National American. (Atlanta, Ga.) 18??-1861, November 24, 1860, Image 2

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#latiaal JMuertara. LET THIS FLAG STILL WAVE O'ER THE LAND OF THE BRAVE ! tt CaastltatUi • *b *'•” ATLANTA. QEOROIAt Saturday, November 24,1860. yf We itevole • Urge j>rlion of our epooe 10-Jo/ lo Ihe rneoljr, poiriolio oJ conriocing ,perch of Oeorgio • greet Commoner, lion BenJ H. Hill, end would beepeek for it e calm, attentive end diepeeeionaie perueel by ell into whose bende it may fell. I The Columbus “Koquiror,” refering 10 it. nays: *'lt abounds with pertinent end timelj truths end irrefragable logic, and edeolieely sustains the prudent end moderate but efii - cient policy which the proplS of Georgia wih adopt by an overwhelming majority. There appears to be hardly any dirislon of sentiment in support of these views in the northern por linn of the sod we believe that, outetde of the eicited cities, the southern part of the .Stale will also sustain them The High! ( Hrrraalon. K few days ago we copied from the New Or : leans •• Commercial Bulletin.” an article headed “It is Treason to Secede.” The declaration contained in the caption of the article as not ; the Editor's, but that of an eminent Virginian, ; who was sustained in it by the late venerable | Editor of that old time Democratic journal, the “ Bichtuond Enquirer,” and many other distinguished gentlemen of thst State. A friend—a diettngutehed Georgian, *ud an ardent State Eight* man—desires, through our j columns, to combat the opinion therein so sidy j set forth. We accord him that liberty most cheerfully. His communication will be found, in another column, tinder the heading, “Sncca sion is not Treason.” • • • .Wrrfing of Soulhrrn l.rgOlalurra. In view of the esctled slate of the Southern mind, and the probable action of tho Southern legislatures, in reference to the recent elec lion. It becomes s matter of interest to know when those Legislatures meet, although some of them are railed together in special session immediately. The following Steles hold Leg islative sessions hienmaily, vis- Delaware, North Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkan ass, Florida, Tenneaaae, Louisiana. Maryland, Missouri and Talas. Alabama meets Novem ber lij Arkansas, November J; Delaware, first Tuesday in June | Florida, Georgia and Trias, first Monday in November, Kentucky, first Mondev in December; Louisiana, third Mon day in January; Maryland, first Wednesday in January ; Mississippi, first Monday in Jan uary ; Missouri, last Monday in December; fourth Monday in 1 - r ’ T>nn3w. Aral ginia, taoonci Monday id January. • • • l.attol .Vrica. from Europe wo have advices bearing dal* So. loth, by tho steamship Alnca. Her rot ton now. la no later than that by tho Palratin” but trad* in Manchaairr waa reported favura bla—Yarna firm. Clotba quiet. In Liverpool, hard, Sugar and Uiro woro firm , Angara alight |y advanced, and for Kic# aepeoulalive inquiry eiiited at an advance of 3d. Pork waa .toady, and Hoof and Baron quiet. Flour closed dull at fid. decline, and corn from Cd to la. lower - holdora (iroaaing tbeir atoeka on tho market At London, Conaola wrro reported alMlhf T3| for money and account. Tho bullion in tho Hank of England bad dooroaaed i ;:(0,000 Victor Emanuel baa formally accepted tho SoTereignty of Naptea. and Garibaldi baa rr aignod hia liictatorahip and gone to hia laland home. The Governor of Miaaouri u taking prompt measures to protect the border, of that Slate from the incuralona of Montgomery'* Abolition ruffian.; the people of Warsaw, of that State, bare called on tho Proaidont to protect them. Samuel Harris A Bona. Baltimore, hare tem porarily auapended. The Bank, of Trenton have given way to the prea.ure and auapended. Tbe bill removing reatrictlona upon the Ueor gia Banka for auapenaion, baa the Senate by tbe concluaive vole of 91 to 13. Some oQhe Macon, Georgia, I'rm i-l< n Deal er. liave been notified, by tbeir St. Loul. cor reapoudenta, that a. Georgia l going to pi* out of the Union, remittance* mat nev.-r roach them, they prefer not to .cml them nit moro Provisions on time. Jual in Glue to preveut any ambarraaament growing out of thia notice, Mr. Ector, of ileri wether, haa introduced a hill int- the Senate, proposing to make a food fuud of the Kduca lloual fund of 1961. galea of Colton at tho principal pointa are quite good, hut not brick or heavy. At Charlri -o,n jirteoe range at from It t'• Idle a*. Near Orleaua, lOJf.blOJe. for Middlinga. Haloa of tbe week, 60,&00 bale.. Decrease in Receipt* at all tba porta, 140,500 bale. ; BG>ek, 313,250 balea. It ia rumored fwe doubt ita eormctnc.a) that 45,000 atand of arma, of the moat approved patterns, have been sent to Georgia’ itrcidt ttty foot. Her. Dr. Wise, editor of the Cincinnati “ In reelite,” alluding to eotne burglars who hare annoyed, rather than robbe f, him on two ore* ■ions lately, says: ** The thieve# who, loat Friday night, broke into our office for the eecond time, are politely requested to do no uo more, as we feel heartily ashamed for any decent thief to see how very poor we are. Tell ua before hand your inten lion to pay u* a visit, and we shall place some change somewhere within reach, U> save the credit of the establishment.” ♦ ♦ ♦ The Springfield (Mas*.) ‘• Republican “ says the following notice was lasted up at a railway atation : Travelers should be careful to deliver their baggage to proper persons—a gentleman a few day* since entrusted hm wife to a stranger, and ha* not beard of her since.” • • * I tir It is reported that the Prince said to a fair partner at the ball in Bt. Louis-** Mias, don’t you think my moustache* are herom ingf” To which Mias replied—“ Well, sir, they mar be coming, but they bavn't yet ar rived.” The following sentiment was drunk, standing, at a private fete among *‘de fust circle” colored elite of New York, a few daya ago . “Here'* to de color'd far sec dar fact needs no paint, dar bead in ’fuaaermy “ **KF. >1 OF HOV 11. (I. (111.1., i li Mdledye* ill*, on the 1-VA in i taut. | TUI* speech iru not reported by th I'rftas at Milledgetille ; bui dome forty or fifty mem ber* of the legislature ami citizen* united in ‘ requesting (he distinguiftlird author to furnish a cup/ of it for publication. In reply. he *a/*: “Since the reception of /our letter, 1 have hastily written out the speccl) to which /on refer. I could not recall the exact language, IBM the argument, such as it if, in herewith submitted for /our disposal. “1 see nothing in the remarks inconsistent with anything heretofore written I)}’ me.— , There is a prudent and Imprudent wa/ of ac complishing the Name good. 1 think <*ouie of our friends aro hast/, bet us keep right and “uiaka.haste •low!