Georgia Historic Newspapers

    #latiaal JMuertara.
LET THIS FLAG STILL WAVE
O'ER THE LAND OF THE BRAVE !
tt CaastltatUi • *b *'•”
ATLANTA. QEOROIAt
Saturday, November 24,1860.
yf We itevole • Urge j>rlion of our epooe
10-Jo/ lo Ihe rneoljr, poiriolio oJ conriocing
,perch of Oeorgio • greet Commoner, lion
BenJ H. Hill, end would beepeek for it e
calm, attentive end diepeeeionaie perueel
by ell into whose bende it may fell.
I The Columbus “Koquiror,” refering 10 it.
nays: *'lt abounds with pertinent end timelj
truths end irrefragable logic, and edeolieely
sustains the prudent end moderate but efii -
cient policy which the proplS of Georgia wih
adopt by an overwhelming majority. There
appears to be hardly any dirislon of sentiment
in support of these views in the northern por
linn of the sod we believe that, outetde
of the eicited cities, the southern part of the
.Stale will also sustain them
The High! ( Hrrraalon.
K few days ago we copied from the New Or :
leans •• Commercial Bulletin.” an article headed
“It is Treason to Secede.” The declaration
contained in the caption of the article as not ;
the Editor's, but that of an eminent Virginian, ;
who was sustained in it by the late venerable |
Editor of that old time Democratic journal,
the “ Bichtuond Enquirer,” and many other
distinguished gentlemen of thst State.
A friend—a diettngutehed Georgian, *ud an
ardent State Eight* man—desires, through our j
columns, to combat the opinion therein so sidy j
set forth. We accord him that liberty most
cheerfully. His communication will be found,
in another column, tinder the heading, “Sncca
sion is not Treason.”
• • •
.Wrrfing of Soulhrrn l.rgOlalurra.
In view of the esctled slate of the Southern
mind, and the probable action of tho Southern
legislatures, in reference to the recent elec
lion. It becomes s matter of interest to know
when those Legislatures meet, although some
of them are railed together in special session
immediately. The following Steles hold Leg
islative sessions hienmaily, vis- Delaware,
North Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkan
ass, Florida, Tenneaaae, Louisiana. Maryland,
Missouri and Talas. Alabama meets Novem
ber lij Arkansas, November J; Delaware, first
Tuesday in June | Florida, Georgia and Trias,
first Monday in November, Kentucky, first
Mondev in December; Louisiana, third Mon
day in January; Maryland, first Wednesday
in January ; Mississippi, first Monday in Jan
uary ; Missouri, last Monday in December;
fourth Monday in 1 - r ’
T>nn3w. Aral
ginia, taoonci Monday id January.
• • •
l.attol .Vrica.
from Europe wo have advices bearing dal*
So. loth, by tho steamship Alnca. Her rot
ton now. la no later than that by tho Palratin”
but trad* in Manchaairr waa reported favura
bla—Yarna firm. Clotba quiet. In Liverpool,
hard, Sugar and Uiro woro firm , Angara alight
|y advanced, and for Kic# aepeoulalive inquiry
eiiited at an advance of 3d. Pork waa .toady,
and Hoof and Baron quiet. Flour closed dull
at fid. decline, and corn from Cd to la. lower -
holdora (iroaaing tbeir atoeka on tho market
At London, Conaola wrro reported alMlhf
T3| for money and account. Tho bullion in tho
Hank of England bad dooroaaed i ;:(0,000
Victor Emanuel baa formally accepted tho
SoTereignty of Naptea. and Garibaldi baa rr
aignod hia liictatorahip and gone to hia laland
home.
The Governor of Miaaouri u taking prompt
measures to protect the border, of that Slate
from the incuralona of Montgomery'* Abolition
ruffian.; the people of Warsaw, of that State,
bare called on tho Proaidont to protect them.
Samuel Harris A Bona. Baltimore, hare tem
porarily auapended. The Bank, of Trenton
have given way to the prea.ure and auapended.
Tbe bill removing reatrictlona upon the Ueor
gia Banka for auapenaion, baa pn.ne.l the Senate
by tbe concluaive vole of 91 to 13.
Some oQhe Macon, Georgia, I'rm i-l< n Deal
er. liave been notified, by tbeir St. Loul. cor
reapoudenta, that a. Georgia l going to pi*
out of the Union, remittance* mat nev.-r roach
them, they prefer not to .cml them nit moro
Provisions on time.
Jual in Glue to preveut any ambarraaament
growing out of thia notice, Mr. Ector, of ileri
wether, haa introduced a hill int- the Senate,
proposing to make a food fuud of the Kduca
lloual fund of 1961.
galea of Colton at tho principal pointa are
quite good, hut not brick or heavy. At Charlri
-o,n jirteoe range at from It t'• Idle a*. Near
Orleaua, lOJf.blOJe. for Middlinga. Haloa of
tbe week, 60,&00 bale.. Decrease in Receipt*
at all tba porta, 140,500 bale. ; BG>ek, 313,250
balea.
It ia rumored fwe doubt ita eormctnc.a) that
45,000 atand of arma, of the moat approved
patterns, have been sent to Georgia’
itrcidt ttty foot.
Her. Dr. Wise, editor of the Cincinnati “ In
reelite,” alluding to eotne burglars who hare
annoyed, rather than robbe f, him on two ore*
■ions lately, says:
** The thieve# who, loat Friday night, broke
into our office for the eecond time, are politely
requested to do no uo more, as we feel heartily
ashamed for any decent thief to see how very
poor we are. Tell ua before hand your inten
lion to pay u* a visit, and we shall place some
change somewhere within reach, U> save the
credit of the establishment.”
♦ ♦ ♦
The Springfield (Mas*.) ‘• Republican “
says the following notice was lasted up at a
railway atation :
Travelers should be careful to deliver their
baggage to proper persons—a gentleman a few
day* since entrusted hm wife to a stranger, and
ha* not beard of her since.”
• • *
I tir It is reported that the Prince said to a
fair partner at the ball in Bt. Louis-** Mias,
don’t you think my moustache* are herom
ingf” To which Mias replied—“ Well, sir,
they mar be coming, but they bavn't yet ar
rived.”
