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fr HE PUBLIMIIKD WBftKLY BY WILLIAM B. HAHBiaOK. AT THHKK D LI, AES PKB PAYABLE IN ADVANCE —J- AN EXPOSITION 0/” rAs Virginia Resolutions of 1709. NO.'4. To Tiiomab Ritchie, Esq. In my last letter, Sir, I submitted for your solution, a proposition, which appears tome to place you in cons derable difficulty. A ♦tm in the tiols might, in perfect consistency *wnh his character, decline all means of es c:<pe, through fear of committing his dignity upon an unsuccessful effort. In ord'T that I may reconcile you to this course, (believing that you are already determined on pursuing it) I proceed to show you that you could not escape, if you would. Vou will perhaps say,that although a State has the right to pronoutice on the constitu tionality of an act of Congress; yet, it is, nev cftheless, bound to submit to an act so pro nounced to be unconstitutional, until the oth er States shall have sanctioned its decision. This, if it were true, might perhaps afford some ground ofapoiogy for the President and Congress. It is this which 1 hive already alluded to, as presenting the only possible chance of escape from the horns of rnv di lemma. Indeed, Sir, it may be useful for you to know, that a great many of the most vociferous denouncers of nullification go with it, in perfect fellowship, until it reaches this point. I will endeavor now to show you that there is no sort of reason for separating here: and if I should Buccced in this effort, you may rely upon it. that a vast number who are now in your ranks will desert to mine I uffirm, therefore, that the Resolutions of 1798, t o fur from countenancing the idea that a Stale which has pronounced an act of Con gress to be unconstitutional,™ bound to o bey that law, until the other States shall sanction its decision, do distinctly assert the precise reverse. This, I doubt not, I shall prove. I presume it will readily be admitted that -Madison’s Report, which was made express ly to sustain those resolutions, is a fair intcr pre'er of their meaning. That Report, af ter staling th“ proposition, that where “resort can be had to no tribunal superior to the au thority ofihe parties, the parties themselves must be the judges in the last resort, wheth er the bargain made'has been pursued or vi olated,” proceeds thus:—“The States, then, being the parlies to the Constitutional com pact, and in their sovereign capacity, it fol lows, ofm'cesiiy, that there can be no tribu nal above their authority, to decide, in the last resort, and therefore, final and conclu sive. Thus must be the correct interpreta tion, unlesstbe Report, by the term “States” and “parties,” intended to limit itsell to the plural number, and, of course, not to include a single State, acting by itself. Th's is, at least, a mere quibble, altogether unworthy of the dignity of the subject, but as there ap pears to be a determina'ion to get rid of our old principles in some way or other, their friends must not neglect their defence, even at those points which would seem impregna -hJy intrenched. If, then, the resolutions do not contemplate the interposition of each Niatf for itself, they must contemplate such interposition either by all the States, or by a majority of the States, or by a plural number. less than a majority of the States. If the first was meant, it was a most useess and r and colons pa.ade of argument, to prove what is altogether self evident. Certainly those who made the Government, have a right not only to check and control it, but even to un ruake it, whenever all of them concur in that wish. If, therefore, this be the meaning of the resolutions, they only affirm what no one Would ever think of denying, and what is c qnaly true of-otho Governments as ours. Do the resolutions, then, refer to a majority of the. States I The same remark applies here. The right of a majority to rul’,is a tun. damentul principle in all Representative Gov err.ments, supposing always, that they exer cise that, right consistently with the rights of Ihoimnority. It follows, a Jortiori, that they have a right to interpose to prevent the mi nari’y from usurping upon their rights. If, then, this tie the meaning of the resolutions, thoy employ a very useless eo emnity in af firming a mere truism. Besides, it is idle to suppose, that the interposition either of all the States, or of a majority of them, is in tended to be assorted as a right, when the otij‘ct is to correct the usurpations of that very majority itself. Certainly those who do the wrong not only have a right to re dress it, tint are in duty bound to do so. Do the resolutions, then, contemplate a plural number less than a majority! If so, a'single Citato inoy act for imelf, upon the same prin. ciple; for there is no rule, either in e'h cs or politics, which measures the rights of a mi -nority, by the mere number who may happen to c unposc i'. Indeed, thatthe action by a eing'c State, for itself, was contemplated, is manifest enough, from other considerations. In the first place, the language imports it, and will be so understood by every reader, who is not prone to look for refinement and sublimity in every thing. Moreover, it is the particular object of the written Constitu