it. The new platform leaves the northern men who stand upon it perfectly free to agitate against the fugitive slave law, for the abolition of slavery in the Distrieh. fir suppressing the trade io slaves between different States, and for the restoration of the Missouri Compromise: and it specially denounces the repeal of (hat compromise by denouncing the President tor abetting it. I do not envy the southern man who under takes to defend the new platform after once standing on the. old one. I was a member of the national council both in June and in February. In June I desired at first to exclude the question of Javery from the platform, denouncing, and not unless I could denounce, in so doing, the men of the party in Massachusetts, and elsewhere in the North, who had declared anti slavery to be part of the na tional American creed, as having done so with out authority, and so perverted and prostituted the organizatioa to improper purposes. Met by a unanimous resolve on the part of the northern members to l ave a declaration that the Missouri Compromise ought to be re stored. I aidjd iu establishing th: 12th article. Once upon it. and deeming it eminently right in principle, it became impossible for me to abandon it, or consent to its modification.— When it was struck out, I withdrew from the counci, aud destroyed my credentials os a dele gate to the nominating convention, in which I refined to take my seat. The A meriean party South cannot stand on the new platform. It must necessarily repudi ate it. On it, it would not carry a single coun ty anywhere. It is said that the men nominated are plat form enough. That might lie so. if we had no platform ; if they were on no platform : if we. had never had a platform. It is said that the new platform is substan tial’y the s ime as the old one. Th»n how came i it to be i-flered by a freesoiler from Illinois, who declared, after it was adopted, that he would ! vote for the admission of no State permitting ! slavery? If it suits him. it cannot suit me. It is not substantially the same It was framed in Washington, to g«t rid of the 12lh article. It was offered and adopted for that purpose in Philadelphia: and we may as wed loek it frankly iu the face. It yields tip all, that we fought for and gained the June before. ■ And now as to the candidates. That I may ' uot be misunderstood, let me say that 1 was always a whig until I joined the American par- i ty. I was a supporter of Mr. Fillmore's ad ' ministration. I wa; indignant when he wa= thrown aside for General Scott. What I : i thought ol him then I tiauk now. I But when we firmed tbe American party.' we assured our democratic friends who joined | i us that it was u.t meant to be the whig party ; ;in disguise. They joined us in that belief. Ou ■ Imy motion, my State council declared that the aeamro for Pnaitoat ought to In a Northern j ■ man, whose antecedents bad been democratic, j was playing fairly. The old whig organizat.ons arc reviving all over the country. Tbe old whig committees and chibs are alive and astir again. Oar dem ocratic brethren wiii say that we have deceived them, and that it is the old whig party in dis guise. I think it was not Ct and proper to nominate a man who had been so deeply identi ; fied with the whig party—a whig and nothing else. Ido not say it was bail faith to do it. I do not even insinuate; but Ido say, that if I had aided in such nomination, I should have felt that ray democratic brothershad some right to complain of me. They do feel all over the South that they have been trapped; and, my word for it, they will not stay in the trap. The new platform warrants them in leaving the party, and the whig nomination will urge them to do it; and they will go back to their old faith if the mat ter is left as it is. Southern democratic Americans can neither stand on the platform nor support the candii ates. No Southern American can successfully oe fend the platform What is to be done? Shall we disband ? Shall we merge in the democratic party ? I. for one, say no ! It would be too lame and impotent a conclusion ; and many of their Nor thern allies are no more reliable than ours. We are not yet ready to give up our American principles. We have sat with free-soilers long enough. Let, then, the State councils of the several Southern States at once assemble and delibe rate. It is high time we were doing so. Let us lay down one platform for all the South, go ing upon the subject of slavery no further thau the 12th article went, in order that the conser vative men in the North may stand upon it with us. Do not let us force them from us.— They will stand on that article, if we will be true to ourselves. Let us not ask them to de more, and that which they cannot do. Then let us p'aee candidates on that plat form.