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tween us, shall be the result of blows which nay be given by yourselves and others, and not by me; but all who commence battle on me I shall hold, as the rest of mankind, “enemies in war ; in peace, friends." That 1 feel mortified that a necessity should have arisen which divides me from old par ty associates, in the choice of President. 1 am free to confess ; and. while I am frank to admit the pu rity of motives that influence their choice, I must say, that nothing hot the strongest sense of dmy to myself and regard for the conntry, roll'd have prompted me to differ. I feel satisfied that the e leetion of General Harrison would be placing the veriest fool into the highest nfficeof the country, to be weilded by abolition and federal influence ; to change our form of Government, and destroy the prospects and energies of the South. Aait will he, doubtless, your desire that your readera should hear my reply, and determine be tween us the issues you have made, you will, of course, insert it in each of your papers ; and, by so duiag, oblige yours, &c. W. T. COLQUITT. SPEECH OF VIR. VOBTKLL, Or MICHIGAN. In Senate, Wedneftay, May 20, 1840—On the bill to establish a uuiform sy stem of bankruptcy, and on the substitute embracing voluntary and invol untary bankruptcy, and ulso corporations. Mr. NORVELL said that his honorable friend from North Caroline, [Mr. Str»nge,J in the learned and able a|>eech which he had vesterdav delivered on the bill and the substitute liefbre the Senate, had, towards its close, expressed doubts whether Con gress had the constitutional power to pass a bank rupt law which would have a retrospective operation on pre-existing contracts. [ Mr. Strange explained, and said that his doubts had reference to the retrua|ief live operation of such • law upon previous acts of bankruptcy.] Mr. Norvell resumed. He did not precisely com prehend the explanation; but it was stiflict'.-nt for the purpose lie had in view, to stale that the power of Cougrcas had been questioned to pass laws of bankruptcy which would operate on contracts ex isting prior to their passage. If this d ctrine were correct; if the debts of individuals which are now due all over the country, and which they arc unable to pay,could not he reached and extinguished by a bankrupt lawful the surrenderor whatever,troperty they at present possess, such a law would nlfortl no relief to their sufferings and distress. No lieu, tit could accrue to the nation from a bankrupt law merely prospective in its operation on future con tracts. He should rote for no stu b law. But, in his iudg went, no doubt ought to exi*t us to the un qualified, unlimited, and express power of Congress over the whole subject of bankruptcy. The object of n bankrupt law was to apply the entire proceeds of the property ot the debtor to the payment ot bis creditor, to relieve ille debtor from nil duress, to set him free, and to protect him in bis future acquisi tions of property. On this subject he should pro duce authorities of a very conclusive character.— In 1327, when a bankrupt bill was under discussion ill the Senate. .Mr. Reed of Mississippi moved an amendment to the first section, declaring* that nothing contained in that section, nor any other provision of the bill, “should extend, or be construed to extend, to anv contract made before the passage and pro mulgation of this act.” In conrideriug the ques tion, “docs Congress possess the power to provide, by a bankrupt law, for the discharge of’ contracts existing anterior to the passage of that law,’’ Mr. Berrien said: •‘That Congress possesses a power over this subject, which is cO-extCn«ive w ith the provirioiis ofthis bill, and which duet uot be I one to the States; in direct term*, that it possesftea the power to provide, by a bankrupt law, for the disst hsrge of pre-existing us w ell as future contracts, may be satisfactorily pro* ed. It results from the express terms of the Constitution; and shat both ntliruiativcly and nega tively; affirmatively by tbefrautof po.ver to Congress to establish uniform I iw* *»n tin*subject of bankruptcies; and negatively, by the denial to the States of the right to pass any law impairing tbo obligation of contracts.” Ha goes oil t Mi’iservc : “With a perfect knowledge that the eifect uud operation of statutes of bankruptcy, in other countries, were to dis charge tlie debtor from pre-existing Contracts; w ith the subject of the inviolability of contract* fliu* obi uiusly pre sented to their mind*, since they w ere engaged in restrain ing the power of the Jit ites in this very pirticular, is it possible to conceive that the fram-rs of the Constitution would have given to Congress a general control over the subje.ct of bank uptcy, unlimited, except in the requisition uniformity, if they had intruded to restrict its exercise in the manner cuut-*ndcd for by the Senator from .Missis sippi? The po.ver un.. d -uied, wx- a (firmed by both Hou se* of Congress in th“ h mkrupt law of l-UO; ami, more thin once sine-* that period, has the sjmeprinciple been fu se ted by the Senate.” The .Supreme Court h.i* also repeatedly derided, j that the power to pass bankrupt laws retrospective j in their operation, was constitutional: and Chief] Justice Marshall Ins laid down the dm*trine, that the power ol Congress over the subject of bankrupt cy was both iiulimit d and supreme, und h;wl declar ed that Ibis principle bad never b.'eu questioned.— -Rut, sir, the .Senate itself, at the close of the debate | on the amendment of Mr. Reed, bus given tbo mod | decisive judgment upon the mibjict. That niueud- j ment received but sixteen voles, while thirty-two votes were record *d against it. Among loose who j thus vot il to reject the amendment, are found the j name* of Mr. R'utoii, Mr. Benin, ir*neral lliirri-. son, Mr. Havtt *, the present N ice Pr-sidml, .Mr. King, Mr. Van Rttren, and Mr. Woodbury. The ; power of (’ougresu to embrace pre-existing eon tracts j in a bankrupt law was, therefore, in bis judgement, conclusively established, and not hereafter to be drawn into question. Mr. IVesid ml, continu’d Mr. V tnv d ep couvic tion is, tint no legislation, no in *nsur., no ooiiibina tion of measure* that we can adopt, would afford one. ; tenth part of the reli.