The following sentiment was drunk,
standing, at a private fete among *‘de fust
circle” colored elite of New York, a few daya
ago . “Here'* to de color'd far sec dar fact
needs no paint, dar bead in ’fuaaermy “
**KF. >1 OF HOV 11. (I. (111.1., i
li Mdledye* ill*, on the 1-VA in i taut.
| TUI* speech iru not reported by th I'rftas
at Milledgetille ; bui dome forty or fifty mem
ber* of the legislature ami citizen* united in ‘
requesting (he distinguiftlird author to furnish
a cup/ of it for publication. In reply. he *a/*:
“Since the reception of /our letter, 1 have
hastily written out the speccl) to which /on
refer. I could not recall the exact language,
IBM the argument, such as it if, in herewith
submitted for /our disposal.
“1 see nothing in the remarks inconsistent
with anything heretofore written I)}’ me.— ,
There is a prudent and Imprudent wa/ of ac
complishing the Name good. 1 think <*ouie of
our friends aro hast/, bet us keep right and
“uiaka.haste •low!/.” I have discussed a pol
ic/ of resistance, but 1 am read/ to /ield it
for a better when I can find it. That polio/
which can most cordial)/ unite our people, and
most effectual!/ redress our grievances, is lh*
one 1 shall prefer.
” Yours, ver/ respectfull/,
“11 II HILL.
” Nov 11, 1800.”]
! Ladies am* Friends :
While I am speaking to /ou to-night, 1 e.r
uesil/ beg for perfect quietness and order. It
weeuj* to l>e a general idea,t hat puttie speak
ers feel high!/ complimented whets Their opln
1 ions arc received with boisterous applause
1 do not so feel on an/ occasion, and certain!/
would not so regard such a demonstration now
The occasion is a solemn and serious one, and
let us treat it in no light or trivial mauner.— !
One more request. I have invoked good or- j
.|er. I /et more earnest!/ invoke /our kind
and considerate attention. No people ever j
assembled to deliberate a graver issue This j
government is the result of much toil, much ;
blood, much anxiety and much treasure. For
near!/ a century we have been accustomed to j
••peak and boast of U as the best on earth.—
Wrapped tip in H arc the lives, the h appiness,
the interests and the peace of Hurt/ millions
of freemen now living, and of unnumbered
J millions in the future.
Whether we aha!! now destio/ that Govern j
merit or make another effort to preserve it and
reform tie abuses, ts the question before us. j
Is dial question not entitled to all the wisdom, {
ihe moderation and prudence we can com- !
rnand ? Were you ever at sea in a storm?— *
Then /ou know the sailor often finds it neres j
*r/, to enable him to keep his ship above the j
save, to throw overboard bis freight, even j
ills treasure llut with his churl and bis com*
pass be never | arts. II -wever dark the beav- (
••us or furious the winds, with these bo can
still point the polar star, and find the port of
his safot/. Would not that sailor be mud who
should throw these overboard?
\N r arc at sea. to/ friends. The skies aro
fearful!/ darkened. The billows roll threat
eningly. Hangers are on every aide. Let us
throw overboard our pAssiotie, our prejudices
and our pari/ feelings, however long or high
ly valued Hut let us hold on - hold on to
reason and moderation These and these alone
point ft ways to the fixed star of Truth, by
whose guidance we may yet eufely come to
shore.
\\> must agree. Wo <1 agree if we but knew
it. Our people must tic united to meet this
crisis. I>ivisions now would not only be un
fortunate, but exceedingly diaastrous. If di
visions arise they cannot be based on our in
terests or our purj <>*••*, for these aro and must
t*e the same Divisions must find their origin
in our suspicions and jealousies. Let ns give
these suspicions and jealousies to the winds.
Let us assume as the hast* of every argument
that we aro all equally honest, and equally
desirous, in our various ways, of securing one
i ns There must be
MV wiff!' 1 ' 1 - laJi'UlT ll'l
I hit ion !• lo find that i* iy, anil unite our people (
in the advocacy of that way.
1 have listened witli viu neat attention to the
eloquent apeeche* male by all aide*. ami l
believe a common ground of agreement can be
found, if not for universal, at L*a*i for Very
general agreement. Those who hold that the
(’onalitttlioit i* wrong, ami the Union had per
nr, of course will agree to nothing but imme
diate disuuion, and such I shall not be able to
atL-Cl.
lu the first place, what are our grievances!
All the speakers, thus far, even the most ultra.
| have ad in it ted that the mere c institutional
election of any man is no ground for resis
lance. Tho mere election of Mr. Lincoln is
on all sides admitted not to be the grii-vance.
t bir State would not bo thrown on a false i**ue
on this point.
We complain, in general terms, that the an
ti slavery sentiment at the North has been
an element of political p w-r.
In proof of this wc make the following spe
ciAcatiooa -
1. That a large political party has been or
ganised in the Northern State*, the great coni
mon i lea of which is to prohibit the extension
of slavery by Congress, and hostility to slave
ry generally
2 That this party has succeeded in getting
the control of many of the Northern
Legislatures, an 1 nave procured the passage
of acta nullifying the fugitive slave law, en
couraging the rescue of fugitives, and seeking
to punish, as felons, citizens of our Southern
States who pursue their slaves in the assertion
.if a plain constitutional right.
That this party has elected Governors in
Northern States, who refuse, some openly an 1
others under frivolous pretexts, to do their
plain Constitutional duties, when these duties
involve the recognition of pr perty in slaves.
4. Thgl Northern Courtschoseu by the same
party, havo assumed t* declare the fugitive
slave law unconstitutional in the teeth of the
decisions of the United .States Courts, ami of
every department of the Coiled States Gov
eminent.
,j. We complain that tho .Northern States,
thus controlled, ar* seeking to repudiate every
Constitutional duly, or provision iu favor or
in recognition of slavery—to work the ex turn
tion of slavery, and lo secure to the negro
social and political equality with the white
iace; aud, a* Ur an possible, they disregard
and nullify even the laws of the Southern
.Stales on this subject. In proof of this com
plaint, we show that Northern (ioveinors have
actually refused to deliver up fugitives from
jiiitur, when the crime charged against such
fugitives reengnixed under Slat’ In * property j
in slave*.