—lf we think we cannot succeed with a candidate endorse our views, let us take a demo crat who has been tride, and always found true to the Son th and constitution, at home and iu the councils of the country. Let us say to the country, we are willing to wait for the sutcess of our American principles. The first thing to do is, to give our country quiet. We will take this name trusting to his antecedents. We ask of him no other pledges. We will trust to liia American feelings and instincts to do justice to those who. like him, are Ameri can-born, confident that be will not fill the offices of the country with foreigners, to the exclusion of those born on the soil. Let us place this northern democrat—one like Bavard and DuGueselin, without feir and without reproach—and a Southern W hig of our party at once before the country, and rally to their flag the conservatives of the Union. We need not fear that our American princi pies will not succeed in the end. Unembarrass ed by other questions, the American instincts of the people will in time make them victorious everywhere. Or. if that does not suit our views, let us nominate candidates of our own party, and on our own platform, nail our fl a to the mast-head and take the chances of the battle; satisfied with defeat if it entails no dishonor mid no betrayal of the South. It is a delicate thing todo—that which I am about to do; but the South has too many plat forms each State a diff rent one, and the same State, in some cases, three or four iu succes sion. I submit one to the South, which several gentlemen from different States have concurred in framing. ”lt is the Juno platform, with some modifications, reduced to propositions. It is plain, distinct, specific; it needs no interpreter. Wc would tain hope that our brothers in the South may approve it. But, at all events, we stand upon it, and we mean to stand upon i'. now and hereafter. It will at least elict discus sion and bring about deliberation, and actbn perhaps; and that is all which we at present propose to effect. A. I’. Hou. A. G. Brown’s Hotter. March 17, 1856. To the Editors of the Kational Intelligencer : A correspondent of yours in this morning's Intelligencer takes the ground that the words r.ot " to occupy ” in the Cluyton-Bulwer treaty, now under discussion iu the Senate, and in the diplomatic correspondence between the United States and Great Britain, may mean, according to Ainsworth and Andrews, •• to take hold of. •• to get into one’s power,” “ to lay hold of,” “*o get the start of,” &c. The same writer admits that, according to Webster, (the best American authorit ,) the words mean •• to take P’-s session of,” “to keep in possession," Ac.— He therefore infers that both the British and American diplomatists may have plausible grounds for their respective interpretations ol the words that neither party shall ever “ occupy ” any part of Central America. It is well known that the British Government has taken the position that his language is prospective in its operation ; that is. that Bri tain. having got “the start of” the United States, she means to keep it, and that this is th? true intent and meaning of the treaty; whereas the United States on the other baud, insists that by tbe words not to occupy ”it was meant that Great Britain should not “ take possession ” of the country, and if she had pos s ssion she should not keep ” it. It therefore becomes a matter of consequence to know precisely in what sense the words “not to occupy ” were used by the parties who ne gotiated the treaty. In a speech commenced by me in the Senate on the 11th and concluded on the 13th instant, I stated my firm conviction that tbe won ■ 11 question were used as synonymous with the “ not to take and not to keep possession.” 1 then stated that I did not speak lightly. My conviction was then settled, aud I now repeat it, that Mr. Clayton did not define the words “ uot to occupy ” any part of Central America to mean “ not to take and not to keep ” pos session of any part of that country. I did not speak in tbe Senate, nor do I now, on the authority of Mr Clayton ; b.t I now I say that it Sir Henry Bulwer, Lord Clarendon, ' Mr. Crampton, or any one else in position to ' know the sac arid who is authorized to speak ■ for the British government, shall take the ground that the words iu the treaty were understood ! to mean that Great Britain was to be left in ! possession of such parts of Central America as she had at that date of the treaty, the evidence i can be produced that the words -‘not to occu py” were defined by the American negotiator to mean “ not to take aud not to keep ’ pos | session of the country. If the British negotia tor, the British cabinet, or the British minister, ! or any one authorized to speak for the British I government, denies that the words