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ATLANTA WEEKLY EXAMINER. -cxr TvrmTHTY, a YXThiKTrrT.-y OF 20,000 COPIED! JOHN H. STEELE, Editor. VOLUME 11. THE WEEKLY EXAMINER Publhed every Thursday morning in the City of Atlanta, at ONE DOLLAR PEG ANNUM, To be paid strictly in adv< ce. (3T No subscription taL en for less than six menths. RATES OF ADV tSRTISING. Advertisements are insert i in the Weekly Examimkb at the following rates: Seventy-five eonU per square (of 10 lines brevier) for the first insertions, and 37J cents per square for each sub sequent insertion. Advertisements continuing three months or more are charged at the following rates: 1 Square 3 mnths $4 00 1 •* 6 “ 6 00 1 “ 12 “ 10 00 2 “ 3 “ 6 00 2 “ 6 “ 10 00 2 “ 12 “ 16 00 3 “ 3 “ 800 3 “ « “ 12 00 3 “ 12 “ 20 00 4 « 3 “ 10 00 4 >< ( « 15 00 4 “ 12 “ 25 00 i Col'n 3 “ 16 00 J “ 6 “ 20 00 ( “ 12 “ 30 00 A “ 3 “ 20 00 * “ 6 “ 30 00 J “ 12 •• 40 00 One Square, changeable, one year, sl6 00 T wo « » • “ 20 00 Three “ " “ 25 00 Four “ “ “ 30 00 Quarter Colemn “ “ 40 00 Half « « « 65 00 IST Advertisements loaded and inserted un- S>r the head of Special Notices will be charged no Dollar per square for the first insertion and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion HF* Legal Advertisements published at the usual rates. Obituary Notices exceeding ten lines will bo charged as advertisements. E3F" Yearly Advertisers exceedingin their ad vertisements the average space agreed for, will be charged at proportional rates. I3r* All Advertisements not specified as to time will be published until forbid and charged accordingly. Legal Advertisement*. Sales of Land and Negroes, by Administra tors, Executors or Gurdians, are required by law to be held on the First Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House in the County in which the property is situated. Notices of these sales must be given in a pub ic gazette 40 days previous te tho day of sale. Notices for the sale of personal property must bo given in like manner 10 days previous to salo day. Notices to the debtors and creditors of an es tate mut> also be published 40 days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell Land or Ne groes, mast be published for two months. Citations for letters of Administration, Guar dianship Ac., must bo published 30 days—for dis mission from Administration, monthy six months —for dismission from Guardianship, 40 days. Rules for foreclosure of Mortgages must be published monthly for four months—for establish ing lost papers, for the full space of three months —for compelling titles from Executors or Admin istrators, whore bond has been given by the de ceased, ths full space of three months. Publications will always be continued accord ing te these, the legal requirements, unless other wise ordered, at the following Rate? * Citations on letters of Adn illustration &c. ¥2 75 de do dismissory om Adminis tration, 4 60 Citation on dismissory from Guardianship, 3 00 Leave to sell Land or Negices, 4 00 Notice to debtors and creditors. 3 00 Rales of personal property, t m days, 1 square I 60 Sales of land or negroes by Executors, Ac. 6 00 Estrays, two weeks, 3 50 For a man advertising his wife, (in advance,) 6 00 Letters on business must lx (post paid) to en t)tfe them to attention. THURSDAY, JUNE 5, 1856. Speech of the Hon. Howell Cobb. Our readers will find in our paper of to day, a speech of thia distinguished representative in Congress from our State—commencing on the first page—on the “ Election Bill for the City of Washington.” The measure, although a local, is nevertheless one of great pnblic impor tance, to which Mr. Cobb’s speech Imparts an interest not felt by those who are not immedi ately interested in its provisions; the law which governs the polls at the Capital of our Union ; and the abuses of the ballot box which have prevailed there. We take this occasion, too, to call the atten tion of our readers to the following article, which we copy from the Macon Journal & Messenger,” in which allusion is made to Mr Cobb, and to tho “ Elements of popularity ” that exist in him. Mr. Cobb—Elements of Popularity. “It is amusing that whilst Mr. Cobb has for years, scouted the idea of riding behind anybody in the Presidential ’race, his availability even as candidate for Vice President is questioned. The well informed New York correspondent of the Charleston Courier in a letter of the 20th inst. save: “Politics absorb almost everything else.— The cauldron begins to seethe and bubble and boil. Not only the various parties, but con tending factions of the same party are toiling and working against each other with the des - Deration of despair. Who will be the n»ra inee of the 'Democratic and Black Repub lican Conventions, no one seems able or willing to predict. As far as this city is concerned. Buchanan is the man of the Democratic party while it makes no difference who the Black Republicans put up, as he is sure to be black balled when it comes to voting. « Mr. Fillmore, too, is extremely popular. If tbtre were a ghost of a chance of his success THE CHEAPEST POLITICAL AND NEWSPAPER IN THE SOUTH—A WEEKLY FIRESIDE COMPANION FOR ONLY ONE DOLLAR A YEAR, IN ADVANCE. ATT.ANTA. GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 5. 