Thus, a Northern man married a Southern
lady having a separate estate in slaves. He
deceived the lady, stole her negr ea, Mold thru
and p . ketc 1 the money, and fled to a North
ern State. He was charged with larceny un
der the laws of the Sta'e in which the crime
was committed. A true bill was obtained and
a demand was properly made for his return,
and the tioveruor of the State to which he tied
refused to deliver him up on the ground that
to commit larceny a man must steal property, j
and as slaves were not property according t. !
the law* of the Northern state, it could not
he property according to the Southern State:
that therefore the Southern Court, Jury and
Governor were all wrong in obeying the laws
of their own State, instead of thejlawa of the
Northern State : that the defendant was not
guilty au l could not bo guilty, and should not
be deUfercd'up.
The same principle was involved to shield
several ol the conspirator* in the John Brown J
raid. -
The inexorable logic of this party, on such )
a premier, must array them against the whole |
Constitution of the luited State*; because/
that instrument, in ita very frame work, is a J
recognition of property in slaves It wan modes
by sUveholdiug Stales. Accordingly we find 1
this party a disunion party, and its leaders—-1
those of them who follow their logic to itfl'j
practical consequences—disuniotnsts per sc.
I would not quote from the low and theignor
ant of that party, but 1 will quote fioni (be
learned and the honored 4
Ms&¥
I bli of the most lent tied di .t iph* of this ‘
psny *4os:
•• The in the cause of every di
vision which thi* vexed question of slavery i
iisn over occasioned in this country. I* (the
, Con*tb n/iw) has been the fountain and father
us our trouble*, by a> tempting to hold togeth
er, as reconciled, two opposing principles,
which will not harmonize tjor agree. The only
■ hope of the slave is over the rum* of the dot-
I rtnmrnt ‘Jie </i etolntion of the t’nion is the
, abolition of titrery.'*
One of the ablest, and oldest, and long hon
ored Senators of that party—a Senator even
before tho existence of the Republican party
said lo the nominating Convention of that
I parly : •• I believe that this ta not so much a
| l onventiuD lo change the administration of the
Government, as to say whether there shall he
any dorernmient to he jdininistried. You have
assembled, not to say whether this Union shall ,
be preserved, but to say whether it shall be a j
blessing or a scorn and hissing among the na
t ions. 1 ’
1 could quote all night, my friends, to show
that the tendency of the lie-publican party is
to disunion. That to by a Republican is to be
logically nmi radically against the Conslitu
non and the Union. And we complain that
this party is warring upon us, aud at the same
time, and in the sumo way, and by a necessa
ry consequence, wat ring upou the Constitution ,
and the Union.
tl We complain in the last place, that this
party having thus acquired the control of eve
ry department of Government, Legislative,
Kxecutive, and Judicial—in several of the
Northern States, and having thus used every
department of the State Government bo ac
quired. iu violation cf the Constitution of the
United Slates, in disregard of the laws of the
j Southern States, and in utter denial of the
property and even liberty of the citizens of the
j Southern Slates—this party 1 say, with these
pnuciplee, and this history, has at last secur
! ed the Kxscutive department of the Federal
: Government, and are seeking to Becure the
j other two departments—the Legislative aud
j the Judicial.
Here, then, is a party seeking to administer!
I the Government on principles which must d*;-i
slroy the Government—proposing to preserved
i the I aion upon a basis on which the Union. j
; in the very nature of tilings, cannot stand ;
aud • Bering peace on terms which must proj
dues civil war.
Now, my friends, the next question is, shall
j these grievances be resisted? 1 know of no
I man who says they ought not to be resisted
I For rnyself, 1 say, and say with emphasis, they
I ought to bo resisted—resisted effectively and i
; at all hazards.
What lesson have we here? Wo hav* soeu
; differences running high—eveu apparent bit-
I terness engendered. I’assion get* up, debates
become jeers and gibes defiance. One man
says lie will not resist Lincoln. Ills adversa
ry pronounces that tienson to the South and
the muu a Black Republican. Another tuan
says he will resist Lincoln aud demand imiue- ‘
diate secession. His adversary pronounces j
that treason to the Constitution and the man j
a disunionist
What do you mean by Linoolo ? Stop and
define. The first means by Lincoln, the man
ideoled. the second means by Lincoln, the issue
on which he is elected. Seither will resist the
first; loth will resist the latter, and so they
agree and di 1 sgree all the lime they were dis
puting !
These grievances are our real complaint.—
They have advanced to a point which makes |
a nitit: and that point i the election ot Lin— 1
coin. Wo >lare not, we will not let this crisis j
pass without a tdtlement. That setl lenient j
must wipe out existing grievances, and arrest
threatened ones. We owe il lo our Coustilu
lion, to our country, to our peace, to our pos
terity, lo our dignity, to our self-respect, as
Union men and Southern men, to have aces
(•alien of these aggressions ami no end to
these disturbances. Ido not think we should
{ on-'itu
The i (institution fins
| late*! and even defied These violations are
repeated every day. W'e must resist, ami not .
i,, attempt to re si andji otodo so ‘He tve
ly —even to the full extent of the evil, will be |
to bring shame on ourselves, ami our Stole, |
Hll I OUT CttUfcO.
Having agreed on our complaints, ami dis
covered that sil our suspicions of each oilier
are unfounded, and that our disputes on this
point had their origin in hasty conclusions
ami thoughtless mistakes, let us, with an en
coiirnged charity ami forbearance, advance to
the next step iti this argument.
Who shall inaugurate this resistance? Wh > j
sh ill determine the mode, the measures and
the time of this resistance?
My reply is: The people through their del
egatee in Convention duly assembled.
It is not necessary lor me now to urge this
point Here again wc have had disputes with
out differences
1 have the pleasure of announcing to night
that the prominent lenders ot all shades ot
opinion on this subject came together this day
and agreed that it was the right and privilege
of the people in convention to pa*s on these
• juestions. On this point we have disputed for
a week, aud lo day, acting is <*'e rg ans • loulil
act. wo came together in a spirit of kindness,
and in fifteen minutes our hearts were all
made glad by the discovery that our differen
oes or disputes were founded on groundless
suspicious, and ire are agrxed. We are all lor
resistance, and wo are all for the people in
convention lo say how and when, and by what
means we shall losist.