*f to t!ie country which will be j •ecu red to it by the passage of a uniform law of bank- ! ruptcy. But after th i able and eloquent spec lies to which the. Senate have listened, on this subject, I 1 can hope to shed no new light upon it. The vicissi- • tudes am) disnsfrs ofbusiit -ssol till kinds have pro- ! dticcd among all classes of unit so much indebted* 1 ness, such ext inivo distress, a poralv six so uuiver- 1 sal, that it becomes every in •mlicr alive to tliis state j ofthings to contribute his effort*, how *ver feeble they ! may prove, towards the removal of the evils und ‘r j which the country is suffering. It has been often and truly said that thousands of our feilow-eifueus have, hv misfortune—by excess of ov i trading—by J the spirit of speculation —by infecarriigcs in busi ness, become hopelessly einbirias.-.d. They arc unable to relieve them* olve fro u the burdens under which they groan. Their energi *ar * paralyzed— their hopes uud hearts arc crushed beneath the pres sure. It is not un extravagant estimate that not fewer than (wo hundred thousand afour most active, intelligent, and enterprising citizens, from twenty five to fifty vcars of age, are actual bankrupts at this moment. Upon their industry and exertions depend the subsistence and comfort of at least a million more of their connections. Wives and children, brothers and sisters, fathers and mothers, share in the mortification and di-tress. The class of citi zens to whom I allude, if relieved from their pr sent condition—if emancipated from the debts which chain them down to the earth, would not only be en abled to support and educate their families, but to contribute to the enhancement of the wealth and prosperity of the country. The desired relief can ouly be afforded by the passage of a general bank rapt law, embracing all, of whatever pursuit, who re quire to be restored to a free exercise of their indus try and their business faculties. Without a measure of this kind, the debtor, whose 'obligations are beyond his ability to pay, is left with out means and without hope; an outcast and a r^ C roach in the world; mortified, huitfiliated, ’rffiuinPn y others, und degraded in his own estimation; inca pable of holding up big head; his wife and children Rarticipating is the deflation of his feelings; suf sring for want of bread, and with no light beyond the horizon to brighten their future prospects. Such a debtor is, indeed, doomed to drag out a miserable existence. The gloom of a despairing mind casts a cloud over his whole life* His condition stimulates to intemperance. It preys upon his health and spirits. He is broken down in constitution and taind, and brought to a nremature grave, leaving a widowed and an orphan family iu the depths of des pondency. The insolvent laws of the States afford no ade quate relief. They not only take awav all the ex isting property of the debtor, but subject all that he mav acquire hereafter to the payment of ltis debts. Thev afford freedom to his person only within the limits of his own State. If lie has occasion to trav el bevond its boundaries, he is liable to be pursued by the merciless creditor, aided by the harpies of the lawj to be attested and imprisoned among strangers, his family outraged in their feelings, and deprived of bis services for their subsistence. The process of voluntary bankruptcy affords an effective and lasting relief to the debtor, upon the hon est surrender of his effects for the benefit of his credi tors, and protects ltis future acquisitions of property. He can begin the world anew. The process ofinvoluntary bankruptcy, con lined to the merchant and trader, enables the creditor to arrest the wasteful indiscretion and extravagance of the debtor, and strengthens the security of the contract between them. It secures a more certain and full discharge of the debt, and again leaves the debtor free to engage in his accustomed pursuits. Nor does this compulsory species of bankruptcy, as ap plied to merchants and traders, prevent that class of citizens from seeking the benefit of the voluntary provision. Both the bill and the substitute allow all persons to avail themselves of voluntary bankrupt cy. Th" feature ofinvoluntary bankruptcy,is limi ted to merchants, for the mutual benefit oftne credi tor and debtor. The same reasons do not require the farmer to be subjected to this process from his ci editor. In relation tobailks.no other measure than a bank rupt law can be adopted by this Government to se cure a sound currency in bank notes to the country. Os the perfect power of Congress on this point, and indeed over the whole subject of bankruptcy, lie had never entertained the least doubt. The language of the CoiiMitution is explicit ami unqualified, leaving no loop to hang n question on. The excessive issues ofbanxs,the evils ofan irredeemable paper currency, the mi.*c!tief of its ever varying value, can only be effectually restrained and corrected by a law ofhank rupfey. He had the highest authorities to sustain his position on this subject—authorities which had never been questioned. In answer to inquiries propounded to him by the honorable Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Cal houn,] then Chairman of tho Committee on Nation al Currency in the House of Representatives, Mr. Dallas, the Secretary of the Treasury, in a report dated March 19,1816, recommended the adoption of measures to secure the payment of the duos to the Government in specie, Treasury notes, or the notes of such hanks ns redeemed their hills with gold or silver. In that report,he said tliai, w if it should over be come necessary to increase the force of the measures which he had suggested, provision might lie made, under the constitutional power of Congress, to sub ject nil hnnks and bankers, failing to pay their notes recording to the terms of the contract, to seizure of their estates and effects for the benefit of their credi tors, as in a case of legal bankruptcy.*' In n fetter of Mr. Crawford, when Secretary of the Treasury, on the exportation of the coins of the U nited States, addressed to the Committee on Finance iu the Senate, on the 29th of December, ISIB, he s»ivs that, whatever may be the result of the experi ment to preserve the convertibility of bank notes into current specie, until that experiment is tried, “No legislative interference is conceived to he necessa ry, except for the enforcement of the obligation on the part of the banks to discharge their notes in specie when de manded. This can be most certainly effected, by consider ing and punishing, asau art of bankruptcy, any attempt on the part of a bank to circulate its notes whilst it efuses to discharge them iu specie, or the notes of other bank* iu the same situation.” In a report made to the House of Representatives, on tlie currency, the 12th of Feb., 1820, Mr. Craw ford agniu rays, that “Whenever the agency of banks should hr employed in furnishing part of the circulation, a refusal or omission to discharge their notes, on demand, in the national currcucy, should be tre-tfed as