tions to define and limit the powers of the Government; to guard against usurpations; to protect the weak against the strong; to guard the rights of the minority against the encroachments of the majority. The States, when they formed the compact, brought to that work their entire sovereignty, and all their rights Iftheydidnot then surrender that sovereignty and those rights altogether, they must have designed to reserve to them selves the task of protecting them. A case may very well arise, in winch an uncon aliiutional 1 ,w may effect the rights of a sin gle S'ate only; and it would be a mocking of Hie very name of State Rights, to say that, ii such case, she may not protect herself. In what o'her course can her‘safety’be ‘pro vided’ for? If twenty-three Slates should u nue i■ int li'gup every right which apper lamtMo the twenty-fourth, has that State no rodrdss except what a majority of thdir op pressors may choose to grant? If tins be ihe ’ ‘meaning of the resolutions, so far from affir- ming and protecting State Rights, they af firm that no tingle State has any rights at all. Besides, the resolutions speak only of the reserved rights of the States, amoiig. which reserved rights, is that which author ises State interposition, to arrest the u-urpa tions of the Federal Government. Now, how are these rights ‘reserved?’ Does one State ‘reserve’ its rights to another State, or any number of other States? This seems to me to be a grant and not a reservation of a r ght. Each State, then, reserves its own rights to itself, and the resolutions affirm that th< right to refuse obedience to an unconstitu ’ ional law,is among the reserved rights. Again If the State-may not act upon its own deci sion until the majoii y have sanctioned it, the right so to decide, is, as to all practical re sults, in that majority, and not in the State. —The State hns only the right to express itsopinion, which opinion, although involv ing her ‘safety, ’ and her Vary existence, goes for nothing, until approved by others. —This is, indeed, a meager State Right, Mr. Ritchie. Besides, Sir, is there not some contradiction in the positions that a State may declare a law to be unconstitutional, and yet that it is bound to submit to that law, for some g ; ven time? What difference is there, in principle, between an obligation to submit to an uncon stitutional law for one day, and an obligation to submit to it forme year, or for ever? I confess tlit I cAe none at oil. Finally, Sir—for the SubjH*eaily was not worthy of even these few practical and popular views of it—suppose that the other States should refuse to say wheihor the particular State wh ch undertakes to pronouce a law uncon stifutioital, is right or wrong? There are no means of compelling them to decide, and, of eburse, a majority of the States, upon your supposition, (if it be yours) have only to stand mule, in order to deprive all the other States, and constitutionally too, of every right which appertains to them.—Nay, even if the other Slates shnuld be disposed to act upon the subject in good faith, the right the individual State interposes to protect, may be such as to be lost for ever, unless it be promptly asserted. Obr Slave population will at once suggest to you such a case. The very delay, therefore, of this previous ap peal, may be fatal to the very Existence of the right. I can scarcely think that it was the intention of the resolutions of 1798, to pro duce any such result as this. And now, Sir, let me bring'you back to my dilemma. The resolutions of 1798, ap proved by you, acknowledge the right of South Carolina to pronounce the Tariff laws unconstitutional; and do not require that she forbear to act on that decision, until it shall be affirmed by a majority ofthe other Slates. South Carolina has pronounced those laws unconstitutional; and you have over and over ngam declared that she is right in that re -Bpc t. flow can you countenance the Pres ident and Congress, in subjecting her peo pie to the sword, for not obeying those laws? I would, if a regard to decorum did not forbid it, de/u you to answer. You ought to give it, and plainly, and satisfactorily too, or else you ought to change your course. You tire encouraging the President in making war upon South Carolina. It is war, Sir, howev er you may disguise it— civil war —with ill its unnumbered train of sufferings, tears and sorrows. A husband and father who con templates this result, must have B nature more callous than I take yours to be, if he can admit into'his calculations, either the “feel ings” of a political favorite, the success of pArty objects, or tho poor pride of opinion. You can, ’if you choose, arrest the wide spreading desolation with which our whole country is threatened. I beseech you to rc flect that it is at least possible, you are per ■nitting innocent blood to be abed, when it is in your power to prevent it. Shall it not, hereafter, be required at your Rands? I know, Sir, that you have to much re spect for public opinion and for decency to urge on the mad measures of this admin stra tion without, at least, an attempt to justify your course. 