1856. the great mass of no party men would support him. With us, the choice is between the nom inee of the American and Democratic Conven tions—anything to kill the Black Republicans. If Mr. Pierce or Mr. Douglass is nominated, and the party sticks to them, there are fears that the Black republicans will go in. . Hunt er, of Virginia, with some good Northern man snch as Greene C. Bronson, would sweep the country. Here, as everywhere else, there is a strong feeling in favor of your distinguished citizen, Gov. Aiken. Were he placed on the same ticket with Mr. Buchanan, nothing could pre vail against them. There are few Southern men against whom so little, and in whose favor so much, is said by the Northern newspapers, as Gov. Aiken. Cobb, of Georgia, has not the same elements of popularity.” Now this is too bad. After Mr. Cobb has performed so many missions to Tammany, and extended his labors of love to New Hampshire that his efforts in the great cause of “civil and and ’religious liberty” should be so poorly ap preciated ! “Elements of popularity 1” That’s the sensation. Alas, alas, for the country.” The article to which the “ Journal & Mes senger” refers, and which it copies for the purpose of giving Governor Cobb a ''lefthand cd lick,” made its appearance a few days ago in the Charleston Courier, and was written with the evident intention of showing up Mr. Fill more’s extreme popularity, and of flattering Gov. Aiken, a gentleman, “every inch of him,” but who, when 'compared to Gov. Cobb, as a statesman, or legislator, or as exercising influ ence through the force of his intellect, is, all candid men will admit, who know them both, just “no where." The article, too, we will venture the assertion, is written by u political enemy of both these gentlemen, but who, aware of Gov. Aiken’s personal, and well deserved popularity in Charleston, could not compliment one democrat, without qualifying it by cun ningly depreciating another, and that other must, of course, be, not an obscure but a distin guished individual. In this light, there are but few observant readers of “ penny liner ” New York, or Washington City Correspondents, who do not view all such effusions, and we are sure that but for a “ hard hearted ” prejudice against Gov. Cobb, that the Editors of the “ Journal and Messenger ” would not have so glorified over the estimate placed upon the elements of popularity ” in one of Georgia's most distinguished sons, by the Charleston Conrier’a New York Correspondent. They went off, however, upon that “sensation," and “ Alas, alas, for the country,” we fear they too often do so for the welfare of the South. Elements of popularity! What are they ? Suavity of manners, genteel deportment, some times u fawning and sycophancy, or demagogue ism, that the man of talent, of true merit, the patriot, or statesman, despises 1 No, no, such are not Gov. Cobb’s elements of popularity, and God forbid they ever should be. The “ elements” of his popularity are of an order not apt to draw forth eulogies from New York Correspondents, who, in Millard Fillmore, see extreme “ popularity,” and in Gov ernor Cobb not so much as in Governor Aiken. Georgia’s distinguished favorite has earned for himself, a popularity at home, and attained a celebrity abroad, from the display of elements iu his character thot com mand respect where it is worth commanding, even though his high position and influence may thwart or foil political opponents: In this latter category we must place the Journal & Messenger, and trust that its Editors wiP hereafter be willing to concede something to Gov. Cobb, on the score of merit and his em inent services to the State and the South. If not, it may be thought, by aven tome of their readers, that there is no little of personal malice mixed up with their rejoicings at disparage ment of Gov. Cobb, come from what quarter it may. CONGRESSIONAL of Hon. Howell Cobb, OF GEORGIA. On the election bill for the city ofWashington; delivered in the House of Representatives May 15, 1656. Mr. COBB. I_desire to reply to the remarks which have beeu made on the other s'de of the question, and I also'intend to propose an amend ment myself. Therefore, I am not willing to pursue a course which will preclude me from that opportunity. The gentleman from Maryland. Mr. Speak er, who has just taken kis seat, became more ardent, mere eloquent, and more enthusiastic at that point of his remarks where he indulged in a charge of coalition against his friends on this side of the House with the republicans on the other side. The gentleman seemed to lay much stress upon the idea that to carry this bill through there had been a coaliaon between the repub lican and the democratic parties. The history of this session of Congress, made up on your record, will exhibit to the country whether the coalition with the republicans has been more frequently made and more successfully carried, out by the party of my friend from Maryland or by the democratic party. There was uot a full coalition at the time that you, sir, was con ducted to that chair, but it was not the fault of my friend from