an act of bankruptcy.” These distinguished statesmen entertained no doubt of the constitutionality of such a measure. They believed it to Ik* the only efficient check upon the t iideney of the local banks to issue and force a vicious currency upon the country. These ure not the only authorities in favor of ap ply ing the bankrupt principle to bunks. In Feb ruary, 1327, Mr. Branch, pending the bankrupt bill in this body, moved to include banking corporations as fit subjects for the coercive and restraining opera tioii of the bill. He said that the banks of the South had given circulation to a depreciated pnpercurrenry, which subjected the people to great losses, and that measures ought to be adopted to enforce » iust dis i position of their effec ts for the benefit of tnuir nu merous creditors. Mirchantsund i *i\ iduul brokers had been brought within the pains and penalties of th’ bill; and why should not banking corporations, failing or refusing to red 'em t!i *ir d ;bts, their worth less paper, Ik* subjected to the same consequences? Should ( ’ongress legislate with u view to the weaker portion -of the community, and leave it- laws silent, or with the strength of the cobweb, as regarded the stronger portions? Banks bad weighed down, with a tn 'rciless oppression, the community of which lie was ain 'inber. Let the Senate lay the axe at the root of the evil, mid pave the way to a cordial ac ceptance of a bankrupt law throughout the country, by making it instrumental in restraining those arbi trary and ari docrnlic moneyed institutions, which wen- now privileged beyond the pule of the law. If they w ere not checked, lliev would shake the fabric of our liherti % s, and bring dow n ruin upon some of tin* most meritorious classes of the country. .Mr. Smith,of South Carolina, said that the amend ment w as a rational plan for the relief of the people. Rank* refuse to pay their bills with impunity. Why should they In* exempted, any more than individual bankers, or merchants, from the consequences? Til re was no difficulty in applying the principle of bankruptcy to banks. Their presidents ami direc tors, when *ver they commit an act of bankruptcy, could as easily be subjected to th * conse | lienees as anv other individuals. They are tin responsible person*. More evils bad sprung lip from the con duct of the banks, than from tin* invasions of ene mies, or from the commercial disasters of Europe. They were the destroying angels, which luul paused ov *r «itr country with terror and devastation. Mr. Barton coin.-ided in the views which had been expressed in favor of the amendment. Ranks were no mor-'the objects of protection and care to the State Lcgi'laturos than were in rchnnts and others. To bring brinks under a bankrupt law, was no more an iuva-'ioii of St .to sovereignty, than to bring the ni reliant* and other citizens of the States under its op 'ration. Then was no difficulty in the case. Mr. R‘»ed said, that to declare u bank to be bank rupt, did not forfeit it* charter. The only effect of tie amendment would hi* to compel the hanks to pity tluir <1 l>t*. It did not affect the rights of the Slates. ,Vr. Van Bur.m and otlc-rs opposed the amend ment, on th.* ground that it was mi interference with State and an indirect wav of preventing tlie Slat •* from granting bank charters. 'They niaiiituin <1 that the penalty of bankruptcy, in the case of bunks, could be brought to operate on iio per*o!i, the directors ami officers being only their hired agents,and properly exempt from the pcuully of bankruptcy. Th • amendment wus voted down; but it was HiHtain *d bv the vot's of such men as Mr. Macon, Mr. John Randolph, Mr. Renton, Mr. Smith of South Carolina, Judge White of Tennes see, and Mr. Brandi, renowned in the political histo ry of tb* country for tln ir devotion to Stute rights ami State sovereignty. Mr. Van Buren lias changed hi* view s upon this subject. Ten years’experience, •he renewed suspension of specie payments by tlie bunk* in a state of profound pence, und the conse quent d ’rangement of all tlie pecuniary and finan cial affairs of tlie country, induced him, after lie be came President, to recommend to Congress tho pro priety and importance of a uniform law concerning bankruptcies of corporations and other hankers, us a salutary check on the issues of paper money, and an effectual remedy to the citizen, in away nt once equal in all part* of the Union, and fully authorized by the Con-titutiou. Bur, sir, I cannot concur in the idea, that the hanks may be taken by the State Legislatures, in tiieir discretion, from under the operation of the bankrupt law. Reflection has satified ine that such a provision would not only, as has been justly said by flic Sencator from Kentucky, [Mr. Crittenden,] destroys tb * uniformity of law, but would defeat the end it has in view, so for as regards corporations. Wc have seen the influence exercised by hanks over many of our State Legislatures. We have seen their repeated suspensions of specie payments, their acts oftusolvency, their violations of all their char ter obligations, sanctioned in the legislative halls of their respective States. We could not expect that the influence would not be effective in inducing such similar State action as would take the bunks from the operation of this law. It would then have failed to restrain excessive issues. It would have failed to prevent suspensions. It would have failed to secure to the people a solid paper currency. I would rather see the provision entirely stricken out, than that it should pass with a discretionary author ity vested in the State Legislatures to relieve the banks from its operation. In relation to tlie inclusion of farmers and me chanics iu a bankrupt bill, he entertained no dilficul fv. lie would not apply the compulsory principle to them. It was not (Accessary. The Constitution specified no particular class ns entitled to the ex clusive benefit of a law of bankruptcy; and it was only by a resort to professional and technical ingenu ity, by a reference to the darker ages of Venice and England, that snch a law was attempted to be lim ited to the merchant and trader. If a bill so restrict ed should pass, it would not reach the evils under which the country was suffering. It would be a partial law: it would be neither uniform nor equal iu its effects. The vivifying principle of relief ought to be extended to all; to’ the cottage of the farmer and the humble dwelling of the mechanic, as well as to the princely palace ot the merchant. In the ori gin of the insolvent and bankrupt principle, it was first applied to the mass of the people. “The first insolvent law that was ever passed,” says an elo