1 read your paper constantly, yet seldom, of late, without mortification and sorrow. I have seen up on what grounds it is, that you are willing to consign to the sword—a sword that wan never known to spare—a people of ns generous and lofty b Character as the whole world can show. The President has pro'fited by your sugges tions, and has found his proposed measures of violence and carnage upon reasons with which you have furnishcdhini. The history of that mac’s past life, affords full and terrible proof, that he never wants excuses, good or bad, for any outrage w hich hetnny propose to perpetrate upon the laws and ’Constitution of his Country. Posterity will do him justice, al though this age seems determined tobe blind to his real character. I cannot close these Jo tters without an attempt to show, that there is no reason whatever which can justify or ex tenuate the sanguinary purpose which he now entertains. I nave not yet, however, quite don© with the suhject of Null fication. It will be continued in my next letter. From the New York Evening Star. LETTER NO. V. Albany. Sept. 15'h, 1834. To (he Hon. Marlin Van Buren : Sia—During the year 1812, and for some time previous, you were a resident of Hud son. Mr. James A. Hamilton was also a resident ofthe same place. Congenial B|iir its, an intimacy was formed, which has ri pened into a most affectionate and tender friendship. The ties which now bind you together are indissoluble. They are the ties of policy and ofinterest. Each to the other is known. At that period yoa were nomin ally, rallying under different standards; but really, had the same objects in view. It was the design of both to Discredit the war; of both to bring into disrepute, the authors and advocates ofthe war; of both, to decry Sothern men, and Sothern measures; ofboth, to destroy the well earned popularity of Jas. Madison, and thus defeat his re-election. On the 8 h of July, 18)2, an address ofthe Hudson federalists was published. The ob ject was, to convene a meeting of the party in the county, tor the purpose of denouncing the President and the war.—Among other federalists* it was signed by James A-. Hamil ton, and the convention referred to. Resolved, That the war is impolitic, un necessary, and disastrous; dud “that to em ploy the militia in an offensive soar” (that is lo eater Canada) “u unconstitutional.” It was with such men that you were ac ting during thepumr* .T and autumn of 1812, in opposition tp James Madison; and yet your adhcren'B'have impudently represented you as tlie early friend of the war It is not alone the polid? which you pursued in 1812, that I am anxifms to hold up to condemna tion; but the priffigacy, also, of assailing and traducing the opponents of the war, after hav ing acted :n concert with them at its com mencemont, and not having abandoned them un-il they and you, were defeated in the presidential contest. The whole summer and autumn of 1812, the enemies of Mr Madison were indefatiga ble,’ throughout the State of New York, in theif efforts to prevent his re-election. Nor were you, sir, a calm or an idle spectator. Your denunciations oft he war, and its authors were loud and strong. The papers which were ‘supported by you and your friends, (I do not allucc to acknowledged federal jour naisjwere *n the constant habit of using lan gunge, sue) as the following, which is extrac ted from ose of them: August,lßl2. “An administration which enters into war, without revenue, without preparation, and without plan, or with pre paration vnrsethan none, pursues a misera ble course,” df-c. Again, October, TBl2. “ Madison has begot war, war begets debts; debts begets taxes; taxes begets bankruptcy,” cf-c. “ Clinton will beget peace ; peace begets riches and property; property begets har mony, ” fc. Such was the language of the public prints (in this State) Which advoented your views and your policy. Is it unfair, nncan did, to infer that it was done by your authori ty, and with your approbation ? These references are made for the purpose of showt ‘g bow the war, in 1812, “absorbed your whole soul.” It has already been re marked, that Mr. Clinton was nominated at a caucus held n this city, on the 29th of May, 1812. Mr Madison was nominated in Con gressional carcns, on the 22d of May, 1812; and hore I h ire a word for your friend and champion, M’. Ritchie, of Richmond. The old man is good at a somerset. His plesent support of yoii is evidence of the fact. Do you believe, as he evidently does, that Virgin ia can be made lo follow his bidding? While you were thus opposing, Mr. Ritchie was, W'th equal zeal, supporting Mr. Madison. On the 12th of February, 1812, the Virginia legislature held a caucus to nominate electors. It continued, during the evenings of the 13th and 14tli. Andrew Stevenson, was Chair, man; Thomas Ritchie, was Secretary. After giving the ticketihe editor of the En quirer remarks, “It is proper to say, that but one sentiment reigned, through the meeting, arid that the only test laid dbwn, whether they should or should not vote for such and such an elector was—whether be would or would not vote for James Mad.son as President of the United States ” On the.Sd November, 1812, the legislature met in this city for the purpose of choosing electors. You took your seat as a member of the Senate. Governor Tompkins, in his message, announced, that