/.” I have discussed a pol ic/ of resistance, but 1 am read/ to /ield it for a better when I can find it. That polio/ which can most cordial)/ unite our people, and most effectual!/ redress our grievances, is lh* one 1 shall prefer. ” Yours, ver/ respectfull/, “11 II HILL. ” Nov 11, 1800.”] ! Ladies am* Friends : While I am speaking to /ou to-night, 1 e.r uesil/ beg for perfect quietness and order. It weeuj* to l>e a general idea,t hat puttie speak ers feel high!/ complimented whets Their opln 1 ions arc received with boisterous applause 1 do not so feel on an/ occasion, and certain!/ would not so regard such a demonstration now The occasion is a solemn and serious one, and let us treat it in no light or trivial mauner.— ! One more request. I have invoked good or- j .|er. I /et more earnest!/ invoke /our kind and considerate attention. No people ever j assembled to deliberate a graver issue This j government is the result of much toil, much ; blood, much anxiety and much treasure. For near!/ a century we have been accustomed to j ••peak and boast of U as the best on earth.— Wrapped tip in H arc the lives, the h appiness, the interests and the peace of Hurt/ millions of freemen now living, and of unnumbered J millions in the future. Whether we aha!! now destio/ that Govern j merit or make another effort to preserve it and reform tie abuses, ts the question before us. j Is dial question not entitled to all the wisdom, { ihe moderation and prudence we can com- ! rnand ? Were you ever at sea in a storm?— * Then /ou know the sailor often finds it neres j *r/, to enable him to keep his ship above the j save, to throw overboard bis freight, even j ills treasure llut with his churl and bis com* pass be never | arts. II -wever dark the beav- ( ••us or furious the winds, with these bo can still point the polar star, and find the port of his safot/. Would not that sailor be mud who should throw these overboard? \N r arc at sea. to/ friends. The skies aro fearful!/ darkened. The billows roll threat eningly. Hangers are on every aide. Let us throw overboard our pAssiotie, our prejudices and our pari/ feelings, however long or high ly valued Hut let us hold on - hold on to reason and moderation These and these alone point ft ways to the fixed star of Truth, by whose guidance we may yet eufely come to shore. \\> must agree. Wo <1 agree if we but knew it. Our people must tic united to meet this crisis. I>ivisions now would not only be un fortunate, but exceedingly diaastrous. If di visions arise they cannot be based on our in terests or our purj <>*••*, for these aro and must t*e the same Divisions must find their origin in our suspicions and jealousies. Let ns give these suspicions and jealousies to the winds. Let us assume as the hast* of every argument that we aro all equally honest, and equally desirous, in our various ways, of securing one i ns There must be MV wiff!' 1 ' 1 - laJi'UlT ll'l I hit ion !• lo find that i* iy, anil unite our people ( in the advocacy of that way. 1 have listened witli viu neat attention to the eloquent apeeche* male by all aide*. ami l believe a common ground of agreement can be found, if not for universal, at L*a*i for Very general agreement. Those who hold that the (’onalitttlioit i* wrong, ami the Union had per nr, of course will agree to nothing but imme diate disuuion, and such I shall not be able to atL-Cl. lu the first place, what are our grievances! All the speakers, thus far, even the most ultra. | have ad in it ted that the mere c institutional election of any man is no ground for resis lance. Tho mere election of Mr. Lincoln is on all sides admitted not to be the grii-vance. t bir State would not bo thrown on a false i**ue on this point. We complain, in general terms, that the an ti slavery sentiment at the North has been an element of political p w-r. In proof of this wc make the following spe ciAcatiooa - 1. That a large political party has been or ganised in the Northern State*, the great coni mon i lea of which is to prohibit the extension of slavery by Congress, and hostility to slave ry generally 2 That this party has succeeded in getting the control of many of the Northern Legislatures, an 1 nave procured the passage of acta nullifying the fugitive slave law, en couraging the rescue of fugitives, and seeking to punish, as felons, citizens of our Southern States who pursue their slaves in the assertion .if a plain constitutional right. That this party has elected Governors in Northern States, who refuse, some openly an 1 others under frivolous pretexts, to do their plain Constitutional duties, when these duties involve the recognition of pr perty in slaves. 4. Thgl Northern Courtschoseu by the same party, havo assumed t* declare the fugitive slave law unconstitutional in the teeth of the decisions of the United .States Courts, ami of every department of the Coiled States Gov eminent. ,j. We complain that tho .Northern States, thus controlled, ar* seeking to repudiate every Constitutional duly, or provision iu favor or in recognition of slavery—to work the ex turn tion of slavery, and lo secure to the negro social and political equality with the white iace; aud, a* Ur an possible, they disregard and nullify even the laws of the Southern .Stales on this subject. In proof of this com plaint, we show that Northern (ioveinors have actually refused to deliver up fugitives from jiiitur, when the crime charged against such fugitives reengnixed under Slat’ In * property j in slave*. Thus, a Northern man married a Southern lady having a separate estate in slaves. He deceived the lady, stole her negr ea, Mold thru and p . ketc 1 the money, and fled to a North ern State. He was charged with larceny un der the laws of the Sta'e in which the crime was committed. A true bill was obtained and a demand was properly made for his return, and the tioveruor of the State to which he tied refused to deliver him up on the ground that to commit larceny a man must steal property, j and as slaves were not property according t. ! the law* of the Northern state, it could not he property according to the Southern State: that therefore the Southern Court, Jury and Governor were all wrong in obeying the laws of their own State, instead of thejlawa of the Northern State : that the defendant was not guilty au l could not bo guilty, and should not be deUfercd'up. The same principle was involved to shield several ol the conspirator* in the John Brown J raid. - The inexorable logic of this party, on such ) a premier, must array them against the whole | Constitution of the luited State*; because/ that instrument, in ita very frame work, is a J recognition of property in slaves It wan modes by sUveholdiug Stales. Accordingly we find 1 this party a disunion party, and its leaders—-1 those of them who follow their logic to itfl'j practical consequences—disuniotnsts per sc. I would not quote from the low and theignor ant of that party, but 1 will quote fioni (be learned and the honored 4 Ms&¥ I bli of the most lent tied di .t iph* of this ‘ psny *4os: •• The in the cause of every di vision which thi* vexed question of slavery i iisn over occasioned in this country. I* (the , Con*tb n/iw) has been the fountain and father us our trouble*, by a> tempting to hold togeth er, as reconciled, two opposing principles, which will not harmonize tjor agree. The only ■ hope of the slave is over the rum* of the dot- I rtnmrnt ‘Jie </i etolntion of the t’nion is the , abolition of titrery.'