I never behold a acetic which male rny
heart rejoice more sincerely. Gh, that 1
could see the same spirit of concord on the
only remaining questiou of difference. With
my heart full of kindness, 1 beg my friends io
accompany me now to that question. I do
believe we oan agree again My solemn con
victiou is, that we differ a- little on this a* i
we did on the other point, in every material |
ri,r<\ \t last, nearly all tho quarrels of the :
world, in all ages, have been founded more
iu form than substance
Some men are honest, wise and prudent.—
Other* are equally honest aud intelligent, but
ranh and impetuous. The latter are often to
ho loved and encouraged; but the first alone j
nr# o be r*k*d on in emergencies.
W e often appeal to tho history of our fathers j
to urge men to indignation and hasty reseut j
memos wrongs Let us study nil that his
tory. Let me show you. from that history,
an example of metal and ovcr-cuufidence ou
the one hand, an l of coolness and wisdom on
the other.
During our colonial history, the Luglish
j Government sent General llraddock to Amer
’ ica to dislodge and drive hack the French and j
Indians. The General, arranging the cam- j
paigti, assigned to his own command the duty
of recovering the Ohio Valley and tho groat
Northwest. It was uecessary to capture Fort j
Huquesne. He never thought of any diffi
cullitc in tho way of success He prom- |
! iced Niw a*ile to le biyond the ruoun
j talus iu a very short period Duqueam*, ho
thought, would stop hnn only throe or four
days, and there was no oha ruction to his
inarch to Niagara. He declared the Indians
might frighten the raw American Militia, but
i could make no impression on the British reg
ulars. This wes Brad dock.
One of the raw American Militia who had
joined Braddock’■ command, was the young
Washington, then only about twenty three
years old. He became one of Braddock a aids.
Hearing the General’s boasts, and seeing Ins i
thoughtless courage, Washington quietly said
to him, “ l!> ifiull have more to do than to go
\up th* hiih ond-’>me d"tcn.'* Speaking of Brad
r dock to another, Washington said, “ He was
| incapable of arguing without warmth, or giv
| ing up any point he had asserted, be It ever
Iso incompatible with reasou or common
l sense.”
Braddock waa combined, on all hands, to
j be a brave, gallant and fearless officer.
Here, then, are two men, both brave and
noble, and intelligent, engaged together to
accomplish a common enterprise for the good
of their country The one was rash, thought
!es never calculating difficulties, nor look
tug forward to, and providing against, ob
’ mructions.
lie arranged bis express, and sent for
ward the news of bin victory Iwforehnnd.— I
Hut the other was coni, calculating, cautious, ;
wise, and moderate. Hr was a uian who
thougbt before lie acted, and then artel the
hero.
Now, for results: i'raddock was surprised I
before be reached the Fort ilis Hri'tsh reg- !
ulars Bed before the yelling Indians, and the |
raw American Militia were slain by them.— ]
Rraddock himself fought bravely, and he was ;
borne away from the field of his shame, leav
ing more than half his little army dead, and j
himself seuseless with a mortal wound. Af- ,
ter the lapse of a day. he came to himself, :
and his first exclamation was, •’ who would
have tho'i it ?” Again he roused up and said,
•• We shall better knuy how lo deal with them -
next time.*’ Poor General, it tea* too late , for !
with that sentence he died! For more than a
century lie has slept near Fort Necessity, and !
1 his ouly history might be written for his |
: epitaph—lie was brave, but rath, gallant, but
j thoughtless, tiob.e. but bigoted He fought j
hastily, died early, and here he lies.
Tiie young Washington was also brave, and
iu the thickest of the fight. Horse after horse
fell from under him The bullets of the In
j dians whistled around him and through his
| clothes, but Providence spared him. Kvmthe
j Indians declared Home God protected him.—
1 So cool, ho brave, so wise and thoughtful was
the conduct of this young officer, before, dur
ing, and after the ba*le, that even then a
distinguished man ** points him our at a youth
raised up by Providence for some noble work.”
Who does not know history oT Washing
ton ; yet, who can toll it ? thir glorious rev
olution, that wise Constitution, this happy,
wide spread and ever •nrcading country
struggling millions, fired on by the example
of his success, are soma of the chapters al
ready written in that history. Long chapters
of yet unrealized glory, and power, and hap
pinesH (drill he endlessly added, if the wis
dura of hint who redeemed our country can
he continued to those who inherit it. The last
(hour of t'onstitutionftl liberty, perpetuated to
the glory of the end. or cut short in the phren
zy of anarchy, shall wind up the history of
Washington Behold lit re the sudden deitruc-
It inn of the rash man and his followers, and
the et l ll unfolding success of the cool and
thoughtful man, and then lot us go to work lo
meet (his crinis that is upon us.
Though there are various modifications of
opinions, there are really but two inodes of re
distance proposed. One method is to make uo
further effort iu the 1 aion, but to assume that
I the l tiion sillier cannot or ought not to he
preserved, and secede at once, and throw our
selves upon the consequences. The other
method is lo exhaust certain remedies fur
these grievances in the Union, with a view of
preserving our rights and the Union with
them, if possible; looking, however, to, and
preparing for, secession hi an ultimate resort,
certainly to he had, if those grievances can
not be remedied, and completely remedied,
! and ended in the Union.
Irreconcilable in these differences, at first
view, seem to be. 1 maintain a point of coin
plete reconciliation can he reached.
Now. let us look lo the reasons urged by
the advocates of these two modes of redress.
The advocates of the first m > le declare that
these grievances are the fruits of an original,
iQOA'.e anti slavery fanaticism. That the his
tory of the world will show that such fanati
| < iniii i- ti"vcr convinced ii never .‘-atiofied—
: never ends lilt in victory or bi-.'H. That, ac
cordingly, this fanaticism ii H.r Northern
States has been constantly ji.-r—ive, al
ways getting stronger and to re impudent, de
! liant an I nggressivc ; and that it w*ll never
cease except in our subjug v ion, unless
we tear loose from it by dissolving the Union.
These a Ivocales say they have no faith in any
resistance in tHe Union, because, in the na
ture ot (he evil, none can be effectual.