since the last ses sion war had been declared. A committee consisting of Messrs, Wilkins, Van Buren, and Platt, were appointed to draft a respect ful answer. That answer is laconic, cold, and heartless. It contains no sentence ap probating the war, or complimenting the pat riots who had the firmness to assert the na tion’s rights. It contains no denunciation of that government who had plundered our property, incarcerated in floatng dungeans, our defenceless citizens, and who by their wrongs had driven us to take up arms in self defence. And yet with this official document etaring us in the face, you are unblushingly pronounced a friertd to the late war. The following is your chilling language: “Tbe Senate fully concur with your Excel lency in the sentiment that a period like the present when our country is engaged in a war with one of the most powerful nations of Europe, difference of opinion on abstract points, should not be suffered to impede or prevent our united and vigorous support of the constituted authority of tho nation.” Con summate modesty! In this manner you refer to the war tn 1812. But in you had abandoned your late friends. You were again on a committee to answer the Governor’s message. How changed your tone. Speaking of Mr. Madi son and his cabinet, you say—“An adminis trat ion, eelected for us wisdom and its virtues will, in our opinion, prosecute the war till our multiplied wrongs are avenged, and our rights secured.” Indeed ! how patriotic. But why was not this discovery made in 1812 ? Why did you oppose an administration “se lected for its wisdom and its virtues ?” Why did yon attempt to overthrow and cast it down ? Why did you not in 1812, speak of avenging our “multiplied wrongs” and “se curing our rights ?” In 1816 you we’re on h similar committee. Peace had now been proclaimed. In your re ply to the Governor, you say—“ The war in which tbe nation has been involved, was not only righteous in its origin, but successful in its prosecution.” Did you, or did you not, know in 1812, that “the war was righteous in its origin ?” Why was you dumbfounded on the subject at that time? My next letter will notice your course in the caucus of November, 1812, when you opposed the nomination of Col. Henry Rut gers and others, as presidential electors, and then your vote in the Senate, on this nomin ation, will be reviewed. These acts are fine specimens of your early zeal in favor of the war. PATRICK HENRY. From the Charleston Mercury, August 11. THE MEETINo OF YESTERDAY. The citizens of Charleston Assembled yes terday, in all their strength, at the City Hall; all parties and all classes Were there, and u nited in the unanimous adoption and cordial approbation of the Report and Resolutions of the Committee of 21, appointed at a previous adjourned meeting. We never Witnessed a more overwhelming expression of public o pmton ; and while we are confident that the same tn nd a imates and pervades the whole Southern community, we feel satisfied that vigilance alone is requisite to insure tbe eta bility of our Institutions. Even the Fanatics themselves must soon perceive that persever ance in their nefarious plana may abolish tho Union, but can never abolish any thing else. His Honor, the Intendant, being called to the Chair, and Wm Patton, Esq, appointed Secretary, Judge COLCOCK, as Chairman of the committee, addressed the meeting in a very satisfactory speech, explaining the acts and objects of the committee, and submitted the Preamble and Resolutions following, which were unanimously adopted, the Reso lutions being separately put and carried. “The Committee of Twenty-One, to whom was referred the important subject on which the citizens of Charleston were lately con vened, beg leave to Report—that they have had the matter referred to them under due deliberation, and recommend the adoption of the annexed resolutions. Tho committee have purposely abstained from any labored argument on the subject of Slavery, not from any inability to sustain, on moral and scrip turul grounds, its existence and toleration as now established in South Carolina, but from a deep conviction of the fixed resolution of the people of this State, to permit no discus sion within her limits, of Rights, which she deems inherent and inseparable from the very existence of the State ; rights, which existed before the Union was formed, and which were guaranteed to her by the Federal Constitu tion, when, as a Sovereign State, she became a member ofthe Confedera; y. The Commit, tec therefore submit the following Resolu tions for the adoption of the Citizens, with out further comment; 1. Resolved, That we hold it to bo an un qnc-tionable truth, that the subject of slavery aB it now ex'sts in the Slave holding States of this Union, is, in all itn bearings, n domes tic -question, belonging exclumvety to the citizens of these States ; —that the people of no other State have any right to interfere therewith, in any manner whatsoever—and that such interference is utterly inconsistent with the Federal compact, and cannot be sub mitted to. 2. Resolved. That we regard with the ut most indignation and abhorrence, the pro ceedings of those Incendiaries in some of our Sister States, who, under the name