Maryland. [Laughter.] He says now that on this question «e have formed a coalition. Will he look at the record and see how the vote stands on the test questions that have been before the House ? If he does, he will find himself, there recorded with a much larger number of the'republican party than - Ik will find recorded with this side of the Hoose. But in addition to all that, sir, my friend from Kentucky [Mr. H. Marshall] was not so hor rified at the idea of coalition with the repub lican party on yesterday, for lie made a direct appeal to them to come to the rescue, and to stand by them. Not only is the coalition ex isting between you and the majority of the re publican party, but it is actually existing at your earnest request, and all who do not unite and co-operate with you have themselves, and not you, to blame for that. You are innocent. My friend from Ky. on yesterday appealed to them. He said: “Gentleman on the otherside will understand that I am not surprised at the course they are pursuing. I have always understood their views ; but I bad supposed that the views of this side of the House where more conservative of the rights of the native citizen, and more nearly coincided with the views of the great mass of the American people upon the questions connected with suffrage.” My friend from Ky. thought yesterday that his party and the republican party were nearer together than were the republican party and the democratic party. I thought he was right yesterday ; I am of the same opinion to day; and I give him the full benefit of all that he can make out of it. But the gentleman from Mary land is not only responsible for the appeals made by his party associate ; he himself con cluded his argument to day by addressing him self most earnestly to the anti-Nebraska senti ment of that side of the House in order to in duce a sympathy with him on this question, and to get them to unite with him in warring on this bill. lake,’then, your own appeal, the appeal of your friend, your own record, the rec ord of your friends made during this session of Congress, and they all point to that more im portant coalition which is to defeat the demo cratic candidate for the presidency, and, if you have the power, and if your influence be felt, to instal into the presidential chair a black repub lican. But, sir, I am not disposed to leave the true merits of this question, and to follow the gen tleman from Maryland off on these side issues. He has made points on this bill, and I propose to meet them. Sir, the best reply that I can offer to what has been said by my friend from Maryland would be to call the attention of the House for one moment to the provisions of this bill. What are they ? Four objects are pro posed to be accomplished by it. One is to prevent the commissioners of elections from committing frauds in the election. Another is to enable the minority of the board of aidermen and common council to have a voice at the polls by having a representative of their own friends there, although he will be in a minority. The third is to provide for additional precincts in order that all the citizens may have an opportu nity of voting without such scenes of riot, con fusion, and, it niay be, bloodshed, as have oc curred in other cities. The fourth is to give ample time for voting—between seven oclock in the morning and seven o’clock in the af ternoon. These are the four provisions of the bill which have been denounced as such an out rage on American sentiment and American principle. Which one of these provisions outrages the American sentiment of the country ? Is it that which requires your commissioners of election to act honestly ? for, with all that my friend from Maryland has said, no honest commissioner will subj“ct himself to the penalties of the law. Every dishonest one ought to be subjected to them. I apprehend, then, that no one will place his opposition to the bill upon that pro vision. I wi.l discuss more fully the details of the argument in regard to that provision. Is there an objection to allowing the minority a member of the board of commisioners of elec tion, as provided for in this bill? Do gentle men desire that the majority shall have the en tire control of the ballot box, connected with the fact that they are unwilling to subject those who have the control of the votes to the penalties which this law proposes to impose for dishonest and fraudulent conduct ? Put the two provisions together, and a man less charitable than myself might place a very unfavorable construction upon the opposition of gentlemen to these provisions of the bill— the construction that you are determined, first, that the minority shall have no commissioner there to aid in superintending the election; and that you are determined, secondly, that a com missioner who perpetrates fraud upon any citi sen, or upon all the citizens, shall not be pun ished therefore. The ether remaining provis ions of the bill the gentleman from Maryland says he does not object to. Now, I ask wbat is there in all this to incur the hostility and opposition that have been manifested on this floor against the passage of this bill ? Gentlemen say that this question of suffrage is not properly regulated in this city. I agree with them ; it is not properly regulated. And, sir, when we had a bill before this House for the purpose of correcting that evil, it met a fate with which every one here is familiar.