The advocates of the second mode of resis
tance, of whotn I nm humbly one. reason af
sen
timent has bi c une fanatical with many, yet
i it is not necessarily so in its nature, nor was
jitso in its origin. .Slavery has always ex
I isted in some form. It is an original institu
tion. Besides, we say the agitation now up
j ou us did n >t originate in fanaticism or pliil
ari'liropy, but in rapid:!)/.
Frig land owned the West ludies, and there
she had some slaves. She had possessions in
the Fast Indies, which she believed were
adapted to the growth of cotton, and which
article she desired to monopolize.
The N a them Staten were her only danger
ous competitors. She desired lo cripple or
break down the cultivation of the cotton plant
in the South. The South could not use her
own soil and climate in the successful produc
lion if cotton without the African elave.—
Kngland, therefore, must manage to set free
the slave, and turn the South over to some in
adequate peasantry system, something like the
coolie system. To this ead England raised a
great cry cry of philanthropy in behalf of the
poor negro. Asa show of sincerity, she abol
islied slavery in tho West ludies, near us,think
mg to affect her Southern neighbor. She
taught her lessons of false philanthropy to
our Northern pulpits and Northern papers,
and thus to our Northern people.
At this time flic Northern politician saw in
this inflammable subject fine material for po
litical agitation, party success, and self pro
motion. They leaped upon the wave and rode
on. The Southern politicians raised the coun
ter cry, leaped on the counter-wove and met
tite Northern politicians -in office. As long
us the people answered the politicians called,
and the result- is what we now seo. The sub
ject is interminable in politics, because utter
ly illegitimate as a political issue. Thus it
ha* never approached, but recoded from a
J political solution, aiul increasing in excitc
l inent us it lias progressed, all statesruenship,
North and South, is dwarfed lo a mere wrung
liug about A'., if.n slavery. Slavery will sur
vive, but the Constitution, the Union, and
pence may not. The Southern Slates will
continue to raise cotlou, but the hoping suk
ject of tyranny iu the earth may not continue
to point to tfie beautiful success of the exper
iment of self-govcTurnout in America
While the storm *’hiffh England raised in
America has been going on, England has been
trying to rai*e cotton iu India. She has fail
ed. Her factories are at home, but her cot
ton can't couio from India. She must have
cotton. Four millions of her people can't do
without it. It must come from the Southern
States. U can’t he raised in the South with
out slave labor. And Kngland has becometbe
defender of slavery in tho South.
1 will frankly state that this revolution iti
• English sentiment and policy has not yet
reached the Northern people. The .-ame causes
j must slowly produce it.
But while the unti slavery sentiment has
spread in the North, the pro-slavery sentiment
: has also strengthened in America. In our
early history the Southern siatesmen were
anti slavery in feeling Sm were Washington,
; Jefferson, Madison, Randolph, and many of
that day, who had never heard the argument
of the cotton gu, nor stude I the eloqueut pro
duct oris of the great Missbi'ppi Valley. Now
oar people not only see the justice of slavery,
but its Brovideoc'i too The world cau never
give up slavery until it is ready to give up
clothing and f< o I. The South is a magi ificent
exemplification of the highest Christian ex
, cellence. She is feeding the hungry, clothing
the naked, blessing them that curse her, and
doing good to them that despitefully use and
i pensecute her
We say again, that even the history of the
’ slavery agitation in this country does not jus
tify the very conclusion that abolitionism has
been always progressive Whenever popular
sentiment in politics has condemned the agi
tation. abolitionism has declined. Many in
stances could be giveu. In 1848, the aboli
tion candidate for the F’resideoey received
about .100.000 votes. At the end of Mr. Fill
more's Administration, in IHA2, the candidate
of that party received about half that vote
and a fugitive slave could be recovered almost
without oppo-ilinn in any Northern State
I Uven the Act of MftSMacliusdflP nullifying the
fugitive slave law of IT'.'-J. had uni betu np
plied lo the new fugitive slave law of ißfiO,
; after fhc ngila'ion had been revived.
These, ami many other similar rra-tons, we
urge for believing that nil the enumerated
grievances- the results of slavery agitation
—are curable by remedies within the Union
Ibit suppose our reasoning all wiong? How
shall wo be convinced ? Only by the experi-
I merit; but in the nature of the ciuc. nothing
j but a trial can lest the virtue of the remedies
; proposed. Let us try these remedies, and it .
we fail, this failure will establish the truth of I
j the positions of the advocates of immediate
i secession, and ire *hall all join in that reui- I
|
For. let it be understood, we are all agreed
l that these grievances shall be resisted—shall 1
1 be remedied—mos effectively remedied—and t
{ if this cannot be done in the Union, then the
: Union must go. And wc must not let this
• crisis pais without forever solviug this doubt,
i If the Union and the peace of slavery cannot
exist together, then the Union must go; for
slavery can never go, the necessities of (nan
and the laws of Heaven will never let it go.
and it must have peace And it has been tan
talized and meddled with as long as our self
respect can permit
Hut what remedies in the Union do wc pio
posa ? 1 will answer :
The grievances enumerated are of two kinds
— erittiny and threatened The existing actual
grievances are all violations of the Federal
UonsfUution and Federal laws, either by
Northern citizens or Northern States Now,
what does good statesmanship, good logic,
and common sense naturally suggest ? Why,
that the Federal Government sha'.l enforce its
law*. N Kiwi a can enforce, or punish, for
the violation of a Federal law The power
offended must adequately punish the offender.
The punishment must he such as to redress
the past, and by certainty and terror secure
the future. The Federal lw is offended.—
The Northern Slates and people are the offen
ders. The South is damaged by the offence.
This gives her the rijrht to demand the redress
at the hands of the Federal Government, and
if that Government, for want ot will or
power, sha'.l not grant the redress, then that
Government is a demonstrated failure And
when Governments end, self-defence begins.
We can then take redress in our own way,
and to our entire satisfaction.
Let the Georgia Convention meet. Let her
not simply demand, but command, that Ibis
war on slavery shall ces-e—that these uncon
stitutional acts and proceedings shall be ro
pealed and abandoned by the States, or re
pudiated and redressed by the Federal Gov
ernment. Let her inviie all the Slates to
join in this demand. If no others will come
to their duty and meet with us, let the fifteen
Southern .States join in this demand, and let
the penalty of refusal, even to the demand of
• *ne State, be the abandonment of the Union,
and any other even harsher remedy each Slate
may think her rights aud honor required.