quent statesman, “was applied by the conscript fathers of Rome. When the people refused to fight the enemy, because they were laboring under op pressive debts, a law was passed to relieve them from their obligations. They returned to their ranks beat the enemy, and saved Rome.” The example of Republican Rome was entitled to more weight with us than that of either Venice or England. After all, Mr. President, with the public voice, and the cries of distress, which have reached the bar of this Senate, vibrating on our ears; with the univer sal expression of public sentiment in my own State, and the unanimous vote of her legislature on this subject,before me, I could not refrain from pressing ( the before we adjourn, of nomc ijcnrral bankrupt law, which will alionJ the relief of our suf fering fellow-citizens, which their necessities, and the wants of the country, deinniid. Not doubting the expediency of embracing both banks and the in voluntary principle in the bill, and having no con stitutional difficulties as to our power on the subject, I shall, in the first place, vote to include both. The essential and most valuubie feature of nay bankrupt act, is that which will enable the debtor to relieve himself, by * voluntary application for its benefit: I and if I cannot obtain all that, in my judgment, a bill should embrace, I shall fcel compelled to vote for the !»est that can lie obtained, if it shall be such as to secure the relief due to a distressed uud sutferiug people. To the editor of the Globe: Sir:— Having heard the fact that Gen. Harrison had voted ns a member of the Senate of Ohio, for selling white persons as servants, for misdemeauors, not onlv questioned, hut boldly denied bv members of the Whig party, I availed myself ot the first fa vorable opportunity of looking into the journals of that laxly for the year 1820-’2l, published by au thority. 1 there found, at page 304, the fact in con troversy established. This journal la»ing in my jh>s scssioii, a natural curiosity prompted me to turn over a few more of its pages, and l was rewarded for my pnins by the discovery of the most extraordinary facts that the history of elections, in any country, can furnish. At page 65, of this journal, will lie found a tabular statement of the returns of votes for the office of Governor of tiiat State, at an election held in the year 1820, of which tabular statement 1 subjoin a copy for your examination. By it we le.irn tlmt Ethan Brown, Jeremiah Morrow, and William H. Harrison, were candidates for election before the people of Ohio; that Ethan A. Brown re ceived 34,836 votes* Jeremiah Morow 9,426; and Wil li iin H. Harrison 4,348. This grand result, which took place a few years after the war,.when General Harrison’s m'litary laurels should have !-*cn at their freshest, shows he had little at that time to commend him to the favor of the good people of Ohio. And we cannot but wonder at the small ness of his vote, when we cast our eye over the table, and find that he received a majority over the foremost candidate in hut one out of the liftv-threc counties in the State, our wonder increases. It rises to amazement on perceiving that in ten of these fif ty three counties, no did not receive a single vote; in another only one; in three others two; in another three; in two others four, in two others five; in nianv others a mere nominal vote; and that nearly one half of his whole vote whs in two comities. But when we perceived that in Hamilton, his own county, he did not receive a single vote, we cun scarcely credit the evidence of our own senses. • Where, then, was his love of poor men—his mili tary fain * —his private virtues—that not a solitary neighbor could be found to say God bless him. Sure ly these people of Hamilton county, nay, the whole St «tc of Ohio, must Imve had the most unfeeling hearts, the dullest brai ls, the most ungrateful souls, or General Harrison’s laurels must have nil sprout ed, and his excellent qualities put forth, since the year 1820. AN AMERICAN. - g C 3 jp* g- 3 3 s a s * J? “ S 3 *■» 3" • r ' Counties. • ® £ ? 2 3 =5 * o 5T 3 * C 3 Hamilton, 1838 184 Madison, 298 54 34 Champaign 804 5 48 Richland, 802 171 I Trumbull, 1690 27 67 9 Brown, 993 115 337 26 Hi-4 Ida ml, 393 648 23 Ross, 237 1835 2 Gallia, 46.) 140 102 Warren, 89! 281 3 3 Pcrrv, 112 70 40 6 Knox, 675 24 2 Fairfield, 1726 33 35 Ashtabula, 544 54 40 32 and 14 Logan, 243 126 Licking, 864 103 238 5. 'Tuscarawas, 751 1 18 Dork, 210 78 Lawrence 467 2 2 Wnvn \ 806 263 Washington, 510 443 22 6 Wood, 49 2 Clark, 768 II 36 1 Delaware, 726 3) 5 9 Franklin, 583 633 Medina, 332 Union, 128 35 1 Shelby, 152 16 Huron, 499 48 II tiller, 1283 19 Muskingum, 392 1362 9 Clinton, 284 322 11 Morgan, 192 200 59 5 Pickaway, 951 443 7 Cuyahoga, 802 19 Monrvie, 322 4 Miami, 537 77 5 3 Stark, 1182 23 52 Geauga, 865 9 21 I Meigs, 310 19 45 Portage, 679 24 28 9 HockiiiT, 37 130 2 Columbiana, 1322 984 Helmut, 1842 15 43 Jed’-rson, 1763 41 39 15 Guernsey, 364 332 47 8 Adams, * 85 605 10 4 Jackson, 140 82 124 Montgomery, 116!) 3 38 Harrison, * 225 28 1096 7 Greene, 310 475 Athens, 234 355 20 Clermont, 974 31 4 6 Total. 34836 9426 4343 So much for Harrison’s popularity iu Ohio in 1820. [From the Charleston ('.finer ] At a meeting of the citizens of Beaufort District, assembled at Coosawbatebie. fir.-t of June, 1840, Dr. J. C. SCREVEN was called to the chair, and Wm. YoL\m v\s,jr. requested to net as Secretary The meeting being organized, Mr Albert Rliett, afer explaining the object of the meeting and urg ing the propriety of popular action on the presiden tial canvass, moved that a committee he nppoirited to report to the meeting their views respecting the important political questions, agitating the country, and involved in the approaching election for President; nnd the course it becomes thin State to take in it: on which the fol'owing gentlemen were appointed hv the chair: Albert Rliett,Wm F.Col cock, F. W. Fickling. Col J Lartigue, Wm. P. Hut son. Wm. Heyward, jr., and F. J. McCarthy. The committee withdrew, nnd returned with a report on which there was an animated discussion between Messrs. Allston. Colcock, Hutson, Marlin, Fickling, Singleton nnd Khett. After some materi al amendments, the report was finally adopted, without dissent, nnd the proceedings ordered to be published. WM. VOfTMANS, Sec. Meeting. REPORT The two great parties, which, from the birth of the government, have striven for mastery in its councils,and will, as long as it endures, are once more joined in angry conflict for political suprema cy. Under whatever Protean shape disguised Federal, National Republican , or Whin —the parly of Alexander Hamilton can never be mistaken. The