— The reason of the question which was then made to it was because we were seeking to cor rect those ineqnalitiesin regard to the right of suffrage. That bill had to be abandoned by its friends; we had to leave for another time the correction of those things of which we com plain in regard to the right of suffrage, in order that we might at least strive under the present law to secure the benefits of an honest elec tion. Now, sir, what we desired was to pass this bill, and allow this people, under the existing laws, to have a fair and honest bona fide ex pression of the public sentiment through the legally authorized voters at the election that is soon to transpire. Does any man believe that the passage of this bill will prevent that result? Has any man offered an argument to show that the passage of this bill will produce any other than a fair expression of public opinion ? If not, then why not give this people the benefit of these provisions, and allow them to have this law carried into effect in time to [permit them to derive the benefit of it at the coming election? But my friend from Ki nt icky, not content with there provisions, u'though be and his foiends defeated -the bill I upon that ground, when it was proposed to settle this very ques tion of suffrage;-comes in now with an amend ment, for the purpose of amending the law on the'subject of suffrage. To that amendment, sir, lam utterly opposed. I desire that it may be read, iu order that I may present to the House my reasons for opposing; and I believe that, if understood by this House, it. will be voted down. I shall, in this connexion, offer to the gentleman from Kentucky a substitute for his amendment; and I will give my rea sons for it after it has been read. Mr. Marshall’s amendment was reported as follows: Provided, That any alien being naturalized between December and the day of election, in any year shall be entitled to vote at the next succeeding election, only on the same condi tions as are required, by existing laws, of na tive-born citizens who may arrive at the age of twenty-one years between December and the day of election, in the same year. Mr. Cobb. Now sir, upon its face that amendment appears all right, and its injustice is only seen and known when you come to look at it in connexion with the law as it now stands —the construction put upon which was so much c mplained of by the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. Davis.] Under the existing laws, no one has a right to vote, unless he be a citizen, has arrived at the age of twenty-one years, and, in addition to that, has paid his school tax. No one is re quired to pay his school tax, unless his name is placed upon the register prior to the 31st of December. And when that register is made up on the 31st of December, the question is then ascertained who shall vote at the next election. A young wan arriving at the age of twenty-one years after the 31st of December is not put upon the register, because be was not subject to the school tax; therefore his name, while he was yet a minor, was not placed upon the reg ister, and he is not eligible to vote at the next election, because of his failure, owing to his mi nority, to pay his sehool tax. It has been construed by the courts, and your city council have acted upon the same con struction, that an unnaturalized citizen is a cit izen within the meaning of this law, so that be is registered and required to pay the school tax. That is the reason why the naturalized citizen, who is naturalized between the 31st of December and the day of election, is entitled to vote, while the native-born citizen, who at the same time arrives at the age of twenty-one, is not; because, by law, they have made that right to depend upon registry and the payment of school tax. I trust lam understood by the House. Now, what does the gentleman from Ken tucky propose to do by his amendment ? He proposes to exclude the naturalized citizen who iias been naturalized since the 31st of Decem ber, and before the election, from the right to vote, because the native-born citizen who ar rives at the age of twenty-one years is also ex cluded ; but with this discrimination, that the native is not made to pay tax, while the natu ralized citizen is registered and made to pay a school tax. Thct is hisamendment. It is that you shall say to the naturalized citizen, “You shall pay a tax, but you shall not vote;” while they say to the native-born citizen, “You shall not vote, and we will not require you to pay any tax.” Mr. Keitt. I ask the gentleman from Georgia whether the amendment of the gentle man from Kentucky does not impose the same conditions upon the native as upon the natural ized citizea? Mr. Cobb. I know that the phraseology of the amendment is calculated to produce that impression ; but the gentleman from Kentucky will not deny that I am placing the proper con struction on his amendment. Mr. Marshall. I understand the operation of my amendment to be