We have an instance before us. a President
made at the instance of the North. When, in
JBTS, South Carolina was refusing to obey a
Federal law. in the execution of which the
Northern Slates had an interest. Congress
passed a Force hill, and put it in the hands of
a Southern President for enforcement, even
with the army and the navy and the militia,
if needed.
Let us turn our battery against Northern re
bels The constitution ilily of the act which
South Carolina resisted was doubted A South
ern State never nullified, nor refused to obey, a
plain const it utioal law. Hut here are the
.Sortben States, an 1 people nullifying and
setting at dufiance, the plainest constitutional
j r visions and laws passed in pursuance there
af; and, instead of demand ng of the Fcdeial
Government the enforcement of its laws for
the protection of our rights; we arc spending
our breath, and wasting ottr strength in vain
boating of wrath and hurtful divisions of our
own people.
ON r 4tUL* Southern statesmen think
. . r „
w*. havenlrTVlv ‘III .1 1 IJ l l.i*j*l **■•-.
if enforceWe have an act in 17'.).'), an 1
• *OA*- . 1 I
one in 1807, and perhaps others, to execute the
laws, to suppress insurrection*, and repel in
vasions. If these and other enactments arc
sufficient, let us have them euforced.
A voice—The Presidents we have already
had won’t enforce that law.
Mr. Hill.—Then you ought to have dis*olv
eJ louflr ago. If the greviance has been by
uieu of our owu choosing, why have wc not
complained before ? Let us begin now. Let
us begin with Mr. Buchanan. A few days
ago, and perhaps now. a fugitive is standing
protected by a Northern mob in a Northern
State, in defiance of IheU. S Marshal. Let
us demand now that Mr. Buchanan enforce the
law against that rebel and against that State
which protects him, or suffers hitn to be pro
tected on her soil. Let us have out (he army
and navy, and if they are not sufficient, le:
there be a call for volunteers Many of us
say we are ready to fight, anxious to figl.—
Here is a chance. Let us tender our services
If the laws now existing are not sufficient,
let us have them sufficient It is our right.
W are entitled t* a force bill for every clause
in the Constitution necessary to our rights.—
What liave our statesmen been after that these
laws are not sufficient 1 Some of these nulli
fying grievances have existedsince 1843, and is
it possible that our statesmen have been all
asleep, or lost and forgetful in wrangling about
slavery ? Let us begin now and perfect our
lawa for the enforcement of every const it u
tional right, and against every rebel enemy.—
Let the convention add to the contingencies
of disruption in the Georgia Platform. Let
the refusal to enforce the laws granted for our
protection arid defence be one contingency,
and the ref eH to grant the laws needed for
that protection and defence be auother contin
gency
A Voice—How long will yon wait ?
Mr. Hill—Until the experiment is tried and
both the demands enumerated may be tested,
and the contingencies may transpire beforetbe
fourth of March next. If they do uot, if a
larger time shall be needed, Mr. Lincoln can
not do us damage. As you heard last night,
he cannot oven form his Cabinet unless he
make it acceptable to a Deuiocralio Senate. —
And 1 go further aud say that he cannot get
even his salary—not a dime to pay for his
breakfast—without tlie eoueeut of Cougres;-.
Nor would 1 have the Southern States, nor
even Georgia, lo hesitate to demand the en
forcemeat of these laws at the hands of Mr.
Lincoln, if we cau not test it before. The
North demanded of a Southern President the
execution of the law again*’ a Southern State
in 1833. Now let the South compel a North
ern President to ext-cute the laws ngninst a
Northern people; yea, the very rebels that
ilectcd him.
A Voice— Do you believe Lincoln would is**
sue his proclamation?
Mr. Hill—We can make him do it. It is his
oath. He will be a traitor to refuse, and we
shall have the right to hang him. He dare
not refuse. He would be on Southern territo
ry, and for his life he dare not refuse.
A Voice—The “Wide Awakes” will be
there.
Mr. Hill—Very well, if we are afraid of the
‘ Wide Awakes” we had better surrender
without further debate. The “Wide Awakes”
will be there if we secede, and if they are to
be dreaded, our only remedy is to h de. No,
my friends, we are no 1 afraid of any body.—
Arm us with the laws of our country tnd the
Constitution of our fathers, and we fear no
enemy. Let us make upon that Constitu
tion and against those laws and we will be
afraid of every noise iu the bushes. He who
feels aud knows he is right is afraid of noth
ing, and he who feds and kuows he is wrong,
/is afraid of nothing too.
{ We were told !he other by a gentle
lonian urging immediate secession, that we had
If never had a member In Congress but who w.ts
afraid to demand the laws for t he enforcement
of these Constitutional rights. And this is
true, but whose fault is that? Shame upon
us that we have been afraid to demand our
rights at the bauds of owu government, ad
min stered to this hour by men of our own
choice, and yet insist on our courage to sus
tain ns in seceding from that government in
defiance of its power. No, we have a right |
I * go out, but let us kuow we mutt exercise ;
ihoi right before w# go, and how can we know
it unlsss we ask first ? The Declaration of In
dependence, which you invoke for an example,
says a decent respect to the opinions of n*in
kinj requires us to declare the cause-’ which
impel us to the separation. IN hen we eepft*
talc and allege our grievances as our causes,
and mankind shall ssk us if we attempted. !
oven demanded, a redress of those grb viances
in the Uiiitn before wc went out, shall we
■ hang jiir heads nod say no? A people who ,
! are afraid to demand respect for their rights, !
i can have no rights worthy to be respected.— I
. Uur fathers demanded, yea, petitioned, and ,
warned and conjured, and not until the Gov- <
eminent was deaf to the voice of justice and k
consanguinity, did they acquiese in the nee- I
’ oeaity which demanded their separation, ll i
is no: the cowardice of Fear, but the courage
of Right and Duty to demand redress, at the
hands of our Government.
I confess I am anxious to see the strength
of this government now tested. The crisis
is on us, not of our seeking, but in spite of
our opposition; and now let us meet it.