* One of the ablest, and oldest, and long hon ored Senators of that party—a Senator even before tho existence of the Republican party said lo the nominating Convention of that I parly : •• I believe that this ta not so much a | l onventiuD lo change the administration of the Government, as to say whether there shall he any dorernmient to he jdininistried. You have assembled, not to say whether this Union shall , be preserved, but to say whether it shall be a j blessing or a scorn and hissing among the na t ions. 1 ’ 1 could quote all night, my friends, to show that the tendency of the lie-publican party is to disunion. That to by a Republican is to be logically nmi radically against the Conslitu non and the Union. And we complain that this party is warring upon us, aud at the same time, and in the sumo way, and by a necessa ry consequence, wat ring upou the Constitution , and the Union. tl We complain in the last place, that this party having thus acquired the control of eve ry department of Government, Legislative, Kxecutive, and Judicial—in several of the Northern States, and having thus used every department of the State Government bo ac quired. iu violation cf the Constitution of the United Slates, in disregard of the laws of the j Southern States, and in utter denial of the property and even liberty of the citizens of the j Southern Slates—this party 1 say, with these pnuciplee, and this history, has at last secur ! ed the Kxscutive department of the Federal : Government, and are seeking to Becure the j other two departments—the Legislative aud j the Judicial. Here, then, is a party seeking to administer! I the Government on principles which must d*;-i slroy the Government—proposing to preserved i the I aion upon a basis on which the Union. j ; in the very nature of tilings, cannot stand ; aud • Bering peace on terms which must proj dues civil war. Now, my friends, the next question is, shall j these grievances be resisted? 1 know of no I man who says they ought not to be resisted I For rnyself, 1 say, and say with emphasis, they I ought to bo resisted—resisted effectively and i ; at all hazards. What lesson have we here? Wo hav* soeu ; differences running high—eveu apparent bit- I terness engendered. I’assion get* up, debates become jeers and gibes defiance. One man says lie will not resist Lincoln. Ills adversa ry pronounces that tienson to the South and the muu a Black Republican. Another tuan says he will resist Lincoln aud demand imiue- ‘ diate secession. His adversary pronounces j that treason to the Constitution and the man j a disunionist What do you mean by Linoolo ? Stop and define. The first means by Lincoln, the man ideoled. the second means by Lincoln, the issue on which he is elected. Seither will resist the first; loth will resist the latter, and so they agree and di 1 sgree all the lime they were dis puting ! These grievances are our real complaint.— They have advanced to a point which makes | a nitit: and that point i the election ot Lin— 1 coin. Wo >lare not, we will not let this crisis j pass without a tdtlement. That setl lenient j must wipe out existing grievances, and arrest threatened ones. We owe il lo our Coustilu lion, to our country, to our peace, to our pos terity, lo our dignity, to our self-respect, as Union men and Southern men, to have aces (•alien of these aggressions ami no end to these disturbances. Ido not think we should { on-'itu The i (institution fins | late*! and even defied These violations are repeated every day. W'e must resist, ami not . i,, attempt to re si andji otodo so ‘He tve ly —even to the full extent of the evil, will be | to bring shame on ourselves, ami our Stole, | Hll I OUT CttUfcO. Having agreed on our complaints, ami dis covered that sil our suspicions of each oilier are unfounded, and that our disputes on this point had their origin in hasty conclusions ami thoughtless mistakes, let us, with an en coiirnged charity ami forbearance, advance to the next step iti this argument. Who shall inaugurate this resistance? Wh > j sh ill determine the mode, the measures and the time of this resistance? My reply is: The people through their del egatee in Convention duly assembled. It is not necessary lor me now to urge this point Here again wc have had disputes with out differences 1 have the pleasure of announcing to night that the prominent lenders ot all shades ot opinion on this subject came together this day and agreed that it was the right and privilege of the people in convention to pa*s on these • juestions. On this point we have disputed for a week, aud lo day, acting is <*'e rg ans • loulil act. wo came together in a spirit of kindness, and in fifteen minutes our hearts were all made glad by the discovery that our differen oes or disputes were founded on groundless suspicious, and ire are agrxed. We are all lor resistance, and wo are all for the people in convention lo say how and when, and by what means we shall losist. I never behold a acetic which male rny heart rejoice more sincerely. Gh, that 1 could see the same spirit of concord on the only remaining questiou of difference. With my heart full of kindness, 1 beg my friends io accompany me now to that question. I do believe we oan agree again My solemn con victiou is, that we differ a- little on this a* i we did on the other point, in every material | ri,r<\ \t last, nearly all tho quarrels of the : world, in all ages, have been founded more iu form than substance Some men are honest, wise and prudent.— Other* are equally honest aud intelligent, but ranh and impetuous. The latter are often to ho loved and encouraged; but the first alone j nr# o be r*k*d on in emergencies. W e often appeal to tho history of our fathers j to urge men to indignation and hasty reseut j memos wrongs Let us study nil that his tory. Let me show you. from that history, an example of metal and ovcr-cuufidence ou the one hand, an l of coolness and wisdom on the other. During our colonial history, the Luglish j Government sent General llraddock to Amer ’ ica to dislodge and drive hack the French and j Indians. The General, arranging the cam- j paigti, assigned to his own command the duty of recovering the Ohio Valley and tho groat Northwest. It was uecessary to capture Fort j Huquesne. He never thought of any diffi cullitc in tho way of success He prom- | ! iced Niw a*ile to le biyond the ruoun j talus iu a very short period Duqueam*, ho thought, would stop hnn only throe or four days, and there was no oha ruction to his inarch to Niagara. He declared the Indians might frighten the raw American Militia, but i could make no impression on the British reg ulars. This wes Brad dock. One of the raw American Militia who had joined Braddock’■ command, was the young Washington, then only about twenty three years old. He became one of Braddock a aids. Hearing the General’s boasts, and seeing Ins i thoughtless courage, Washington quietly said to him, “ l!