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As intimated two weeks ago, upon occa sion of publishing its Introductory Letter, we take this early opportunity of laying before our readers portions of two other Letters from the forth-coming work of Dr. P. Jones, for which we have already invoked public attention. lYe ought to have said that the book in question is to be handsomely illustrated, and will soon be is sued from the press of Messrs. J. B. Lippixcott & Co., Philadelphia, extensive publishers for the South. THE SLAVEHOLDER ABROAD; OR, Billy Buck’s Visit witli lii» Master to England. LETTER 111. Buck's greeting of the Queen and Royal Family — Interview with an English Gentleman—Conver sation as to Slavery. London, August Ist, 1851. Dear Major:—One day last week Iliad the pleasure of seeing the Royal Family of this coun try. Understanding that they were to visit the Crystal Palace at or about a certain hour, and that they would probably enter by one of the private doors, which was pointed oat to me, I determined to obtain a position from which I could see them. I repaired to the spot, but found myself preceded by quite a number of per sons. I succeeded, however, in getting near enough to see them, though the view was not as satisfactory as I could have desired. The Queen appeared to boa ladylike but most plain person, with amiable features, and rather under size in stature. The Prince, her husband, was a very fine-looking geutleman, of about middle stature, I thought, and rather intellectual in lus appearance. Os the children I did not get a good view. I was much interested with the enthustasm of the people around me. They were evidently influenced not only by the sentiment of loyalty, but by a feeling more tender—a sentiment of affection for and sympathy with the good and virtuous wife and mother. I confess that my own heart warmed toward the august lady, as I saw' her thus, not with the peculiar bearing of a mighty sovereign, but as the gentle patroness of industry and the arts, and with her husband and children about her, affording to her subjects and the world an example of those domestic virtues which shed so sweet and soft a light upon the hearthstono, as well of the humble homestead as ’of the royal palace; and, republican as I was, I joined right heartily in the cheers which were given her before she entered the building. As for Buck, by dint of pushing and elbowing, he managed to got nearer, and mounted on a curb stone, or step of some sort, which rather raised him above the heads ol most of the crowd. He joined lustily in the cheering, and then, turning toward me, and affecting tne droll, he said in his African lingo,— “God bress my soul, Massa, she nuttin but buckra folks arter all! I been tink she engel from hebbiu, only got petticoat stidy wing." Some of those around him cheered this speech; which observing, the rogue continued: “Well, if she no bin engel, Massa, sliodesarve to be engel; she good sem like engel, dat trute. In my country, Massa,” (addressing a portly gentleman, whose fine face, glowing with delight was turned up to him,) “iu Ebo country, dem queen de debbil.” “ You had better be careful, Buck,” said I, for want of something better to say, “ how you declare that the Queen deserves to be an angel. That is as much as to say that she deserves to die; and some of these loyal Englishmen, hear ing you say that, may charge you with compas sing the death of her Majesty.” Buck —“ No sir-ree, Massa! mo no cornpuss nuttin—nairy time—mo only say dat Quoengood sem like engel—dat what make her people lub her so, Massa.” “ So it is, my man,” said the same portly and good-humored gentleman to whom I have refer red; “ so it is ; and I honor you for appreciating our Queen as you do." The gentleman shook Buck warmly by the hand. The latter returned the grasp with such a right good will as to bring tears into the Eng lishman’s handsome eyes. “ What is your name, my man ?” said he. “ Billy Buck,” said Buck, taking off his hat and dropping his African dialect, “ sarvant to Dr. Jones, of Georgy, sir: this gen’l’man. sir, my Marster.” “ Sir,” said the gentleman, turning to me with a bow, “ I have been quite pleased with the hu mor of your servant, and his liking for our Queen." Myself— ‘He has been bred, sir, in a country where all classes honor those virtues which aro so conspicuous in the Queen of England, and where the sex of your sovereign is always trea ted with respect by the opposite sex—even by the slave.” Stranger —“ You are from the United States, I suppose; and this man is your slave." Myself —“ Yes.” . Stranger- Yours is a remarkable country, sir; and certainly such respect for the gentler sex is highly creditable to its people. I have heard it said that there was a chivalric regard for women in America. Does your observation in Europe serve to strengthen tde belief that your people are peculiar in this respect?” Myself—' I have been impressed with the conviction that a more delicate respect for wo man, and tender regard for little children, is common among my countrymen, erpecially in the Southern States, than—if you will pardon me, sir—than among Englishmen.” Stranger —“ Why should this be so? And can you assign a reason for such a state of fucts ?” Myself —“ Perhaps the subject, as a social problem, should be closely studied, to be thor oughly understood in all its aspects; but I like to think of the fact of which I have spoken, as a blessiug from the household and family gods of our people—the Lares familiares, sir, as an ancient people once called them. My country men, especially in the South, as a general rule, live very much in families. The necessaries of life are sufficiently easy of acquisition to encour age our young men and women in the ready for mation of family ties. In a country like ours, it is to the public interest that families should be increased as much as possible; and therefore these relations assume a very high importance in the eyes of society. In a community where the institution of slavery exists, the servants, as slaves, become a permanent portion of, and are completely identified with, the family circle, and thus that circle is enlarged and widened in its sphere and influences. Depend upon it, sir, it was not without a foundation in true knowledge of human nature, that those ancient Romans chose the “Decurions of their Lares " in every family from among its slaves, and appointed slaves, not freemen, to assist the priests in their sacrifices to these divinities, as Cicero and Ho race both inform us was the custom. You may remember that, in your schoolboy lessons, you tm& istnai mem ue exeeexee. found a very pleasant picture, drawn by the lat ter, of the happy slaves sitting around the fami ly Lares: ‘ Positos. quo vernas ditto examcn domus. t'ircum renidentes Lares.’ It is in this way, sir, that I account, in part, for a general prevalence among my countrymen, white and black, of those affections, sympathies and sentiments which cluster around the homes of a people, and those who are identified with those homes: viz., women and children.” Stranger —“ Sir, you put the subject bofore me in a striking and, to me, somewhat novel light. I have not been iu the habit of thinking of your slaves as living under the influence of such rela tions between them and their owners.” Myself— 14 In that, you and others have not rightly comprehended this institution as it exists among us. To a great extent, and as a general rule, our slaves regard themselves as a part of the family, and bound up with its interests. As a race, they are good-humored and affectionate, and they soon become attached to their owners, unless the latter are cruel to them, which does not as often happen as may be supposed: fur the interest of the owner generally forbids it (as the law does), when conscience does not. Your own eloquent Burke, in his letters to Arthur Young, has said that *lt is plainly more to the fanner’s interest that his men should thrive than his horses should be well fed, sleek, and plump, and fit for use, or than his wagons and ploughs should be strong, in good repair, and fit for ser vice.’ If this be right when spoken of free la borers. you will readily perceive how it must be so of those who are the . property of the fanner. The attachment of which I have spoken is very often mutual, and strong and life-long friend ships are thus formed. Here is my man, forex ample, to whom I am indebted for tfie pleasure of this interview with you, sir. Next to my wife and child, I have no such living friend.” * Stranger —“ Truly, sir, lam happy to have met with you, and your man too. I shall be glad to make your better acquaintance, and will ex change cards with you with pleasure.” I learned, during the day, that my newly-form ed acquaintance was a Mr. A , a gentle man of large landed estate and great wealth in Yorkshire; and that, though now confining him self very much to agriculture, he was highly res pected, of considerable influence, and had a seat in Parliament. In the course of a few days, I received a visit from Mr. A , and I think our respect for each other was increased by the interview. Buck and he, too, had along conversation, and he pro tested that Buck was “quite a trump of a fellow.” He invited me cordially to make him a visit at his country seat, and by all means to bring Buck with me. I think he was sincere, and we part ed almost as old friends. He has less ®f that unimpressable reservo which characterizes Eng lishmen generally than I have ever before met with in a gentleman of his nation, and more of ready sympathy. I think I shall accept his in vitation, and so learn somewhat of life in the country among the gentry of England. If I do, you may expect to hear something on the sub ject from Your friend and cousin, P. Joxes. To Maj. Joseph Joxes, Pineville, Ga. U. S. of America. LETTER XXXII. Cruel Treatment of Children in this country — Charge of administering Gin to a child of sev en years—Mysterious Murder of a Boy near Plymouth —A woman throws her son, aged six years, from a third floor toindow — Buck's His tory of this Transaction —He is solicited to leave his Master — Refuses, and sets forth some of the Advantages of Slavery in Georgia over Poverty in England. London, March 31st, 1854. Dear Major :—lf I added nothing to what I have already furnished, I think you would be satisfied that I have fully proven all that I have asserted in relation to the sanguinary character of the British people. But if I paused here, you would form but an imperfect idea of that blood-lust, as I have termed it, awful as may be the proportions of those developments in and by which it now appears to you. To know it in all its horrible aspects, you must be furnished with proofs of the cruelty with which children are treated by the men and women of this country. Such cruelty is altogether unexampled iu our country, as the causes which there favor and protect our women, also protect our children — and I might add, indeed, all inferior dependents, to a great extent. Such instances, then, as I shall bring to your attention, from their novel and extraordinary character to you, cannot fail to interest; and when you have read them, you will fully appreciate the truth of what my serv ant said on this subject, in his peculiar way, to. the lady whom he was addressing on the even ing of the demonstration in favor of Mrs. Stowe, made by the British and Foreign Anti slavery Society, at Exeter Hall, and mentioned in my letter of June Ist, 1853. ***** A month or so after my arrival in London, my servant obtained permission one day to go out and see the “ curosities,” as he expressed it. Guided by a lad who ran on errands for the house where we were staying, he w r andered in the direction of St. Paul’s, and into the heart of the city. During their stroll they met with an adventure, which you must have as Buck gave it to me. “We was gw’ine ’long, Marster,” said he, “lookin at the curus sights, and the things in the shops, an the boy he said, says he, ‘ Thar’s the Post Iloffice, Mr. Buck,’ says he, ‘ whar peo ple gits letters from,’ says he. Why, Marster, that Post Office in Augusty can’t hold a candle to them bildins, sir. You can almost put hit in to ono o’ them big rooms. ‘ Well,’ says I, 1 Tom,’ says I, ‘to my notion, hit must cost a power o’ money,’ says I, ‘to carry the mail from one port o’ that big house to nuther. I spose they must keep a railroad in thar to do it with,’ says I. The boy laffed at me, sir, he did, becase he thought I didn’t know no better —all time I was divartin myself with him, sir. 1 Como 'long, Mr. Buck,’ says he, l an I’ll show you the Chart rus,’ says he. So, arter we had seen the Chartrus—” “Tho Charter-house, I suppose you mean, Buck,” said I. “ Well, I spose that was what the boy mean ed, marster; for you know he can’t talk very plain, sir, no how. He perposed then, sir, that we should go to the—the —what-do-you-call- um ?