as plain as language can express it— that the same conditions shall apply to both. As to the distinction which the gentleman from Georgia names—that you will require the alien to pay a tax and be register ed—let me say that I do not understand that you make a registration of the alien at all, and therefore be could not be required to pay a tax. Mr. Cnbb. If he does not pay a tax and is not upon the register he cannot vote ; under the existing law he is excluded, jnst as a native born citizen is excluded when he arrives at the age of twenty-one years between the 31st De cember and the day of election. The distinc tion which I have drawn is the truth. I will test the sincerity of gentlemen on the other side of the House in reference to this matter by now asking my friend from Kentucky, in stead of urging his amendment which excludes aliens, to extend the right of suffrage both to the naturalized citizen who was naturalized after the 31st of December, and to the native born citizen who arrives at the age of twenty one years after the 31st of December. I say that I am not in favor of excluding the native born citizen ; and as the gentleman from Ken tucky has control of this matter, having the motion to commit in his control, and also his amendment, I ask him to modify his amend ment so as to provide that the foreign-born citizen who is naturalized between the 31st of December and the day of election shall be ad mitted to registry and allowed to vote; and, also, that the native-born citizen who arrives at the age of twenty-one years between the periods of time shall also be allowed to vote. Mr. Marshall. Will the gentleman indulge me? I read from the charter: “ The said corporation shall have power to lay and collect a school tax on every free white male citizen." Mr. Cobb. Has my friend so soon forgotten the argument made by the gentleman from Maryland ? Has the House forgotten the ar gument based on the opinion given by the ju dicial officers of this District, and the opinions given by the attorneys to the board of aider men and common councilmen, and on which they have acted—that they have construed the word “citizen” uot to be a citizen of the United States, but a citizen of the city of Washington ? I know that tl*3 thing can be covered over darkly, and we may have some difficulty in ar riving at the truth.' I know that this bill may be defeated by putting in an unjust amendment like this, and'gentlemea arrayed against it be cause it is founded upon an erroneous construc tion of the law. I will pnt an end to the ques tion. I again appeal to the gentleman from Kentucky to alter his amendment, so as to pernut the citizen wbo is naturalized between 31st of December and the day of election, and the native-born citizen who arrives at the age of twenty-one between the same periods of time, to vote; and I will support his amend ment. What is the objection to it ? Mr. Marshal!.. The gentleman makes a di rect appeal to me. I say to him that my mo tion to commit this bill to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union will af ford me the opportunity to present to the com mittce an amendment which will put the suf frage on what I conceive to be the proper ba sis. I will present that amendment if the House will go into committee and give me a chance. Mr. Cobb. I beg that the House, if they in tend to do justice, will mark well this conver sational argument between the gentleman from Kentucky and myself. Mark you. he has his amendment pending here. If the motion to commit be voted down, no one will have an opportunity to move to amend his amendment. I stands ready for a vote. He has it in his power to put that amendment right. I again appeal to him to place the amendment on the principle which I have presented to the House. lie complains that we desire to discriminate against thonative born citizen. I repudiate it in my own behalf, and in behalf of those with whom I am politically associated ; and before this House and the country I repeat the test to the gentleman from Kentucky .’ I challenge him to meet me on the ground of equality be tween the naturalized citizen and the native born. Does lie stiff refuse ? Is there no re lenting of that stern American sentiment against the naturalized citizen ? Will he ex clude the native born, because, by admitting him to the right to vote, the same right is giv en to the naturalized citizen ? I put it to the candor and frankness of this House to say whether or not the gentleman from Kentucky stands justified before the country in still fur ther urging that amendment, the language of which has already created a false impression on ano less intelligent gentleman than my friend from South Carolina, ] Mr. Keitt.] Now ifyou want it free of all doubt, of all difficulty, so that everybody will understand it, and that ev ery man of this House who is controlled by right feeling and a proper spirit may vote for it, make the amendment as I have proposed.