> ifiull have more to do than to go \up th* hiih ond-’>me d"tcn.'* Speaking of Brad r dock to another, Washington said, “ He was | incapable of arguing without warmth, or giv | ing up any point he had asserted, be It ever Iso incompatible with reasou or common l sense.” Braddock waa combined, on all hands, to j be a brave, gallant and fearless officer. Here, then, are two men, both brave and noble, and intelligent, engaged together to accomplish a common enterprise for the good of their country The one was rash, thought !es never calculating difficulties, nor look tug forward to, and providing against, ob ’ mructions. lie arranged bis express, and sent for ward the news of bin victory Iwforehnnd.— I Hut the other was coni, calculating, cautious, ; wise, and moderate. Hr was a uian who thougbt before lie acted, and then artel the hero. Now, for results: i'raddock was surprised I before be reached the Fort ilis Hri'tsh reg- ! ulars Bed before the yelling Indians, and the | raw American Militia were slain by them.— ] Rraddock himself fought bravely, and he was ; borne away from the field of his shame, leav ing more than half his little army dead, and j himself seuseless with a mortal wound. Af- , ter the lapse of a day. he came to himself, : and his first exclamation was, •’ who would have tho'i it ?” Again he roused up and said, •• We shall better knuy how lo deal with them - next time.*’ Poor General, it tea* too late , for ! with that sentence he died! For more than a century lie has slept near Fort Necessity, and ! 1 his ouly history might be written for his | : epitaph—lie was brave, but rath, gallant, but j thoughtless, tiob.e. but bigoted He fought j hastily, died early, and here he lies. Tiie young Washington was also brave, and iu the thickest of the fight. Horse after horse fell from under him The bullets of the In j dians whistled around him and through his | clothes, but Providence spared him. Kvmthe j Indians declared Home God protected him.— 1 So cool, ho brave, so wise and thoughtful was the conduct of this young officer, before, dur ing, and after the ba*le, that even then a distinguished man ** points him our at a youth raised up by Providence for some noble work.” Who does not know history oT Washing ton ; yet, who can toll it ? thir glorious rev olution, that wise Constitution, this happy, wide spread and ever •nrcading country struggling millions, fired on by the example of his success, are soma of the chapters al ready written in that history. Long chapters of yet unrealized glory, and power, and hap pinesH (drill he endlessly added, if the wis dura of hint who redeemed our country can he continued to those who inherit it. The last (hour of t'onstitutionftl liberty, perpetuated to the glory of the end. or cut short in the phren zy of anarchy, shall wind up the history of Washington Behold lit re the sudden deitruc- It inn of the rash man and his followers, and the et l ll unfolding success of the cool and thoughtful man, and then lot us go to work lo meet (his crinis that is upon us. Though there are various modifications of opinions, there are really but two inodes of re distance proposed. One method is to make uo further effort iu the 1 aion, but to assume that I the l tiion sillier cannot or ought not to he preserved, and secede at once, and throw our selves upon the consequences. The other method is lo exhaust certain remedies fur these grievances in the Union, with a view of preserving our rights and the Union with them, if possible; looking, however, to, and preparing for, secession hi an ultimate resort, certainly to he had, if those grievances can not be remedied, and completely remedied, ! and ended in the Union. Irreconcilable in these differences, at first view, seem to be. 1 maintain a point of coin plete reconciliation can he reached. Now. let us look lo the reasons urged by the advocates of these two modes of redress. The advocates of the first m > le declare that these grievances are the fruits of an original, iQOA'.e anti slavery fanaticism. That the his tory of the world will show that such fanati | < iniii i- ti"vcr convinced ii never .‘-atiofied— : never ends lilt in victory or bi-.'H. That, ac cordingly, this fanaticism ii H.r Northern States has been constantly ji.-r—ive, al ways getting stronger and to re impudent, de ! liant an I nggressivc ; and that it w*ll never cease except in our subjug v ion, unless we tear loose from it by dissolving the Union. These a Ivocales say they have no faith in any resistance in tHe Union, because, in the na ture ot (he evil, none can be effectual. The advocates of the second mode of resis tance, of whotn I nm humbly one. reason af sen timent has bi c une fanatical with many, yet i it is not necessarily so in its nature, nor was jitso in its origin. .Slavery has always ex I isted in some form. It is an original institu tion. Besides, we say the agitation now up j ou us did n >t originate in fanaticism or pliil ari'liropy, but in rapid:!)/. Frig land owned the West ludies, and there she had some slaves. She had possessions in the Fast Indies, which she believed were adapted to the growth of cotton, and which article she desired to monopolize. The N a them Staten were her only danger ous competitors. She desired lo cripple or break down the cultivation of the cotton plant in the South. The South could not use her own soil and climate in the successful produc lion if cotton without the African elave.