same rooted distrust of popular virtue and en mity to popular rights and state sovereignty, the same predisposition to strong government and ex clusive privileges, the love of a standing debt, high taxes nnd lavish waste, and the same fixed antago nism to southern interests, characterize the federal party of 1798, and the federal parly of 1840. And the same unchangeable oppugnntion to all these dogmas of a monarchical stamp and origin, w! ich triumphed in the electionof Jefferson over the elder Adams, and Jackson over the younger, distinguish the great democratic party of that d-iv and this. It is not to be exacted, certainly, that the heteroge neous fragmentary mass, calling them elves the present wh*g party, will acknowledge th»ir identity with thal discomfited faction which fell under the enactment of the alien nnd sedition laws. They feel the importance of a popular name. They know that once unmasked, they are ir done. But should ever the people of this country, under a passing delusion, commit to them, the reins of power, they will cast all scruple and disguise behind them, nnd the party of Daniel Webster, the consolida- and Henry Clnv, the apostate democrat, stand out then exactly what it is—the party of Al exander Hamilton. Between them and those, who, following the lend of Thomas Jefferson, would preserve to the Constitution, the democratic feature its makers gave it, there is no affinity and there never can be peace. For while one party, assuming the people to be unfit for self control, would take the government out of their reach; the other assuming jnstthe contrary—that the mass are safe depositories of their own liberties—would kesp it within their reach. One would have go vernment govern as much at possible, the other as | little. One w&uld promote an arietocratic arrange ment of society, by chartering corporate bodies with •peciel immunities and exclusive rights; the other, holding that the whole just prerogative of civil go vernment consists in preserving. eftder. maintaining peace, and securing to“all the enjoyment of equal r'ghts, avows enmity toal! privileged establishments that give to one man’s labor advantage over that of another. The former aims to fasten upon the coun try the curse of nn irredeemable paper circulation, nnd its inseparable consequence, an irresponsible moneyed domination; the latter sticks to the con stitutional currency of gold and silver, as the only standard that can mete to honest toil its just recom pense, and protect our liberties from the grasp of i "harpers. One would make the constitution mean strictly what it says; the other, every thing but what it says. 'The federalist affects a splendid go vernment: the democrat a happy one. The fede ralist, deriding the intelligence of the mass, thinks the good ot the few the proper end of government. The democrat goes for the greatest good of the greatest number. The Democrat denies that the mass of mankind “are h »rn with saddles on their backs, and a favored tew booted and spurred, ready to rule them legitimately, by the grace of God ” Why continue the parallel? .Night and day, evil and good. Earth and Heaven, are as easily con- I founded or as easily reconciled as these two parties. Uau the people of South Carolina he cold spec tators of such a quarrel? Will the mighty interest she has at stake in it, permit her to he indifferent? , e not. She must take her part. She insist ' iMKPtt or be false to her honour and her interests —false to her federal ooligations, to the hopes of | the future and all glorious recollections of the past, she must take her part nnd fight it through. Whe ther the end prove right or wrong, her standard once upraised, the end prove right or wrong, her standard once upraised, ilie world will expect her to put lortli, in the strife, the full compass of her en ergies. If, of late years, she has maintained an armed neutrality of both parties, it was not from uny petty jealousy of her sister States—n«» outrag ed pride—no disaffection to the Union—no insen sibility to the common good, hut a distrust of their intention, having at least some foundation in the history of past events. She believed that keeping wholly disentangled from party alliances would enable her to impinge with weightier influence any trying exigency that might suddenly arise in the fortunes of the country:—nnd resolved, too, as her people have been, (and are) since their memo rable struggle in the tariff, to renew the issue then made on the first infract.on of the great eoustiiu tional rights they were prepared to perish in main taining, policy anil justice to others both required she should not compromise her freedom of action by unnecessary pledges, while there remained any reasonable danger of such nn event. To the de spotic features of Gen. Jackson’s policy the world knew she had ever been irreconcilably opposed When dr. Van Btiren came into power, he was ut - derstood to be bound to tread in his predecesso s footsteps; and as l.is enemies (through w hom alone we knew linn) gave him the character of a facile temper ambidextrous, and thoroughly selfish and faithless, she has naturally been slow to abandon her position of prudent reserve. 'The demonstra tion of acts only, and those repeated, unequivocal, irrevocable, could dissipate her doubts and w in her confidence to his policy, she admonished her ser vants in the federal councils, at the same lime, to keep clear of parly tios— to beware of tho tempta tions of office, to vote for man with reference to the public and not their good, and to deride all questions raised, on their special me its, with out considering by whom made or whom to ef fect. And if, in any case, her known will in this respect has hern disregarded and her interest betrayed it is not tint the people of Sonth-Caro lina have changed or that a day of reckoning wid n»t come. Such have been the principal motives,c.nd purposes, which h ive governed the public conduct of souths Nirolina to the present time. 1 But the events oft he last three years have entirely changed the aspect of affairs, and our feelings with it. Mr. Van Buren's policy, so far from being obnoxious to cavil,has been strictly constitutional and wise. He hus exhibited.in the conduct ofhoth our domestic and foreign relations mi ability which places him in tho very h.ghest rank of American statesmen. 