I believo we can make Lincoln enforce the
laws. If fifteen Southern States will take the
Constitution and tlic laws and his oath, and shake
them in the face of the President, and demand
their observance and enforcement, lie cannot re
fuse Better make him do it than any one else.
It will be a magnificent vindication of the power
and the majesty of the law, to make the Presi
dent enforce the law. even to bunging, against
the very rebel* who have chosen him to trample
upon it. It will !*e a vindication that will strike
terror to I he hearts of evil doers for a centur) to
come. Why, Lincoln i* not a monarch .’ He
has m* power outside of the law. and none inside
.of the law. except to enforce it. He i* n* much
subject to the law as you or myself. The law
>• our king over all. From the President to the
humblest citizen we are the equnl subjects of
this only ruler. We have no cause lor tear, ex
cept when we otlcnd this only sovereign of the
republican citizen, and have no occasion for de
spair until his protection is denied us.
1 am also willing, as you heard hist night, that
our Convention or State should demand of the
nullifying J?tHt‘* the repeal of their obnoxious
law s. 1 know this idea has been characterized
as ridiculous. 1 cannot see wherein. You
would make such demands of any foreign power
interfering with your right*, and why do less to
ward a confederate State !
But, in my opinion, the wisest policy, the most
natural remedy, and the surest way to vindicate
our honor and self respect, is to demand the tin
conditional observance ot the Constitution by
every State and people, and to enforce that de
mand. And if it he necessary, call out (or this
purpose the whole power of she Government
♦•veil lo war on the rebellious State. And when
a State --hall allow n fugitive to he rescued iu
her jurisdiction and carried beyond the reach of
the owner, require her to indemnify the owner,
nnd make the Government compel that indem
nity. even to the seizure of the property of the
offending State, and her people. One such rigid
enforcement of the law will aeeure universal
obedience. Let the law ho executed, though the
heuven.* tall; for there can he no government
without law. and law i* hut sand, if not en
forced If need l*e. let the State continuing
in rebellion against the Constitution be driven
from the Union. Is thi> Union a good * If so.
m hy should we surrender its hlesMiig.s because
Massachusetts violates the laws of that Union !
Punish the guilii/. Drive Massachusetts to the
duties of the Constitution or from Us benefit*
Make the General Government do this, and
abandon the Government when it shall take
sides with the criminal. It would be a trophy
lo fanaticism, above all her insolence, to drive
the dutiful out of the Union with impunity on
its part. Let us delend the Union ugauist its
enemies, xintil that Union shall take sides with
ihe enemy, and then let us defend ourselves
against loth.
In the next place let us consider the bene
fits of this policy. First, let us consider its
benefits it we succeed; and then its benefits,
if we fail.
If we succeed, we shall have brought about
• triumph of Law tell spirit of Mobo-
I * nicy, never surpassed iu the world’s history,
und the reward of that triumph will be the
c* rious vindication of our equality, nnd honor,
and at Ihe same time the establishment of the
s- 1 | ■** ii i> integrity forever. And I tell yon,
my fi uuul- \v- owi-'ICTii ,v p^V..calves,
and our posterity, yen, t constitutional liberty
itself, to make tin* trial. Can it lie possible
that we are living under n government that has
no power to enforce it* own laws ‘ We have
Iwm-ied of our form of government. We have
ftliunM canonised if* authors ns *aint*, lor their
patrioti*m and wisdom- They have reputations
world-wide. They have been, for nearly u cen
tury. lauded n* far above all autiquity. Mini ail
previous statesmen. Their face* und their
forms have been perpetuated m brass and mar
ble for the admiring gaze of many generations
made happy in the enjoyment ot their laltor*.
In verse and song, in history and philosophy,
in light literature and graver learning, their
name* are eulogised, and their deeds commem
orated, ami their wisdom ennobled. The paint
er has given u.* the very fare* and positions
of the great counsellors, a* they sat together
deliberating in the formation of this Constitu
tion The pulpit has placed their virtues next
lo the purity and inspiration of the early Hpos
tles. The Senate Chamber has invoked their
sayings as the test of good policy. The fire
side lias held up to its juvenile circle their
manners a* the models of good breeding. The
demagogue on the hustings has falsely caught
at their mantles to hide hm own shame.
All this, because we have been acoustoinrd
to believe that they succeeded in framing the
best Constitution, aud in organizing the best
Government the world ever saw. is that gov
ernment,after ail, a failure t Who shall give us
a better, and how shall we commensurate the
worth of such wiser benefactors f But it’ ibis
government cannot eitlurce its laws, then it is
a failure.
We liave professed to feel and realize its bless
mg*. Kloquentc* has portrayed in magic powei
it* progress in all the deiucuts of power, wealth,
greatness, and happiness. Not a people on earth,
since we achieved our independence, has shown
symptoms of a desire to*be free, that we have
not encouraged by our sympathies, and as the
sufficient evidence of all success in self-govern
ment, wc have poiuted them’to our example.
There is not a people on earth who do not point
to America and -igh for a government like that
of the United States. Shall we now sny to all
these Stop, you are mistaken. Our reputation
is not deserved. Be content with your huinble
rule. The people are not capable of self-govern
ment. This very government, which you ad
mire, and which we have thought was a model,
is unable to protect our people from the robber,
the thief, the murderer and the fanatic!
Kell w-citizens, before we settle down iu such
a coM’luikm, let us make the effort tuid put this
government to a test.
Another advantage to be derived from success
is, that wc shall thus end the agitation of slavery
forever. Its agitation ill polities was w rong from
the beginning. Debate it* morality and Justice
os much as you please. It w ill stand the argu
ment. But don t drag it down into n party polit
ical issue. Show me the man who agitates slav
ery a* a political party question, and 1 will show
you the true enemy of slavery and the Union, I
care not whether lie lives North or South. The
safety and peace of the slaveholder and the Un
ion demand that this agitat ion should not longer
be allowed.