— Kngland, therefore, must manage to set free the slave, and turn the South over to some in adequate peasantry system, something like the coolie system. To this ead England raised a great cry cry of philanthropy in behalf of the poor negro. Asa show of sincerity, she abol islied slavery in tho West ludies, near us,think mg to affect her Southern neighbor. She taught her lessons of false philanthropy to our Northern pulpits and Northern papers, and thus to our Northern people. At this time flic Northern politician saw in this inflammable subject fine material for po litical agitation, party success, and self pro motion. They leaped upon the wave and rode on. The Southern politicians raised the coun ter cry, leaped on the counter-wove and met tite Northern politicians -in office. As long us the people answered the politicians called, and the result- is what we now seo. The sub ject is interminable in politics, because utter ly illegitimate as a political issue. Thus it ha* never approached, but recoded from a J political solution, aiul increasing in excitc l inent us it lias progressed, all statesruenship, North and South, is dwarfed lo a mere wrung liug about A'., if.n slavery. Slavery will sur vive, but the Constitution, the Union, and pence may not. The Southern Slates will continue to raise cotlou, but the hoping suk ject of tyranny iu the earth may not continue to point to tfie beautiful success of the exper iment of self-govcTurnout in America While the storm *’hiffh England raised in America has been going on, England has been trying to rai*e cotton iu India. She has fail ed. Her factories are at home, but her cot ton can't couio from India. She must have cotton. Four millions of her people can't do without it. It must come from the Southern States. U can’t he raised in the South with out slave labor. And Kngland has becometbe defender of slavery in tho South. 1 will frankly state that this revolution iti • English sentiment and policy has not yet reached the Northern people. The .-ame causes j must slowly produce it. But while the unti slavery sentiment has spread in the North, the pro-slavery sentiment : has also strengthened in America. In our early history the Southern siatesmen were anti slavery in feeling Sm were Washington, ; Jefferson, Madison, Randolph, and many of that day, who had never heard the argument of the cotton gu, nor stude I the eloqueut pro duct oris of the great Missbi'ppi Valley. Now oar people not only see the justice of slavery, but its Brovideoc'i too The world cau never give up slavery until it is ready to give up clothing and f< o I. The South is a magi ificent exemplification of the highest Christian ex , cellence. She is feeding the hungry, clothing the naked, blessing them that curse her, and doing good to them that despitefully use and i pensecute her We say again, that even the history of the ’ slavery agitation in this country does not jus tify the very conclusion that abolitionism has been always progressive Whenever popular sentiment in politics has condemned the agi tation. abolitionism has declined. Many in stances could be giveu. In 1848, the aboli tion candidate for the F’resideoey received about .100.000 votes. At the end of Mr. Fill more's Administration, in IHA2, the candidate of that party received about half that vote and a fugitive slave could be recovered almost without oppo-ilinn in any Northern State I Uven the Act of MftSMacliusdflP nullifying the fugitive slave law of IT'.'-J. had uni betu np plied lo the new fugitive slave law of ißfiO, ; after fhc ngila'ion had been revived. These, ami many other similar rra-tons, we urge for believing that nil the enumerated grievances- the results of slavery agitation —are curable by remedies within the Union Ibit suppose our reasoning all wiong? How shall wo be convinced ? Only by the experi- I merit; but in the nature of the ciuc. nothing j but a trial can lest the virtue of the remedies ; proposed. Let us try these remedies, and it . we fail, this failure will establish the truth of I j the positions of the advocates of immediate i secession, and ire *hall all join in that reui- I | For. let it be understood, we are all agreed l that these grievances shall be resisted—shall 1 1 be remedied—mos effectively remedied—and t { if this cannot be done in the Union, then the : Union must go. And wc must not let this • crisis pais without forever solviug this doubt, i If the Union and the peace of slavery cannot exist together, then the Union must go; for slavery can never go, the necessities of (nan and the laws of Heaven will never let it go. and it must have peace And it has been tan talized and meddled with as long as our self respect can permit Hut what remedies in the Union do wc pio posa ? 1 will answer : The grievances enumerated are of two kinds — erittiny and threatened The existing actual grievances are all violations of the Federal UonsfUution and Federal laws, either by Northern citizens or Northern States Now, what does good statesmanship, good logic, and common sense naturally suggest ? Why, that the Federal Government sha'.l enforce its law*. N Kiwi a can enforce, or punish, for the violation of a Federal law The power offended must adequately punish the offender. The punishment must he such as to redress the past, and by certainty and terror secure the future. The Federal lw is offended.— The Northern Slates and people are the offen ders. The South is damaged by the offence. This gives her the rijrht to demand the redress at the hands of the Federal Government, and if that Government, for want ot will or power, sha'.l not grant the redress, then that Government is a demonstrated failure And when Governments end, self-defence begins. We can then take redress in our own way, and to our entire satisfaction. Let the Georgia Convention meet. Let her not simply demand, but command, that Ibis war on slavery shall ces-e—that these uncon stitutional acts and proceedings shall be ro pealed and abandoned by the States, or re pudiated and redressed by the Federal Gov ernment. Let her inviie all the Slates to join in this demand. If no others will come to their duty and meet with us, let the fifteen Southern .States join in this demand, and let the penalty of refusal, even to the demand of • *ne State, be the abandonment of the Union, and any other even harsher remedy each Slate may think her rights aud honor required. We have an instance before us. a President made at the instance of the North. When, in JBTS, South Carolina was refusing to obey a Federal law. in the execution of which the Northern Slates had an interest. Congress passed a Force hill, and put it in the hands of a Southern President for enforcement, even with the army and the navy and the militia, if needed. Let us turn our battery against Northern re bels The constitution ilily of the act which South Carolina resisted was doubted A South ern State never nullified, nor refused to obey, a plain const it utioal law. Hut here are the .Sortben States, an 1 people nullifying and setting at dufiance, the plainest constitutional j r visions and laws passed in pursuance there af; and, instead of demand ng of the Fcdeial Government the enforcement of its laws for the protection of our rights; we arc spending our breath, and wasting ottr strength in vain boating of wrath and hurtful divisions of our own people. ON r 4tUL* Southern statesmen think . . r „ w*. havenlrTVlv ‘III .1 1 IJ l l.i*j*l **■•-. if enforceWe have an act in 17'.).'), an 1 • *OA*- . 