were so de fined. our country should ask that every injun> 1 tion of secrecy be removed, and that .11 the ' facts b” laid before th world. If it shall be shown, as I confidently predict, I that Mr. Clayton did defin: tbe words as I have I stated them, there can be no occasion for con . suiting Ainsworth, Andrews, Webster, or any I one else. The judgment of the world will be ■ that if you agreed not to take and not to keep • possession of any part of Central America, you cannot go there, and if you are there you must . go away. A. G. BROWN. I The American Party of Georgia and the National Convention- Squatter Sovereignty. The American party of the State of Georgia met in Convention at Milledgeville, and on the 25th December last, adopted among others the following resolution, so far as we arc advised by their published proceedings, with perfect una nimity : 5. Tho Territories of tho United States wo regard as the common properly of all the States as co-equal sovereignties and, as such, open to settlement by tk.o citizens of the Slates, with their property as matter of right ; nnd Hint no power resides in Congress,ortho Territorial Legislature of the people of the Territory, while a Territory, to exclude from settlement, tn any Territory, any portion of the citizens of the Republic, with then property legally held in the States from which they emigrate. Wo repudiate, therefore, the doctrine, commonly called squatter sovereignty. By the adoption of this resolution tbe Amer ican party of Georgia placed it elf on very high Southern ground. Their object clearly was to get in advance of the Democratic party w hich had committed itself to the Kansas-Ne braska act, which, in terms, referred tho whole question of the domestic institutions of a Terri tory, including slavery, to the decision of the citizens thereof. In opposition to this policy the party of Georgia, unqualifiedly assert glit of a citizen of a Southern State to emigrate to any Territory of the United States and to take his slaves along with Irin, and in terms deny thut Congress, or tbe Terri torial Legislature, or even the people of a Ter ritory, while it is a Territory, have the power to exclude him or his slaves from any Territo ry, of tl.e United States. But again : the Convention of the American party of the State of Georgia on the 25th De cember last, adopted also the following resolu tion: 9. We instruct our delegates to the National Convention to insist upmthe adoption of the foregoing principles in spirit and substance be \fore going into a nomination, and that ihenomi nee be pledged to carry out the same in good faith in the administration of the Government and the appointments io office. Language could hardly be more explicit.— The American party of Georgia, not three months ago, voluntarily pledged themselves to their fellow citizens to demand the adoption of the principles enunciated in their sth resolution by their national nominating Convention be fore g»ing into a nomination of candidates for President, and Vice President, and then to re quire of their candidates a pledge to carry out these principles ij good lid h in the adininistra tion of the Government and in appointment. to office. On the 25»h of February last, the National Convention of the American party nominated Millard Fillmore as their candidate for Presi dent and Andrew J. Donelson as their candid ate for Vice President of tbe United States.— The question now comes up : Can the Ameri can party of Georgia support them consi tent l }’ with the platform of principles enunciated by' their State Convention on the 25th December last? The answer to this question is given when we announce that, instead of adopting the principles enunciated by tho Georgia Con vention before the nominations v.ere made, ai d requiring the nominees to pledge themselves to administer the Gov< rnment in accordance with them, the National Convention refused to pro mulgate any platform of principles, either be fore or alter making their nomination, and ta bled resolutions, looking to that end, by a vote of yeas 141, nays 60. Not only so : ut this stage of the proceedings, (we quote from the N. Y. Herald.) Mr. Brownlow, of Tennessee, got the floor and off red the following resolution : Resolved, That this Convention do proceed forthwith to the nonination of candidates for President and Vico President of tho United States. And upon the resolution be moved the pre vious question. Mr. Coffee, of Pa., at this stage, called for the reading of a communication which he un derstood had been forwarded to the President of the Convention from Georgia. The chair announced that it was due to the Convention to say that a communication hud been received, and the reading of the same was in older. Mr. Brady, of Tennessee, stated that the com munication