'The candor,with which he has nlwaysde« lured hisopin ions, when questioned, and the courage with which lie defend*them when he is threatened to he overborne, # hew that he has a firmness of mind equal to the’ sharpest trials of duty. By the soundness of his views on ail the economical and financial questions of the day; his recomuicndatiousofecorioniy and low taxes; his recommendations of economy and low taxes —his devotion to free trade—hit opposition loan United States Bank and chartered monopolies of every description—hit efforts to reform the curren cy and restore Iho constitutional standard of value —and, more especially, by his inflexible fidelity in miu’Uainiuic the *s«»cpunrtln, provided by the federal compact, i gainst assault, by one portion of the Union, one of ilie domestic institutions of another, Mr Van Bureii has put his enemies to sh unc, and won imperishable honor of being, be yond comparison, the most truly republican Presi dent since Thomas Jefferson. South < ’arolma cannot refuse her confidence to his Administration, as long as lie holds to the course in which lie has entered Nor, with her past experience of Ins fidelity, candour nnd forti tude, w ill she readily suspect liih future faith. If ever mat?was under inducements to be true to liimseit and to the great cause of Democratic lib erty conimhtcd to his defence, be is. If ever man deserved nnd received, by base betrayal of duty, the gathering curses of a.I time, if false, lie w ill. But tli it the world may now distinctly know tlmt it is to his policy and not bis person we render our adhesion; we deem it expedient to set forth on ibis occasion with suitable formality what those principles are. bv the consistent inaintaiiiance of which Mr. Van Burin may command the confi- I deuce of Souih-Curolirta. And therefore bo it Resolved : Ist. 'Thai the unbounded multiplication o'’Bunks in this country of late years, by unsettling the s’nndard of value and c using violent and sudden vicissitudes of credit, nnd engendering a spirit of reckless speculation, lias crippled the energies of industry and dishonoured our commercial charac ter abroad, and must, by some constitutional means be restrained, nor can we conceive nny feasible way to pro'ect the fiscal interests of Government from the mischiefs of a vicious currency, nnd the headlong temerity of mercantile adventure, but by making the public treasury independent « f Banks, collecting, keeping nnd disbursing the nntional monies directly through Government agents. 2d. 'That we are unalterably opposed to the prin ciple of a Protective Tariff, not only as palpably unconstitutional, unequal iu its practical operation, nnd founded in false views of political economy, but because we deny the right of civil Government to give advantage to the industry or capital—of one class of citizens over that of another, or if it had the right, the ability to exercise it, hut with a mis chievous partiality; because we insist that the whole end of Government is to maintain order, preserve tranquillity,and ensure to all the enjoy ments of equal rights and privileges; that the best Government, consistent with these objects, is the least possible, nnd that any unnecessary interfer ence, by authority, with the pursuits of privnteen terprise is an invasion of personal liberty, and of the order of things established by nature in the affairs of men. 3d, That we ran find no warrant in the constitu tion for heaping up a surplus revenue, by taxing Southern weuhli, to bo lavished on wasteful schemes of internal improvement at the North and West; not to say that such a system must ever generate incalculable corruption, nnd, in propor tion as it augments the centripetal tendency ol the Government, produce sectional disaffection, de stroy the independence of the people, and reduce theSlatesto precisely what Alexander Hamilton proposed to make them, mere titular sovereigmies, municipal corporations, placed under a degrading vassalage loan omnipotent central domination. 4tli. That of all projects, of a consolidating ten dency, with which the Federal Tarty hove from time to lime shocked the sense of the people of this country, that, beyond nil measure the most audaci ous wild and dangerous, is the nssninpiion or guar antee by the National Government of the debts contracted by the States abroad. A project so clearly beyond the limited nature of its constitu tional functions, necessarily so partial nnd demor alizing, and fitted to bring the Government itself under the influence of Foreign ca? itnlists, that it is impossible to conceive f*»r what end it whs pro duced hi.t to bribe the independence of the States and realize that long cherished policy of this party —the creation of a large standing debt, to he repre sented in Government Stocks, nnd banked upon for the enrichment of Northern Capitalists. sth. That When wo consider who ore ‘he real leaders of ihe present whig party and compare their doctrines with those of the old Federal party under Hamilton and tho Adamses—that they go, alike, for a permanent national debt as a national blessing, fora national bank, for a protective tnriff, for in ternal improvements—that they advocate the same high taxes, and profligate expenditure—sneer at the capacity of the people for self Government—deny the sovereignty of the States, and assert the excel lence of an irredeemable currency—the conclusion is irreristible, that, under different names, they are one party, prosecuting the same ends hy the same means, and that the present is only m renew al of the old inextinguishable war of liberty against power, of popular rights and State sovereignty against Fe deral usurpation. 6th. 'That nil the acts of Mr. Van Buren. since President, indicate the qualities of an able States man, truly bent on the good of Ilia country. No : more accomplished gentleman has ever filled the Presidential chair; none more strictly constitutional in his policy; none more unexceptionable in his executive functions; none has borne his high fa culties more meekly; none, therefore, better enti tied, with his present principles, to the aid of this Slate in putting his adversaries under foot. 7th. That we should regard as a great calamity the election of. Gen. Wm. Henry Harrison to the Presidency, believing, as we do, that he is opposed to the south on all the most vital questions of the day, and doubtful as to the rest. Bth. That we approve the support given bv the j Honorable John C. Calhoun to the National Ad- j ministration, and we assure the world that he enjoys 1 in mid.minished strength the affectionate confidence ! of this State; and that w e believe he may, if ever mni could bear, through all the arduous trials of his life, the proiidrofiMilntioii that, however, unjust to Ins merits others he, he |n»nscsscs the inei-timuhle up probation of his own conscience and the love ol his own people. ALBERT Rff ETT, Chairman Coin. Sutunlay Morning, June nth, IBN. “ The F fiends of the South and of Southern Institu tions, are our Friends—their Enemies are our Enemies." FOR PRESIDENT sis.