1 I one in 1807, and perhaps others, to execute the laws, to suppress insurrection*, and repel in vasions. If these and other enactments arc sufficient, let us have them euforced. A voice—The Presidents we have already had won’t enforce that law. Mr. Hill.—Then you ought to have dis*olv eJ louflr ago. If the greviance has been by uieu of our owu choosing, why have wc not complained before ? Let us begin now. Let us begin with Mr. Buchanan. A few days ago, and perhaps now. a fugitive is standing protected by a Northern mob in a Northern State, in defiance of IheU. S Marshal. Let us demand now that Mr. Buchanan enforce the law against that rebel and against that State which protects him, or suffers hitn to be pro tected on her soil. Let us have out (he army and navy, and if they are not sufficient, le: there be a call for volunteers Many of us say we are ready to fight, anxious to figl.— Here is a chance. Let us tender our services If the laws now existing are not sufficient, let us have them sufficient It is our right. W are entitled t* a force bill for every clause in the Constitution necessary to our rights.— What liave our statesmen been after that these laws are not sufficient 1 Some of these nulli fying grievances have existedsince 1843, and is it possible that our statesmen have been all asleep, or lost and forgetful in wrangling about slavery ? Let us begin now and perfect our lawa for the enforcement of every const it u tional right, and against every rebel enemy.— Let the convention add to the contingencies of disruption in the Georgia Platform. Let the refusal to enforce the laws granted for our protection arid defence be one contingency, and the ref eH to grant the laws needed for that protection and defence be auother contin gency A Voice—How long will yon wait ? Mr. Hill—Until the experiment is tried and both the demands enumerated may be tested, and the contingencies may transpire beforetbe fourth of March next. If they do uot, if a larger time shall be needed, Mr. Lincoln can not do us damage. As you heard last night, he cannot oven form his Cabinet unless he make it acceptable to a Deuiocralio Senate. — And 1 go further aud say that he cannot get even his salary—not a dime to pay for his breakfast—without tlie eoueeut of Cougres;-. Nor would 1 have the Southern States, nor even Georgia, lo hesitate to demand the en forcemeat of these laws at the hands of Mr. Lincoln, if we cau not test it before. The North demanded of a Southern President the execution of the law again*’ a Southern State in 1833. Now let the South compel a North ern President to ext-cute the laws ngninst a Northern people; yea, the very rebels that ilectcd him. A Voice— Do you believe Lincoln would is** sue his proclamation? Mr. Hill—We can make him do it. It is his oath. He will be a traitor to refuse, and we shall have the right to hang him. He dare not refuse. He would be on Southern territo ry, and for his life he dare not refuse. A Voice—The “Wide Awakes” will be there. Mr. Hill—Very well, if we are afraid of the ‘ Wide Awakes” we had better surrender without further debate. The “Wide Awakes” will be there if we secede, and if they are to be dreaded, our only remedy is to h de. No, my friends, we are no 1 afraid of any body.— Arm us with the laws of our country tnd the Constitution of our fathers, and we fear no enemy. Let us make upon that Constitu tion and against those laws and we will be afraid of every noise iu the bushes. He who feels aud knows he is right is afraid of noth ing, and he who feds and kuows he is wrong, /is afraid of nothing too. { We were told !he other by a gentle lonian urging immediate secession, that we had If never had a member In Congress but who w.ts afraid to demand the laws for t he enforcement of these Constitutional rights. And this is true, but whose fault is that? Shame upon us that we have been afraid to demand our rights at the bauds of owu government, ad min stered to this hour by men of our own choice, and yet insist on our courage to sus tain ns in seceding from that government in defiance of its power. No, we have a right | I * go out, but let us kuow we mutt exercise ; ihoi right before w# go, and how can we know it unlsss we ask first ? The Declaration of In dependence, which you invoke for an example, says a decent respect to the opinions of n*in kinj requires us to declare the cause-’ which impel us to the separation. IN hen we eepft* talc and allege our grievances as our causes, and mankind shall ssk us if we attempted. ! oven demanded, a redress of those grb viances in the Uiiitn before wc went out, shall we ■ hang jiir heads nod say no? A people who , ! are afraid to demand respect for their rights, ! i can have no rights worthy to be respected.— I . Uur fathers demanded, yea, petitioned, and , warned and conjured, and not until the Gov- < eminent was deaf to the voice of justice and k consanguinity, did they acquiese in the nee- I ’ oeaity which demanded their separation, ll i is no: the cowardice of Fear, but the courage of Right and Duty to demand redress, at the hands of our Government. I confess I am anxious to see the strength of this government now tested. The crisis is on us, not of our seeking, but in spite of our opposition; and now let us meet it. I believo we can make Lincoln enforce the laws. If fifteen Southern States will take the Constitution and tlic laws and his oath, and shake them in the face of the President, and demand their observance and enforcement, lie cannot re fuse Better make him do it than any one else. It will be a magnificent vindication of the power and the majesty of the law, to make the Presi dent enforce the law. even to bunging, against the very rebel* who have chosen him to trample upon it. It will !*e a vindication that will strike terror to I he hearts of evil doers for a centur) to come. Why, Lincoln i* not a monarch .’ He has m* power outside of the law. and none inside .of the law. except to enforce it. He i* n* much subject to the law as you or myself. The law >• our king over all. From the President to the humblest citizen we are the equnl subjects of this only ruler. We have no cause lor tear, ex cept when we otlcnd this only sovereign of the republican citizen, and have no occasion for de spair until his protection is denied us. 1 am also willing, as you heard hist night, that our Convention or State should demand of the nullifying J?tHt‘* the repeal of their obnoxious law s. 1 know this idea has been characterized as ridiculous. 