of “Afiti-Slavery Societies,” and other specious appellations, are endeavoring to undermine our Isti'utions, regardless ofthe fatal conse. quences which mu9t inevitably result from the pro-ecution of their nefarious schemes, which, if successful, could not fail to involve the Southern States in rum, and produce the utter destruction of that class of persons for whose welfare they pretend to be so solici tous. The statements recently put forth of the existence at this time, of 250 such Societ cs in thirteen States, and the weekly issue from a single Press in the Cty f New York, of from 25 to 50.000 copies of these locendmy Pamphlets and Papers, with which our Public Mail has been lately burdened, and which are how spreading their deleterious influence throughout the Southern States—admonish us of the absolute necessity of taking prorrfj>f and decisive measures, to avert the dire ca lamities which such proceedings ate so well i alculated to produce. 3 Resolved, That these proceedings have brought abont a crisis which makes an ear nest, and wo trust it may prove an irresistible appeal, to all such of our Fellow Citizens in the non-Slave holding States db may disap prove of these Societies and their measures, calling upon them by every consideration of duty and of patriotism to manifest that disap probation, not merely by the expression of their opinions, but by the most active, zealous and perserving efforts to put down these As sociations, and to suppress that fanatical spirit which in pursuing an imaginary good, is re gardless of the fatal consequences which are inseparable even from its continued prosecu tion, among which, not the least to be lament ed, would be THE CERTAIN DESTRUC TION OF THE UNION. 4. Resolved, That under our political sys tem, where b number of Sovereign States are united together by a written compact in a Federal Union, for special purposes only, each member of such an union has an un questionable right to expect and require, (what is indeed the very basis of such a con. nexion) that no interference whatever shall take place with her domestic policy, or peculiar institutions, either by the con stituted authorities ofthe Federal or other State Governments, or by the people of other States, and it is the imperative duty of each State, to prevent by suitable penalties and provisions, their own Citizens from being guilty of any such interference with the Do mestic policy of any other State. 5. Resolved, That he Post Office establish ment, connot, consistently with the Consti tution of the United States, and the object of such an Institution, be converted into an in strument for the dissemination of Incendiary publications, and that it is tbe duty of the Federal Government to provide that it shall not be so prostitu ed, which can dasily be ef fected by merely making it unlawful to trans port by the Public Mail, through the limits of any State, any seditious Papers, forbidden by the laws of such State to be introduced or circulated therein, and by adopting the ne cessary regulations to effect tins object. 6. Resolved, That in the event of no effec tual measures being adopted cither by the General or State Governments, or by the people of the non-Slave holding States, for the suppression ofthe great and growing evil of which we complain, it will become the solemn duty ot all these States having a corn interest with us on this subject, to ndopt the most decisive and efficacious measures to PROTECT inEMSELVES. 7. Resolved, That for tho purpose of ma king such an earnest appeal to the people of the non-slave-holding States as may convince theta of the true state of public feeling amon<r us, it would in the opinion of this meeting be desirable to bring about a cordial co-operation among all the Sta es having a common inter est with us. either through a Convention, or in any other way. best calculated to em body public sentiment, so that the truth may be made Known, that however we may differ among obrselves on other pbiritd, we are on this subject united as DnE man, in the fixed and unalterable determina tion TO MAINTAIN OUR RIGHTS AND DEFEND OUB PROPERTY AOAINBT ALL ATTACKS—BE THE CONSEQUENCES WHAT THEY MAY. 8. Resolved, That we have no doubt ofthe right of each State to provide by law ngainst tho introduction of a moral pestilence Cak.fi* lated to endanger its existence, and to giro authority to their Courts adequate to the sup. pression of the evil, and wa therefore respect fully submit to the Legislature of this State, the property of passing Laws (should those now in force not be adequate lo the object) commensurate with the. means now practised against us, and especially giving authority to the Judges by proper warrants, to seize and destroy, & requiring all persons to deliver op tube destroyed,all incendiary publications that may be brought into th s State, calculated to excite domes'ic insurrection or to disturb tho tranquillity, hatpin* ss& safety of the people. 