&'&'jrisar ißW&asr, FOR VICK PRESIDENT, t— iw vt+mjmrmm ILTYVe would recommend to (lie readers of the Southerner, two articles in this day’s pa per : the letter of Messrs. Rives and Drom goole, two distinguished members of Congress from Virginia; and the address of five mem bers of Congress from Alabama, to their con stituents. Roth addresses are upon subjects which have beeu greatly misrepresented hy the Federal whig press; those subjects are now placed in a clear point of view, especially the one relating to the organization of the mi litia of the United States. 07‘To the exclusion of many articles which we had selected and prepared for this day’s Southerner, we publish the reply of Judge Colquitt, to several attacks made by Harrison ! papers, upon his circular to his constituents. The reply is so clear and explicit, that it re quires hut an impartial reading of it to con clude*, that he has placed his federal whig ad versaries m a most unenviable situation, and that he has triumphantly maintained the posi tion assumed in the present contest for politi. tical power. \Ve must here observe, howev er, that the Federal Whigs of the state, have thought proper to re-pubhsli letters which were written some years ago by Messrs. Col quitt and Hlack, in which an opposition to 1 Mr. Van Huron's election was expressed. We will ask the federal whigs, what does this prove 1 I)id Messrs. Colquitt and Black ex press the opinion that they preferred General Harrison to Mr Van Buren! No. Did they declare then that if the election for I’residcnt was to he determined by the choice es either Van Buren or Harrison, they would prefer the latter 1 No. Those gentlemen were opposed to both; and the party with which they then acted were also opposed to both; and the same same continued to be opposed to both, until a short time since, when a miraculous change was operated,by which the claims of Gen. Har rison to the support of the South, which had re mained in a Rip Van Winkle condition f r near 30 years, burst upon the astonished gazi of the South! In December last those pretend ed State Rights men who met at Milledgeville, declared that the party could neither vote for Harrison nor Van Buren. This declaration was repeated and maintained hy the federal whig presses, until the recent miracle alluded to. Messrs. Colquitt, Black and Cooper, with many other independent and patriotic State Rights men, have not had the benefit of the operation of the miracle: they still believe that the declaration of the Milledgeville con vention should be adhered to; but they be lieve also, that if certain leaders are deter mined to make them swallow Harrison, with a United States Bank, Tariff’ and Aboli tionism, all together, they will be choked to death ; hence their wish to swallow a candi date who is less liable to produce such fatal effects ns tho other. And for this choice they are abused and slandered. ABOLITION CONVENTION. We copy the following art icle from the Bos. ton Bay State Democrat of May ‘-J7: “Being in the vicinity of the Meloileon, Wednesday, we dropped into the Abolition Convention, which was then sitting at that place for the purpose of nominating presiden tial electors, etc. for this State. Among the ! speakers was a Mr. Brown, of Northampton I who stated that, with reference to Gen. Har rison's sentiments on the subject of slavery, he could inform the gentlemen of the Conven tion, that Mr. Calhoun, member of the pre. sent Congress from this State, had written home to his constituents, that Gen. Harri son was an Abolitionist of the first water, anu no mistake; that he (Mr. Cal houn,) had his information from a source to he j relied upon. And, said Mr. Brown, (who seemed to be ashamed of the pitiful policy of Mr. Calhoun,) he says to his constituents, YOU MAV MAKE SUCH USE OF THIS INFORMA TION AS VOU PLEASE, BUT BE SURE IT DOES not «et into the rAPERs. Here’s whig, gery for you, Mr. Editor; truly, ‘hypocrisy is their vocation.’ “The meeting was also addressed by a Mr. Leavett, who, among other things stated, that Gen. Harrison, in all his conversation with Abolitionists, agree with them in sentiment— that he was a constant visiter to the Anti-Sla very Rooms at Cincinnati. So far as we can judge, the convention is composed entirely o' persons opposed to the administration, and. taken altogether, rather a slim affair.” iTTTIie information we have received from vari ous Factions of our slate, lesdes ns to anticipates larger meeting at Milledgeville on the 4th ot July than any meeting held before in this state. It will bo borne in mind hy our friends, that al! the citizens, opposed to the federal-whig candidate for the pre sidency. are invited to the meeting. Dut to insure a more punctual attendance, meeting* of the citizens ol the different counties of the state, should meet in their respective districts, and choose among the citizens of each district those who will be able con veniently to attend the convention. The number i* not, and cannot be, limited. If the citizens prefer to meet at their court house, instead of meeting in their respective districts, they will do bo if they please and make a choice of citziens to represent their county at Milledgeville, as they think proper in number. Since writing the above we have received the Fede ral Union, from which we have copied what follows: THE INVITATION. The citizens of Baldwin County, it will he seen, by ! their card in this day’s paper, have responded to the I call of their friends in various parts of the State to j unite with them in celebrating the approaching an* j niversary of American Independence in this place. 1 We trust that the attendance at this celebration will j l>e general, and that the friends of the present admin istration of the government oftlie United States, will not fail to have their sentiments represented from j every eonntv in the State. .We arc pleased to sea j that several counties have taken the lead in this mut ter, nnd we trust that all the rest will follow their | example. A great shock ha* been given to the elements of 1 political power. Men who have acted together for j years, have been torn asunder, and others who hnve contended in opposition, find themselves side by ride with their old opponents. Os such elements will the persons uniting on that day he composed. The meeting will be one of recognition—the celebration one of harmony am! union. From fliut day we shall know our political friends,and here we expect to arm ourselves an«*w for the approaching contest. Never was it more important that a full represen tation of the guests invited should he present. Ne ver was •; meeting