1 cannot see wherein. You would make such demands of any foreign power interfering with your right*, and why do less to ward a confederate State ! But, in my opinion, the wisest policy, the most natural remedy, and the surest way to vindicate our honor and self respect, is to demand the tin conditional observance ot the Constitution by every State and people, and to enforce that de mand. And if it he necessary, call out (or this purpose the whole power of she Government ♦•veil lo war on the rebellious State. And when a State --hall allow n fugitive to he rescued iu her jurisdiction and carried beyond the reach of the owner, require her to indemnify the owner, nnd make the Government compel that indem nity. even to the seizure of the property of the offending State, and her people. One such rigid enforcement of the law will aeeure universal obedience. Let the law ho executed, though the heuven.* tall; for there can he no government without law. and law i* hut sand, if not en forced If need l*e. let the State continuing in rebellion against the Constitution be driven from the Union. Is thi> Union a good * If so. m hy should we surrender its hlesMiig.s because Massachusetts violates the laws of that Union ! Punish the guilii/. Drive Massachusetts to the duties of the Constitution or from Us benefit* Make the General Government do this, and abandon the Government when it shall take sides with the criminal. It would be a trophy lo fanaticism, above all her insolence, to drive the dutiful out of the Union with impunity on its part. Let us delend the Union ugauist its enemies, xintil that Union shall take sides with ihe enemy, and then let us defend ourselves against loth. In the next place let us consider the bene fits of this policy. First, let us consider its benefits it we succeed; and then its benefits, if we fail. If we succeed, we shall have brought about • triumph of Law tell spirit of Mobo- I * nicy, never surpassed iu the world’s history, und the reward of that triumph will be the c* rious vindication of our equality, nnd honor, and at Ihe same time the establishment of the s- 1 | ■** ii i> integrity forever. And I tell yon, my fi uuul- \v- owi-'ICTii ,v p^V..calves, and our posterity, yen, t constitutional liberty itself, to make tin* trial. Can it lie possible that we are living under n government that has no power to enforce it* own laws ‘ We have Iwm-ied of our form of government. We have ftliunM canonised if* authors ns *aint*, lor their patrioti*m and wisdom- They have reputations world-wide. They have been, for nearly u cen tury. lauded n* far above all autiquity. Mini ail previous statesmen. Their face* und their forms have been perpetuated m brass and mar ble for the admiring gaze of many generations made happy in the enjoyment ot their laltor*. In verse and song, in history and philosophy, in light literature and graver learning, their name* are eulogised, and their deeds commem orated, ami their wisdom ennobled. The paint er has given u.* the very fare* and positions of the great counsellors, a* they sat together deliberating in the formation of this Constitu tion The pulpit has placed their virtues next lo the purity and inspiration of the early Hpos tles. The Senate Chamber has invoked their sayings as the test of good policy. The fire side lias held up to its juvenile circle their manners a* the models of good breeding. The demagogue on the hustings has falsely caught at their mantles to hide hm own shame. All this, because we have been acoustoinrd to believe that they succeeded in framing the best Constitution, aud in organizing the best Government the world ever saw. is that gov ernment,after ail, a failure t Who shall give us a better, and how shall we commensurate the worth of such wiser benefactors f But it’ ibis government cannot eitlurce its laws, then it is a failure. We liave professed to feel and realize its bless mg*. Kloquentc* has portrayed in magic powei it* progress in all the deiucuts of power, wealth, greatness, and happiness. Not a people on earth, since we achieved our independence, has shown symptoms of a desire to*be free, that we have not encouraged by our sympathies, and as the sufficient evidence of all success in self-govern ment, wc have poiuted them’to our example. There is not a people on earth who do not point to America and -igh for a government like that of the United States. Shall we now sny to all these Stop, you are mistaken. Our reputation is not deserved. Be content with your huinble rule. The people are not capable of self-govern ment. This very government, which you ad mire, and which we have thought was a model, is unable to protect our people from the robber, the thief, the murderer and the fanatic! Kell w-citizens, before we settle down iu such a coM’luikm, let us make the effort tuid put this government to a test. Another advantage to be derived from success is, that wc shall thus end the agitation of slavery forever. Its agitation ill polities was w rong from the beginning. Debate it* morality and Justice os much as you please. It w ill stand the argu ment. But don t drag it down into n party polit ical issue. Show me the man who agitates slav ery a* a political party question, and 1 will show you the true enemy of slavery and the Union, I care not whether lie lives North or South. The safety and peace of the slaveholder and the Un ion demand that this agitat ion should not longer be allowed. But, in the second place, if we fail we cannot be damaged, but great benefits will be secured by the effort. in the first place, wc shall have time to get ready for secession. If we secede now, iu what condition arc we? Our sscession will either be peaceable or otherwise. If peaceable, we have no ships to take off our produce. We could not get an ! would not luive those of the government from which we had just *dcededL We have no treaties, commercial or otherwise, w ith auy oth er power. We have no postal system among our ow n people. Nor arc wc prepared to meet any one of the bundled luconveiiicncc* that must follow, ami all us which can Ik ar*>i<hd by tnk'naf time. But suppose our scewaion be not peaceable. In what condition are we for war? No navy, no forts, no arsenals, no arm* but bird guns for low tree*. Yd a scattered people, with nothing dividing us from onr enemy but an Imaginary line, and a long sea and gulf const extending from the Potomac to Galveston Bay, If all should secede. In what condition nrc wc to meet the t lioiisaud il s.tliat w mild best t u* ? and every one “f which can be avoided bv taking time ’“Wc have more to do than to go up the hill* and come down.” Secession i* no holiday work. While wc are seeking to redress onr wrongs in the Union, w e can go forward making all nec essary preparations to go out If it should become necessary. We enn luive a government system perfect, and prepared, ready for the rmergence when the necessity for separation shall come. Again, if we faifto get redress in the Union, that'very failure will unite the people of our State. The only real ground of difference now | K sonic of u* think uo can cel vtdresa iu the Union, and others think we cafttiot. Let those j of u* who still Imve faith