— I again appeal to my friend from Kentucky. [Laughter.] My amendment would be that every native-born citizen arriving at the age of twenty-one after the 31st of December, shall have the right to have his name register ed, and that he shall be subject to the burdens and entitle! to the privileges, of others who have been registered. I would go further ; I would even allow those young men who have arrived at the age of twenty-one between De cember and the day of election to vote without the payment of a tax. I would go even furth er, and extend that privilege to all voters. I trust that the gentleman will bear in mind the provisions of this amendment and its effect, and not forget the refusal of my friend to make it clearly intelligible when they come to vote on this matter ; and I appeal to the friends of the bill to vote down the amendment unless it be made right, as well as the mo.ion to com« mit. One word in reference to the construction of this law. They object to th’s law because my friend from Maryland says that we have the judicial officers, the marshal, the jarors—that we have control of the whole machinery of the judicial department of this District, and that this is the ground work for persecuting commissioners who honestly and faitbfully dis charge their duties. lam not familiar with the details ol criminal law in this District, bat I apprehend that here, as well as in every other portion of our country, ample provision’s are made to insure to all persons accused of crime a fair and impartial trial. I want to know on what evidence it is connected with the past history of the judicial courts—the crimi nal court of this District—whether under a democratic or any otlier administration of the government, the gentleman from Maryland charges that your judge, your tnaishal, your jurors are so corrupt that they can be made willing tools to carry out the infamous proceed ings of politicians, and punish honest men who are free from the charge of any crime whatever? When has it been done? If this House are prepared to say, on the gentleman's statement, that your judge, your marshal, and your jurors, under the system orovided by law for the execution of the crim nal laws of this District; are so corrupt that you cannot trust in their bands the trial of there commissioners of election, the responsibility rests on every member to sec to it that other citizens for other offences are rescued from this corrupt and infamous judiciary of the District of Columbia. Can my friend from Maryland sit still and have his anxiety and his enthusiasm aroused for no other men but these commiss ioners of election ? Will all the other citizens of the District continue to be subjected to this corrupt marshal, this dishonest judge, these infamous jurors? and is there no voice raised on the floor of this House to ask of Congress a remedy for these evils in the future, and that justice may done in the criminal court of this District? It is a miserable scare-crow raised up by the gutleman from Maryland for the pur pose of hiding his retreat from the argument My friend from Maryland does not believe that that state of corruption exists here. If he does, the sooner he asks for an investigation leading to an impeachment of these officers, the better. They deserve it. Mr. Davis, of Maryland. Removal from of fice is a shorter remedy. Mr. Cobb. How do you propose to do that? Mr, Davis. On tie 4th of March next. Mr. Cabb. W hen your party gets into pow er? Mr. Davis. Precisely so ; by that means. Mr. Cobb. Death will remove them all long before that time. [Laughter.] Mr. Davis. Does the honorable gentleman suppose that the midnight assassins will take them off before that time? Mr. Cobb. Ido not know of the movements of there midnight assassins. You complain of them in Baltimore. My friend from Ken tacky complains of some in Louisville. I know nothing about it. Mr. Davis. We dealt with them summarily in both places. Mr. Cobb. I expect you di i, before as well after the election. That was what created the difficul y. If you had not been dealing with them there would have been no trouble. Mr. Speaker. I have considered the provis ions of this bill. I believe it was my friend, from Alabama [Mr. Walker] who desired to insert the word “wilfully” after the word “knowing.” Ido not object to that ; but 1 say that the argument upon that branch of the subject is intended only to create difficulty and trouble in the passage of this bill, the gentle mau from Maryland told you that if you put in those words he would not vote for it. That would uot be sufficient for his purpose. With out going into a technical argument upon the legal significance of the word, “knowi.igly,” I put the question to every inciqber of this House, and by his answer to his con cience let him control his vote, if you pass a law for the punishment of a Commissioner, for -knowing' ly” refusing to allow a man to vote, and there by violating a provision of this law, is there a man here who believes that there can be found a judge or jury who will convict such a com missioner when he comes with clian hands and exhibits an honest purpose to discharge his duty as such commissioner ? Is there a judge who sits upon the bench, or a jury that sits iu the box, who, for any political or party pur pose, would allow the conviction of an honest man who has attempted honestly and faithfully to discharge his duty ? There is n>t a man here who believes that any such conviction ever will take place, because tiie law would nbt au thorize or justify it, and we are bound to be lieve that the Courts will enforce the law.