9. Resolved, That a copy of these Resolu tions be transmitted by the Chairman of this Meeting to the Governor of this State, with a request that the same may be laid beforo the Legislature in order that they may tako such measures, as to them may seem proper. That copies be also transmuted to our fellow citizens in each Judicial District of this State, roque ting their concurrence in the senti ments herein expressed. That the Hon, tho City Council be requested to cause, to ba printed at the public expense, 5,000 copies of the foregoing Resolutions, for general dis tribution, and that bis Hon. the Intendant, be requested officially to transmit to the In tendant or Mayor of each incorporated city or town in the United States, a copy thereof, and that a sufficient number of copies be fur nished to the Chairman of the committee, to be by him transmitted in our behalf to such persons in different portions of the Union as inay probably be disposed to concur with UK in the sentiments hore n expressed. , i. 10. Resolved, That the Intendant and Wardens be earnesly requested to exert their . utmost vigilance in detecting and bringing to punishment all persons who may be in any way engaged in furthering in th : s State, tho dangerous scheme of the Anti-Slrvery Socie ty, or other ovil disposed persons, and thqt, if necessary, they do call upon the Citizens to aid them in the petiormance of this duty, and the citizens here present do pledge them selves collectively and individually to use their utmost efforts to aid and assist the con. stituted author, ties in the performance of this important duty. 11. Resolved, That the City Council.be al so requested to take the proper measures to secure the strict performance of the du'y im posed by the law upon the Harbor Master, of keeping a correct list of all persons arriving at, and departing from this port; and that they also request the President and Directors of the Rail Road Company, to have corrsct lists of all persons arrivng and departing by that conveyance, whether white, free colored or slaves, and that measures be taken to have these lists regularly examined to the extent, that. Incendiaries, and other evil disposed per sons coming amongst us, or attempting to pass through this State, may be detected and exposed. 12. Resolved, That these proceedings be signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and published in all the papers of this Sta'e ; and as it is desirable that tbe sentiments of the people ofthe Southern States on this subject, should be generally known, we respectfully request that the pubic presses throughout the United States will make their readers ac quainted with these our proceedings—which we doubt not contain a faithful expression of the sentiments of these States, without dis tinction of parties. C. J. COLCOCK, Chairman’ Edward R. Laurens, Secretary. On motion of H. Bailey, Esq. seconded by R. Yeadon, Esq. Resolved, That the thanks of this meeti “g be returned to the Committee, for their able, zealous, and patriotic discharge of the duties assigned to 1 hem, and for the measures adopt, ed by them for the preservation ofthe publio order and safety. On motion of Capt. Lynah, Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are due to the Reverend Gentlemen of tho Clergy in this city, who have so promptly, and so effectually responded to public senti ment, by suspending their Schools, in which the free Colored population were taught ; and that th s meeting deem it a patriotic ac tion worthy of all praise, and proper to be imitated by other Teachers ofsimilar Schools throughout the State. EDWARD W. NORTH, Chairman. William PaTton, Secretary. We are authorized to state, that the Civil Authority ofthe City have, in pursuance of the Resolution passed at the public meeting yesterday, promptly acted on the matter re ferred to them, so far as to make the necessa ry arrangements with the Post Master and agent of the steam boat. Jackson Mahon, a youth about 18 years of age, and resident of Miliedgeville, who w s convicted upon circumstantial evidence ofthe murder of Martin P. Smith, a citizen of Baldwin County, has been sentenced by Judge John G. Polhii.l, to imprisonment for life at bard labor in the Penitentiary.- This is the first example of the operation of this part of our penal system. An intelligent writer m Hie Nutiona! Intel ligencer under the signature of Tacitus, gives some interesting statistics of the Religions of the world. The Baltimore American says, “His statement however of the sum total of the inhabitants of the earth is below the es timate usually given. He puts down tho whole population at 6even hundred and se venty four millions: most statistical writers make it between eight hundred and a thou, sand millions. He gives the following tablo of the religious subdivisions ofthe wholp : Christians, 260,000,000 Bouddhism, 200,000,000 Mahometans, 100,000,000 Brahmanism, 70,000,000 Judaism, 4,000,000 All other religious Tetichism, 140,000,000 The Christians are divided as follows : Catholicism, 139,000,000 Greek Church, 62,000,000 Protestants, 59,000,000 The Mahometans are divided into two sects, those of Omar and A!i, represented re spectively by the Turks and Persians, and in velerately Hostile to each other. The vast number under the head Bouddhism are divi ded between China and Japan. It is here that there is a numerical deficiency in the statement of the writer, the united popula tion of these countries being generally etlD posed to be not ie ? than 4QO,OOft,ftop.