But, in the second place, if we fail we cannot be
damaged, but great benefits will be secured by
the effort.
in the first place, wc shall have time to get
ready for secession. If we secede now, iu what
condition arc we? Our sscession will either be
peaceable or otherwise. If peaceable, we have
no ships to take off our produce. We could not
get an ! would not luive those of the government
from which we had just *dcededL We have no
treaties, commercial or otherwise, w ith auy oth
er power. We have no postal system among
our ow n people. Nor arc wc prepared to meet
any one of the bundled luconveiiicncc* that
must follow, ami all us which can Ik ar*>i<hd by
tnk'naf time.
But suppose our scewaion be not peaceable.
In what condition are we for war? No navy, no
forts, no arsenals, no arm* but bird guns for
low tree*. Yd a scattered people, with nothing
dividing us from onr enemy but an Imaginary
line, and a long sea and gulf const extending
from the Potomac to Galveston Bay, If all should
secede. In what condition nrc wc to meet the
t lioiisaud il s.tliat w mild best t u* ? and every one
“f which can be avoided bv taking time ’“Wc
have more to do than to go up the hill* and
come down.” Secession i* no holiday work.
While wc are seeking to redress onr wrongs
in the Union, w e can go forward making all nec
essary preparations to go out If it should become
necessary. We enn luive a government system
perfect, and prepared, ready for the rmergence
when the necessity for separation shall come.
Again, if we faifto get redress in the Union,
that'very failure will unite the people of our
State. The only real ground of difference now
| K sonic of u* think uo can cel vtdresa iu the
Union, and others think we cafttiot. Let those
j of u* who still Imve faith make that effort which
• In * never been made, and If uc fill, then we are
1 ready to join yon. If yon will not help us make
i iiai effort, at least. do not try to prevent. Let
us have \ fair trial. Keep cool and koep still.
If wc cannot save ottr < qua lit v, and rights, and
honor in the Uni *n, we shall join yon and save
them out of it.
• “ A voice. When you litiHo save your rights in
tlic l niou. If you refuse to go W'Uli us then, what
will you do?
Mr. Hill. But wc will go. We allow no fto
J our conduct in that connection. IF, when we
come to join you, vou get stubborn and refuse
I to go, then we shall go without you.
Now, my accession friends. I have all cottfi
’ donee in your zeal and pntr’otlsin, but simply
i let us take time and get ready. Let us work for
htho best, and pfetmtv for the worst. Until nit
| the Constitution has strength enough to conquer
••Il its enemies— e> cii the Northern fanatic. If
it proves to luvc’not that strength, I will not
I trii-t it another hour.
A third benefit to he derived from the failure
of un honest effort to redress our grievances jit
the Union, is the Union of all the Southern
States. Bouic of the Stales will not secede now.
Some of the State* who suffer most from the
grievances wc have enumerated will not secede
now. Because they tliink these grievances can
he redressed in the Union, if this idea he a
dream, let us wake np to the reality hy nn actu
al experiment.
A further benefit to be desired Is, that if all
the. Southern States get ready and secede togeth
er, wc -hall be allowed to do Vo peaceably. ‘Cer
tainly, it U our right to go peaceably unv way.
The Government, though having the right to
enforce Its laws against all the world, has no
right to coerce back a seceding State. But the
attempt might be made aud the peace broken,
if only one State should secede, or cun a few.
But let all the Southern States get ready and go
together, and no earthly power would interfere
or molest. My own opinion is that every West
ern and Me* u- j p Si ■> t <\and the M hid ]•
State*, and perhaps nit nut
States, would go with us. And the glori- r -.e
suit at last might be that we -houhl hold the
Government with alUlts power, and thrust off
only those who have been faithless to it.
But the Southern State* alone with the terri
tory naturally falling into our hand*, w ould form
the greatest government then on earth. The
world must have our products ; aud after peace
was once secured to us, the world would furnish
our navies aud our army, w ithout the expense
to u* of a ship, or a soldier.
Finally, my friend*, wc shall have secured, by
this policy the good opinion < fall mankind and
of ourselves. We -hall hnvcfdonc ottr duty to his
ton. to our children, and to Constitutional lib
erty. the great experiment of £v)f government.
He shall have also discerned our
present government, and wpUlTp TWpnr?Tl to
guard against them in anotffrr Abd’vN f l', m
-hull have found good <t*eufed
that, cither in the Union or out of c
dearer to us than any Union, and more to*
desired than all Constitutions however venerat
ed —that which i* the end of all our efforts, and
the desire of all our hearts, our equality as
State*, our right* as citizens, and our honor a*
men.
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COMPANIES!
TV/TILITAKY CAPS or HATS made to
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Ha.t Alai mil i-ctoi-y.
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Atlanta, (ia , Nov. 23. 1880. dint.
imrmwciMisixwfftm
Atlanta, Nov. 12th, 1860.
X>*. I*.’Davis. __
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Calhoun A Johns n, Calhoun House.
Atlanta, Nov. 12tb, 1860.
Coi.. J. R. Davis.
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N. L. Angikr, j
J. R Wallace, • Com. of Council.
I. Winkhih, J
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nov. 20. J. K. DAVIS.
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of Opelika, Alabama.
Connected wuh the Establishment, there is
a large and commodious LI VERY BTA BLE,
having a large and eicellent Lot attached.—
Tho locality is an admirable one, and promise*
a handsome profit to any energetic purchaser ,
and 1 will certainly sell an excellent bargain.
Call and examine.
A. F. ROGERS.
Opelika, Ala., Nov. 8, ‘6O. uov.A-d6w.
$.700 Ki:\V \KH!
the above reward will be paid to any prsou,
A or persons, who may arrest JOSEPH C.
DAVIS, of Lumpkin Cos., Georgia, who is ntw
a lugitive troui Justice, having beeu guilty of
an attempt to murder Gen. Harrison W. Riiey,
of the county and State aforesaid.
Said Joseph C. Davis is apparently thirty
five years of ago —tall—square built—over eix
leet high—is slightly pol-marked weighs
over two hundred pounds—has a dark com
plexion and dark piercing eyea ; his features
betraying the preaenee of Indian blood. To
any one who may arrest hitn, and procure hie
confinement in the jail of the county in which
he may tie arrested, the above reward will be
paid upon bis delivery hi the lawful Sheriff
this county, or bis Deputy, by
H. W. RILEY and J. L. RILEY.
Dahlonega. Lumpkin Co.,Ga , Nov. 8, ’f.O. ts.