— And, as is suggested by my friend from South Carolina, if they were disposed to conviction of these parties, could th =y do it under the lan guage used iu this bill without there was man ifested a clear intent on the part of the accused te violate the law? But, in addition to all that, the friends of this bill occupy a strange position. At pres ent they are excluded, or no. heard, in the ap pointment of commissioners. This law pro vides the mode in which they shall have a hear ing. Their own commissioners are subjected to the penalties of this bill, as well as the com misioners appointed by the oppnsite parties ; and is it not strange that men who are seeking for the first time to obtain a right which, un der the administration of thin city government, they couid not obtain, should now ask to have pains and penalties attached that will operate up thcmselves and their own friends, unless they believed that these pains and penalties were necessary for the purpose of protecting the ballot-boxes ? I shall not, Mr. Speaker, reply to the re marks of the gentleman from Maryland in ref erence to the administration urging this meas ure forward. For myself, lam perfectly will ing you should hold them responsible for it. I have in these few remarks placed myself upon the record in defence of the provisions of this bill. I put that defe. ce upon the principles o; justice uud equality. The arguments I have offered upon the subject of suffrace rest upon the principle of perfect equality between natu ralized or native born citizens ; und, so far as the bill goes in reference to the punishment of men committing a fraud upon the ballot-boxes, I desire to know who here stand opposed to it ? Let the record be made, We tender the issue if gentlemen see proper to meet it. There rests the isss te; and let the country decide between us who is right and who is wrong. 1 ora wilU ing to abide the judgment of the people through out the land upon the principles involved in this bill. Senators Sumner and Butler. The following is that portion of Senator Sumner’s speech relating to Senator Butler which provoked the attack upon him by Mr. Brooks, who is a relative of our respected Sen ator : “But before entering upon the argument, 1 must say something of a general character, particularly in tesponse to what has fallen from Senators who raised themselves to eminence on this floor in championship of human wrongs ; I mean the Senator from South Carolina, (Mr Butler,) and the Senator from Illinois. (Mr. Douglas,) wbo, though unlike as Don Quixote and Sancho Fanza, yet, like this couple, sally forth together in the same cause. The Senator from South Carolina has read many books o chivalry, and believes liimsdf a chivalrous knight, with sentiments of honor and courage. Os cotirse he has chosen a mistress to whom he has made bis vows, and who, though ugly to others, is always lovely to hinr; though pollu ted iu the sight of the world, is chaste in his sight—l mean the harlot, slavery. For her, his tongue is always proluse in words. Let bei be itupi’aclied.in character, or any proposition madJNfrHiut her oat from the execution of her wantonness, and no extravagance of manner or hardihood of ass rtion is then too great for this Senator. The frenzy of Don Quixote, in be half of his wench Dulcinea del Toboeo, is all surpassed. The asserted rights of Slavery, which shock equality of all kinds, are cloaked by a fantastic claim—equality. If the Slave States cannot enjoy what, in mockery of the great fathers of the Republic, be misnames equality under the Constitution—iu other words, the full power in the National Territories to compel fellow men to unpaid toil, to separate husband and wife, and to sell little children at the auction block, then, sir, the chivalric Sena tor will conduct the State of South Carolina out of the Union! Heroic Knight! Exalted Senator 1 A second Moses come for a second Exodus. • But not contented with this poor menace which we have been twice told was ‘•measured,” the Senator, in the unrestrained chivalry of his nature, has undertaken to apply opprobrious words to those who differ from him on this floor. He calls them “sectional and fanatical and opposition to the usurpation in Kansas, he de nounces as “an uncalculating fanaticism ” To be sure, these charms lack all grace of origi nality, and all sentiment of truth ; but the ad venturous Senator does not hesitate. lie is the uncompromising, unblushing representative on this U’jor of a flagrant sectionalism, which now domineers over the Republic, and yet with a ludicrous ignorance of bis own position—un able to see himself as others see him—or with T. BURKE, PROPRIETO NUMBER 43. I au effrontery which even bis white head oughl not to protect froti rebuke, he applies to those here who resist his sectionalism the very epithel which designates himself. ’I he men who strive to bring back the Government to its origina ] policy, when Freedom and not Slavery was , national, he arraigns a3 sectional. 