more united than this will be if tin* attendance is general. The elements of discord exist in all the combinations of men. They are rea dy to mar the prospects of every undertaking, but here it is only necessary that die meeting should b » general, the voice of discord wit! lie silenced, and that united action which is so necessary to success, w ill not fail us in the day of trial. FOURTH OF JULY CELEBRATION. Milledgeville, sth June, 1840. The undersigned committee, appointed by the citizens of Baldwin eonntv, who are opposed to the election of William Henry Harrison to the Presiden cy of the United States, hereby give this general invi tation to the citizens oftlii* state who are united with them in sentiment on this subject, to attend a CEL EBRATION of the approaching anniversary of American Independence in this pluce, on the fourth of July next. In the performance of this duty, we add our warm est solicitation to our distant friends, without regard to former difference* of opinion, to unite with us in tlu festivities oftlie dav on this interesting occasion. WM. A. TENMLLE. Chairman. TOMLINSON FORT, WM. SANFORD, FARISH CARTER, WM. D. JARR4TT, C. D. HAMMOND, BENJ.S. JOURDAN, C. E. RYAN, ISAAC NEWELL, GEORGELF.EVES, E. BRANTLEY, R. ROWEL, A. M. HORTON. (LT’Newsjinpers agreeing with us in opinion, will plcuse publish the above. [cOMMCNIC VTFtI.) To the I tail tra of the Tipptranoe Club: What little confidence must you have, gentl**m«*n, in ths independence and integrity us the voters of Richmond county, to exact from them u pledge, In writing, thut they will support William Henry Harrison for the Presidency 7 Can you not trust them without it, and in requiring It of them, is it not u reflection upou their honesty and virtue T Voters of Richmond county be on your guard, and if you value your rights, and the inestimable privileges of free men, Ik* prepared to judge for yourselves, and on the fir.-l Monday in November next, vote us hi your best judgmei t Von may think proper. De«perute must be the cause, when such nieatis are resorted to in an enlightened com munity. BILL BREVITY. [COMMI'XIC \TEI».J Well, friends Guieu & Thompson, it seems that the Fed eral Harrison Convention has closed its pro ceedings, und proseribed Messrs. Colquitt, Black, mini Cooper, three of o nr most tuicuted Representa tives, for the franknnd tearless avowal of their prin ciples and their devotion to Southern rights. Beit so; hilt Uift feeis it in his very bones, that the day of retributive justice is at hand, when uu ineignant people will “rush to their rescue” and take them into their own custody,; and through the ballot boxes in October and November next, give to Federalism, Harrisonism and Abolitionism,such an overthrow as will long be remembered ill Georgia. Mark it! BILL BREVITY. To the Chairman of the Committee on Pictures at Washington ( ’ity : Dear Sir:—Bill acknowledge* with pleasure the receipt of the pretty picture sent him, and will not, ns many Imve done, send it dntek, hut will keep it to show your constituents how profita bly you employ your time. Pray, he not discoura ged, for your friends here are pleased with your eourse.and rejoice that von are now carrying out the good old Federal doctrines you hrouglii with you to Georgia. Yours as usual, BILL BREVITY. N. B. l)o write me frequently und lot me know how you like old Amos k ’s address. Did not muny parts of it hurt your feelings! IS. IS. To the Editor of the Kiehmond Enquirer. Five astlk, May 25th, 1840. In votir paper ol the 22d instunt, just received, I find that the Whigs have been representing Gen. Jackson as having deserted Mr Van Bun n und de clared in favor of (ion. Harrison. In order to cor rect somewhat similar misrepresentations,circulated to some extent iu Botetourt, previous to our late election, 1 wrote to the old Hero, requesting his per mission to contradict them, and I hereto annex a copy of his reply for publication; which, I think, is quite conclusive, as to his opinion of Mr. Van Boren and the leading policy of hi* administration. In haste, Very respectfully, vooroh’t. serv’t., J AMES 31cDOWELL, of Fincattle. (A Copy.) “Hermit vge, March 10th, 1840. '•My Dear Sir: —Your letter of the 2f»th ult. ha* been received, ami is now before me. lam not as tonished to learn from if, that tin* “Rives Conserva tives” should deny lie authenticity of mv letter, written in answer to one received from Moses Duw son, Esq., and published by him in the latter part of the year 1837, or the first of the year 1838, approving the financial policy of President Van Buren, as set forth in his message to the extra session of Congress, in September, 1837, of separating the Government from all Banks. It app *i«rs that the Rive* Conservatives, the Aboli tionists and Federalists, Imve combined to obtain the reins of Government iu their own hands, hv a conti nued system of deceiving the people by falsehood and slander of the basest kind, forgetting that the American people ure an enlightened and virtuous people, capable of self-government, who may, by the falsehoods of designing demagogues and politicians, lie led astrnv tor a moment; but the second thought always has disjiclled, and ever will dispel,from their minds the gross deceptions that have been attempted to be practised upon them by these political dema gogues, who think the people are incapable of self government, and, to save the people from themselves, wish to rule—vain thoughts! which have heretofore disappointed the opposition, and 1 trust erer and must, so long ns the virtue of the people soar* above the corrupting influence of the money power, w hich has, for a long time, been corrupting the mo rals of the world. But truth is mighty, and will prevail; and the virtue of the people will perpetuate our glorious Union and happy Republican system against all the corrupting influence of the combined money power nnd modern paper credit system, and will support the Administration in separating the Government from all Banks, and restoring the Fede ral Government to the express limits of the Consti tution and Independence,n* contemplated by the sa-» ges who framed it. You are authorized to say, to nil mv Republican friend*, that I am the author of the letter addressed to Moses Dawson, Esq., in reply to one from him in the latter part of the year 1837, or the first part of the year 1833, and published by Mr. Dawson in his paper, approving ot Mr. Van Bureu’s recommenda tion of a divorce of the Governmcut from all banks or banking rornorntion*. You are at liberty to use this letter as your pru dence tatty dictate, und I am, with gretit respect “lVur most ob*t. eerv’t., “ANDREW JACKSON. “JaM£S MrDfHviXT.. Esq. ’