make that effort which • In * never been made, and If uc fill, then we are 1 ready to join yon. If yon will not help us make i iiai effort, at least. do not try to prevent. Let us have \ fair trial. Keep cool and koep still. If wc cannot save ottr < qua lit v, and rights, and honor in the Uni *n, we shall join yon and save them out of it. • “ A voice. When you litiHo save your rights in tlic l niou. If you refuse to go W'Uli us then, what will you do? Mr. Hill. But wc will go. We allow no fto J our conduct in that connection. IF, when we come to join you, vou get stubborn and refuse I to go, then we shall go without you. Now, my accession friends. I have all cottfi ’ donee in your zeal and pntr’otlsin, but simply i let us take time and get ready. Let us work for htho best, and pfetmtv for the worst. Until nit | the Constitution has strength enough to conquer ••Il its enemies— e> cii the Northern fanatic. If it proves to luvc’not that strength, I will not I trii-t it another hour. A third benefit to he derived from the failure of un honest effort to redress our grievances jit the Union, is the Union of all the Southern States. Bouic of the Stales will not secede now. Some of the State* who suffer most from the grievances wc have enumerated will not secede now. Because they tliink these grievances can he redressed in the Union, if this idea he a dream, let us wake np to the reality hy nn actu al experiment. A further benefit to be desired Is, that if all the. Southern States get ready and secede togeth er, wc -hall be allowed to do Vo peaceably. ‘Cer tainly, it U our right to go peaceably unv way. The Government, though having the right to enforce Its laws against all the world, has no right to coerce back a seceding State. But the attempt might be made aud the peace broken, if only one State should secede, or cun a few. But let all the Southern States get ready and go together, and no earthly power would interfere or molest. My own opinion is that every West ern and Me* u- j p Si ■> t <\and the M hid ]• State*, and perhaps nit nut States, would go with us. And the glori- r -.e suit at last might be that we -houhl hold the Government with alUlts power, and thrust off only those who have been faithless to it. But the Southern State* alone with the terri tory naturally falling into our hand*, w ould form the greatest government then on earth. The world must have our products ; aud after peace was once secured to us, the world would furnish our navies aud our army, w ithout the expense to u* of a ship, or a soldier. Finally, my friend*, wc shall have secured, by this policy the good opinion < fall mankind and of ourselves. We -hall hnvcfdonc ottr duty to his ton. to our children, and to Constitutional lib erty. the great experiment of £v)f government. He shall have also discerned our present government, and wpUlTp TWpnr?Tl to guard against them in anotffrr Abd’vN f l', m -hull have found good <t*eufed that, cither in the Union or out of c dearer to us than any Union, and more to* desired than all Constitutions however venerat ed —that which i* the end of all our efforts, and the desire of all our hearts, our equality as State*, our right* as citizens, and our honor a* men. }TO MILITARY COMPANIES! TV/TILITAKY CAPS or HATS made to Order at J. M. HOLBROOK'S Ha.t Alai mil i-ctoi-y. .1. M. lIOI.BROOK. Atlanta, Ga., Nov. 23, 1860. 3L Northern uml Eastern Jlay! )(1 ** a ' e9 in Slore * hU d 400 more U> arrive. ” For sale in lots t< suit purchasers, at th# lowest market-price. Enquire at the MACON A; WEBTERN DEPOT, iu Atlanta, where Sample Bales can be seen. Atlanta, (ia , Nov. 23. 1880. dint. imrmwciMisixwfftm Atlanta, Nov. 12th, 1860. X>*. I*.’Davis. __ Dear Sir : —We. citizens of Atlanta, YTFo'rglaT*’ singly and collectively, take pleasure in cheer fuliy responding to your inquiries by stating, that the experiment made in this city with LEFFINGWELL’S GAS REGULATOR have proved eminently successful. It tsavmg more than Twenty-Five per Cent, of our Gas Bills. We cheerfully recommend the Machine to public favor und patronage, ns beiug the only philosophical method lor economising the con sumption of Gas that has ever been brought to our notice. B. Bnowv. Clothing Store; Cai.hodn and Jo 11X60*, Calhoun House; E. R. Bashkin, Washington Hall; W. Heuuivo A Son, Clothing Manufacturers; La waits A Ptrtell, Merchant Tailors; Bkach A Root, Dry Goods; Salmons A Snrtoxa, Dry Goods; Gko. G. Hi 11, Super intendent Atlanta A West Point Railroad. Dear Sir • We. likewise, are satisfied that Jjtffinawclia Gas Regulator is a saving of more thau Twen ty Five per Cent, over Patent Burners, and giving equally as good a Light. Calhoun A Johns n, Calhoun House. Atlanta, Nov. 12tb, 1860. Coi.. J. R. Davis. Dtar Sir: We, the undersigned Committee, to whom was referred the subject of Gas Regu lator. take pleasure in reporting, that wo are satisfied of its utility, and. from actual test, have proven that LtJJingwtlVa Gaa Regulator is a saving of more than Twenty per Cent. of Gas Bills, and wc heartily recommend their adoption by the Consumers of Gas in Atlanta. N. L. Angikr, j J. R Wallace, • Com. of Council. I. Winkhih, J 1 have appointed Mr. WILLIAM BARNEB my Agent for the sale of LEFFINGWELL S GAS REGULATOR in Atlanta, Georgia. nov. 20. J. K. DAVIS. REESE’S MANUAL^ FOR <>RDINARIES, EXECUTORS, ADMINIBTRA TORS and GUARDIANS. A NEW EDITION, just received and for sale Book f Music Store of — ■k’ el . ) . I ii( ’llcXl’ds cfc C 1 0., ATLANTA, GEORGIA. Not. 15. OPELIKA. A Uood Chauce to Make Money. r THE Undersigned is now offering for sale a A convenient and well arranged ■ sitUHted .tan advantageous point in Ifie town of Opelika, Alabama. Connected wuh the Establishment, there is a large and commodious LI VERY BTA BLE, having a large and eicellent Lot attached.— Tho locality is an admirable one, and promise* a handsome profit to any energetic purchaser , and 1 will certainly sell an excellent bargain. Call and examine. A. F. ROGERS. Opelika, Ala., Nov. 8, ‘6O. uov.A-d6w. $.700 Ki:\V \KH! the above reward will be paid to any prsou, A or persons, who may arrest JOSEPH C. DAVIS, of Lumpkin Cos., Georgia, who is ntw a lugitive troui Justice, having beeu guilty of an attempt to murder Gen. Harrison W. Riiey, of the county and State aforesaid. Said Joseph C. Davis is apparently thirty five years of ago —tall—square built—over eix leet high—is slightly pol-marked weighs over two hundred pounds—has a dark com plexion and dark piercing eyea ; his features betraying the preaenee of Indian blood. To any one who may arrest hitn, and procure hie confinement in the jail of the county in which he may tie arrested, the above reward will be paid upon bis delivery hi the lawful Sheriff this county, or bis Deputy, by H. W. RILEY and J. L. RILEY. Dahlonega. Lumpkin Co.,Ga , Nov. 8, ’f.O. ts.