'lbis wil i not do. It involves too great a perv. rsion ol I terms. I tell that Senator, that it is to him . self, and to the “organization” of which he is i the ‘'committed advocate,” that this cpiihet belongs. I now fasten it upon them, ror . myselt I care little Tor names, hot since tin > question has been raised here. 1 affirm that the Republican party of the Union is in no just , sense stctional, but, more than any other party. national; and that it now goes forth to dislodge . from the high places of the Government the tyrannical sectionalism of which the Senator , from South Carolina is one of tlie maddest • zealots. To the charge of fanaticism 1 also reply. Str, fanaticism is found in an enthusiasm or exng j geration of opinions particularly on religious subjects; but there may be a fanaticism for evil as well as for good. Now, I will not deny J that there arc parsons among us loving liberty too well for their personal good, in a selfish generation. Such there may be, and, for the sake of their example, would that there were more! In calling them “fanatics” you cast contumely upon the whole army of martyrs, from the earliest day down to this hour, upon the great tribunes of human rights, by whom life, liberty and happiness on earth, have been secured ; upon the long line of devoted patriots, who throughout history, have truly loved their country ; and, upon all, who, in noble aspira tions for the general good and in forgetfulness of self have stood out before their age, anil gathered into their generous bosoms the shafts of tyranny and wrong, in order to make a path way for Truth. You discredit Luther, when alone he nailed his articles to the door of the church at Wittenberg, and then, to the imperial de mand, that he should retract, firmly replied : “Here I stand ; I cannot do otherwise, so help me God!” You discredit Hampden, when alone he refused to pay the few shillings of ship-money, and shook the throne of Charles I; you discredit M ilton, when, amidst the corrup tions of a heartless court, be lived on, the lofty friend of liberty, above Question or suspicion ; you discredit Russell and Sidney, when, for the sake of their country, they calmly turned from family and friends, to tread t. e narrow steps of the scaffold ; you discredit the early founders of American institutions, who preferred the hardships of a wilderness, surrounded by a savage foe, to injustice on beds of ease; you discredit your later fathers, who, few in num bers and weak in resources, yet strong in their cause, did not hesitate to brave tlie mighty power of England, already encircling the globe with her morning drum beats. Yes, sir, of such are the fanatics of history, according to the Sena or. But 1 tell that Sen ator, that there arc characters bad y eminent, of wh tse fanaticism there can be no question. Such were the ancient Egyptians, who wor shipped divinities in brutish forms ; the Druids, who darkened the forests of oak, in which they lived, by sacrifices of blood ; the Mexicans, who surrendered countless victims to the pro pitiation of their obs one idols ; the Spaniards, who, under Alva, sought to force the inquisi tion upon Holland, by a tyranny kindred to that now employed to force slavery upon Kan sas! and such were the Algerines, when in solemn conclave, after listening to a speech not unlike that of the Senator from South Caroli na, they resolved to continue the slavery of white Christians, and to extend it to the coun trymen of Washington ! Aye, sir, extend it! And in this same dreary catalogue faithful his tory most recoid all who now, in an enlightened age and in a land of boasted Freedom, stand up, in perversion of the Constitution and in de nial of immortal truth, to fasten a new shackle upon their fellow man. If the Senator wishes to see fanatics let him look around among his own associates ; let him look at himself. ARRIV ALOFTHESTEAM SHIP BALTIC. Four Days Later From Europe. Nkw York, May 27. The American steamer Baltic, Captain Ccmstock, bos arrived with Liverpool dates to Muy 14. Cotton Market. There bak been no change in the Cotton market since the sailing of the Canada. Sales on Monday, Tucsdhy and Wednesday, fifteen thousand bales. . • Manchester Trade. Trade in the Manufacturing districts about the-same as previously reported. Political News. Gen. Walker’s buttle at Rivas, as well as Central American affairs generally, hud excited bnt little attention in England. Russia and Sweeden, at a conference at 01- denberg, had agreed to the proposition of Den mark, in regard to the Sound Dues, if other na tions interested will acquiesce. Affairs in relation to Italy are liberally dis cussed. Russia is commencing another campaign against the Circassians. A commercial treaty has been concluded be tween the United States and Persia. Russia demands an explanation of the terms as well as the reasons for the secret treaty betwteeu France, England and Austria, which guaranties the independence of Turkey. The Kandnl Case. New Orleans, May 24.—The Marshal Hau sou case, in the matter of the United States vs, Mr. Kendall, the late postmaster in this city was concluded this evening, the jury after del berating for half an hour, having found a ver dict of not guilty.