from Georgia referred only to the appointment of a delegate and his instructio s to vote against making a nomination at this time. A voice—lt contains something else. The chair called lor the vote on the previous question, as moved by Mr. Brownlow, and it was sustained. The yens and nays were or dered, and the clerk proceeded to cull the roll. And that is the last we hear of the " commu nication from Georgia.” Not only did the Na tional Convention lefuse to declare its princi ples, and neglect to pledge its nominees, as de manded by the Georgia Convention, but refus 'd to hear read a respectful communication from u delegate appointed hy the Georgia Conven tion to communicate their wishes to tae nation al body 1 Now it seems to us that if the American party of Georgia is base enough to back out from its position on tbe question of shivery in the Territories, which it voluntarily took not three months gone, self respect should restrain them from giving their support to the nomi nees of a convention which refused even to hear their delegate. This, however, is a matter ol taste. We see that the Savannah Republican jus tifies the adhesion of the American party ol Georgia to the national organization upon the grou id that the Grand Council of the Order, which assembled in Philadelphiatwo days before the National Convention of tho party adopted a sound platform. It is hardly necessary to say in reply that the American party of Georgia has formally dis solved its connection with the secret order of which the Grand Council is the supreme head, and that the authority of the Grand Council to establish, for the National Convention, a platform of principles, was expressly repudiated by mauy members of that body. But admit ting, for the sake of the argument, that the acts of the Grand Council are obligatory upon the members of the American party, we make bold to assert tnat its position, on the subject of slavery in the Territories, is diametrical}’ in antagonism to that occupied by the Convention of the American party of Georgia, and is iden tical with that of Lewis Cuss, of Michigan, which has been so much denounced by the Know Nothing press of the South under the odiou; name of Squatter Sovereignty.— Time & Sentinel. A French Story.—lt appears that in the drawing for the conscription in France a son of a widow is in all cases exempt. The Paris correspondent of the New York Express says that when the last annual drawing took place, a poor man, whose idolized and only son had been so unlucky as to draw a number which made him a lawful prey to the Government, went quietly from the scene to his dwelling, and was found the next morning hanging dead in his garret. He sacrificed his life to save bis .son from military service, and the child now the son of a widow, was exempt from tbe much dreaded corseription. WM. KA if PROPRIETOR NUMBER 34. Our Sea Coast Defences. From an elaborate article in Putnam for March we gather some interesting facts rela tive to our sea coast defence. Beginning in the Eastern part of ti e United States, the writer of t.ie article alluded to give us the d< signation and locution ol each fortification upon thecoust around to the Mississ ppi, together with our Like defences on our Northern boundary. In addition to this, we have an account of the num ber of men necessary to garrison each fort, the to al number of guns now mounted in each, the amount of money already exp' upon nnd the amount necessary to complete each of the forts enumerati-d. As we remarked a day or twosince, we think the writer lias omitted one fort on our extreme Eastern border, at Eastport Maine. A high natural eminence overlooks the town, upon tho summit of which are barracks and some 20 guns of large calibre, though not enough by any means to defend the town from an attack of heavy war ship. The first fort ennmerntid in the article in Putnam is Fort Knox, at Bucks port, Maine. Situ ited at about twenty-five miles from the mouth of tho Penobscot at a “narrow” in the river, it completely precludes the possibility of passage of a hostile ship There have bem expended already 8130,442, and 3500,000 more required to complete it ac cording to the original plan. Poriland (Me.) harbor has been prepared for partial defence by the two forts Scaminel and Preble, built at an expense of 8111,137, and mounting 111 guns. To complete these works 37.500 are needed. Forts Mct’laney and Constitution command the harbor of Portsmouth. N. H. They mount in the aggregate, but 73 guns, and were com pleted at an expense of 338,273. Boston harbor and city are defended by throe forts and two batteries, mount in r in all 539 guns. Ou ti ee an amount of 31,688,162 haa been expended, and 8124,573 are yet required to complete them. New Bedford, Mass., has one fort of 14 guns, completed at an expense of 35,000. Fort Adams commands Newport. R. 1. It mounts 464 guns, has alr.ady consumed 81,461.343, and requires 830,000 to finish it. Fort Trum bull is the d 'fence of New London, Connecti cut, mounting 98 guns, and completed at an ex pense of 8250,941. New York city is defended by seven forts and four batteries. These in all mount 1,000 guns. To carry these works as fur towards com pletion ns they at present are carried, has cost 82.511,464. To perfect them 8394.526 more are required. Forts Delaware and Miflin, on lhe Delaware river, arc provided with 204 guns. There has been expended on them the sum of 8621,913, nnd 3582,000 will bo required to complete them. Fort Monroe, at Old Point Comfort, and Fort Calhoun, Hampton Roads, have 595 guns have cost 34,067,467, and require yet 8804,332 to complete them. Fods Washington, on the Potomac, and Se vern and Madison, at. Annapolis, mount in all 133 guns. They have cot 8596,853. The first two are completed, the last requires yetun expenditure of 830,000. There are two forls prepared in part for the defence of Baltimore—Carroll and McHenry. They mount 233 guns, have cost 8281,663, uud require an outlay of 8865,000 yet. There is a Fort (Macon) on the coast of North Carolina, at Beaulort. It mounts 61 guns and has cost 8190 790. To finish it, 8.3,- 000 ar n 'eded, There is another nt Oak Is land. Smithville, N. U., Fort Caswell, mount ing 87 guns. It has been nearly compLted at an expense of 8571,221. Charleston. S. C., has ihree Forts, Pinckney, Moultrie nnd Sumter. Th y have 225 guns,and have b’ en thus far completed at an expense 'of 8795,718. One hundred and fifty-eight thou sand dollars will fill out the original plun of these thre > forts. Forts Pulaski nnd Jivkson, dominate the Sa vannah river, have cost 81,003,859 and need an expenditure of 880,000 more. On the coasts of Florida are seven forts from Cumberland Sound around to Pensacola. On lhe ramparts of these, are 1,041 heavy guns. These Forts have cost 82,410,321 and yet re quire for their completion the sum of 82,213,- BG2. Forts Morgan, at Mobile Point,and Gaines, nt Dauphin Island, coast of Alabama, have 221 guns. They have cost SI ,232 566, and need yet an expenditure of 8210.000. There are seven works of defence on the coast of Lonis'ana They have in nil 446 guns have cost 82.385 10 , and require 8115,50(1 to com plete them. Forts Wayne, nt. the Detroit, Porter,at Buf falo, Niagara, on Niagara river, Ontario,al Os wego, and Montgomery, on Ldce o'iamblain, have an armament of 342 guns. 'l’hey have cost 8612,650, and require now 835'3,640 to complete them. Tims we have of batteries, castles and forts, on our whole cost, 61. For a war garrison for idl of them, they require 30,460 ni ’n ; they mount 6,189 guns; they have cost 821,272.186 nnd the amount require to complete them is 86,436,732. Arms for Kansas Arrested.—The stea mer Arabia, Capt. John 8. Shaw, arrived at her wharfat New York a few days ago ; im mediately on landing, a committee was des patched up town to inform the citizens that a per.ion from Massachusetts was on board, hav ing in his possession one hundred Sharpe’s ri fles and two cannon I destined for service iu Kansas, and sent forward for the Massachu setts Aid Society. This information brought together many of the most respectable and re liable citizens, when a conference was had with them by “ Mr. Start," with a view of inducing him to leave the “dangerous” weapons with the citizens for safe keeping. This lie assented to, and delivered the “goods” up. subject to the requisition of Gov. Shannon, or his succes sor in office The proceedings were orderly, and although the determination to arrest the arms was decided, no one talked of violence to the poor tool that could so heartlessly lend him self to such unnatural work. The arms were boxed up and marked “ Carpenters’ Tools.”— The discovery that they were on board was made at or below Glasgow, from a letter drop ped by Mr. B.'in the cabin, and picked up by a boy uud handed to Mr. Shaw, by whom it was read aloud in the Social Hall. The pas sengers and officers were highly incensed at the disclosures, but no indignity was offered to the miserab.e disorganizer. The Carpenters’ Tools” arc now safely stored away. Great credit justly attaches to Capt. Shaw, and his under officers, for the just and manly course pursued by them in this affair. Three cheers were given the boat as she pushed off. The telegraph mentions the capture also of two cannons and a lot of rifles at. Ixxington, Mo., which bad been sent from New England to the yankee emigrants in Lawrence. The capture turns out to be a useless one, for the arms had no locks, the sharp fellows in Boston having taken the precaution to send the locks by another route, aud they had previously reaehed Uwrenoe-