—the big-gun ground, sir ?” “ The Artillery Ground,” said I. “Adzackly so, Marster. ‘And to Bunhill Fields,’ says he, ‘whar thar was a buryin ground,’ says he, ‘ an hit wasn't far off,’ says he. I thought it mighty curus, Marster, how thar should be any fields right thar in London, an a buryin-ground, too; for you know, sir, that in Georgy wo allers has ’um on the outskearts of the town. Howbeever, thinks I, I’ll go an see * See Appendix, K, §2 them fields, and mayhe ’mong them all I’ll find a patch of new ground, an we'll git a showin' for Mnrster's plough’ jit, ’fore the great Exer bishun’s over.” [Here the rogue turned his head away, but I plainly saw that lie was grin ning.] “ Well, Marster, as we was passin along, an takin a nigh cut as the boy said, to them fields, sir, we heerd a scream from the up-stars winders of a house, but we couldn’t see whar it was, adzackly, sir. Presently we seed people running to the place, an we follered, au then we seed a poor little boy lyin on the ground bleed in. There was a mighty jabberin an gwinc on over him, an I couldn't ’zackly larn how it was; but, as well as I could tell, he was flung out of a winder, an by his own mother, too, everybody said, sir. Arter a while, I secs a woman 'mong the crowd that they said was his mother an done it. She was sorter drunk, an cavorted round mightily, tell a pleeceman come an tuk her off to jail, an had the child tuk away to a doctor. ‘ Marster,’ says I, to a gen’l’man that was tel lin the crowd about it, ‘ hit aint true, now, that the child's mother flung him out the winder, sir. Hit must a been somebody else, musn’t it, sir ?’ says I. ‘No, blackamoor,’ says he, ‘ hit n uitn’t. Hit was her, an nobody else,’ says he. ‘What could have made her gone an done it ?’’ says I. ‘ Gin,’ says lie; * gin an the devil.’ ‘ Well raalyl’ says I, ‘I think the devil must a had somethin to do with it; for all the gin in the world, and knock-kneed whiskey to boot,’ says I, jest so, ‘couldn’t make a mother kill her own child, ’thout the help o’ the devil—least wise, that’s the way with the mothers whar I comes from, Marster,’ says I. ‘Whar do you come from ?’ says he. ‘Georgy,’ saysl. •What sort o’ Georgy ?' says he; not whar they breeds gals for Turkey ?’ says he. ‘ Come, Marster,’ says I, ‘ for I wasn’t in a humor for funnin with the gentleman, ‘ come, Marster, you’re arter poking fun at this nigger. They don’t breed no gals in my country for tur keys, you know very well,’ says I, ‘but I must say, Marster,’ says I, ‘ef they did, and cooked one on ’um every day for dinner.’ says I, jest so, ‘thar would be more sense in hit, than the w r ay the people has here, of killin thar children for nutliin, and puttin ’um to no use at all,’ says I. The genTman seemed to think what I said was powerful funny, Marster, for he laffed mightily. ‘ You goose,’ says he, ‘ who talked about tur keys? I asked you es you was from Georgy in Asia,’ says he, ‘whar gals are bred and trained as wives for tho Turks,’ says he. ‘No sir-reel’ says I. ‘Ef tliar’s any sich Georgy as that, Marster, I’m not from thar. I’m from Georgy in Ameriky, sir,’ says I, * whar we has as pretty gals, too,’ says I, ‘as any in the world, sir,’ says I. ‘ But we takes mighty good care, Marster, that they corniffles in the breasts of our own men the dextority of their charms,’ says I, jest so. You see, Marster, I sorter talked what you call hyferlutin at the genTman, becase I want ed him to see that this nigger know’d a thing or two hisself when he thunk about it, and becase I was determined to stand up for my country when it was insaulted. ‘ Oh, that’s hit, is it ?” says the genTman. ‘An so you are from Georgy in America,’ says he, 1 whar they have slaves, don’t they ?” ‘ Yes, Marster,’ says I. ‘Why, es w r e bleevehalf we hecr,’says he, ‘ef the slaveholders thar don’t fling thar children out o’ winders, they makes nuthin o’ whippm thar slaves to detli, any time. How ’bout that?’ says he. ‘Ain’t that so ?’ ‘Nairy time, Marster,’ saysl. ‘Leastwise, I hardly ever heerd o’sich a thing,’says I. ‘An hit don’t staiid to reason, Marster,’ says I. ‘Peo ple giner’ly don’t part with thar money so easy,’ says I. ‘Niggers is mighty high,’ says I; ‘an es a man kills his nigger, he flings his money away. Your people,’ says I, ‘can ’ford to fling thar children out o’ winder,’ says I, ‘ becase they ain’t worth much, es anything ; but they’s mighty clar of doin thar money so,’ says I, jest so. ‘ Fact is, Marster, to my notion, we ain’t so sertugrous, no how, no wayyou can fix it,’ says I, jest so, ‘as you are in this country.’ ‘ Were you a slave, old boy. whar you come from ?’ says he. ‘Yes, Marster,' says 1. ‘An yit you call it your country, as es you was free,’ says he. * How come it any country of yourn,’ says he, ‘ es you was a slave ?’ * Marster,’ says I, * thar’s whar I was born an raised, thar’s whar my wife an chil’n is,’ says I; ‘an we’s all mighty happy thar, and I think I has a right to call it my country,’ says I. 1 Be sides that,’ says I, ‘my grandaddy he fout for the country in the Independence War; an for the matter o’ that, I sorter done somethin o’ that kind myself—leastwise, my Marster he went out agin the Seminoles, an fit through the Flur idas, and I went long with him as his sarvant. It’s true, we didn’t git much chance to extin guish ourselves, an killed more alligators than Injuns; but we done the best we could, an you know, Marster. nobody could do more,’ says I, jest so. * How did you git here ?’ says he. ‘ I come with my Marster, sir; who I left this mornin at his lodgins in the Strand,’ says I. ‘ An you’re gwine back to him? ’ says he. ‘Sartain,’ says I, ‘ef I live.’ l You fool,’ says lie, ‘what! go back to slave ry? You shouldn't think of it. Come’long with me, an I’ll git you employment’ ‘ What will you git me ?’ says I. ‘ Let me see—l will git you,’ says he, ‘ I will git you ten pence a day,' says he ; ‘an that’s big wages for ahod-man, for carry in brick,’ says he: ‘but being you’re a slave,’ says he, ‘an wish to git away from y'our Marster, I’ll do that for you,’ says he. ‘ Marster,’says I, ‘ef hit was ten shillins, hit wouldn’t begin to pay. I should be givin up a sartainty for a onsartainty,’ says I, jest so. ‘ Why, hits as much as the workin people can do here, Marster, to keep soul and body togeth er—an a great many on ’um don’t do it; for I meets ’um everywliar ’bout, sufferin for some thin to eat,’ says I. ‘Us slaves, in Georgy, Marster, has got a plenty, an to spar. An then our marsters has to tote all our cares and trou bles, and the troubles o’ our famblies,’ says I, ‘ they ain’t on our backs. Our marsters is bound to do it; an es we git sick, we's nursed, Marster, at our master’s expense. We’s his money, and he wants to turn us over soon as possible,’ says I, jest so. ‘ For the same reason, sir, our marsters couldn’t ’ford to let thar sar vauts drown their cares, es they ever has any— which es they lias, is onbeknowns to me—in gin, or any sich pisin, as your poor people do. And so we is decent, an sober, an God-fearin people, Marster,’ says I. ‘ When we gits old,’ says I, ‘an can’t do anything for ourselves,’says I, ‘ he’s obleeged to take care of and support us; and he’ll love to do it, becase marsters ginerly, in my country, gits to likin thar servants,’ says I, jest so.f ‘An that ain't all, Marster,’ says I, ‘to tell you the truth, es I was sure of gittin plenty to eat here in this country, an bein tuk care of while I lived, an es I didn't like my marster too well to desart him,’says I, ‘I wouldn’t live in a country whar the women flings thar children out o’ the winders,’ says I, jest so. I think, ’bout this time, the genTman didn’t like the way the argument was a gwine, Marster, and so drapped it, and put out.” On the next day, I attended the police court at the Guildhall, where I was informed that the woman who had maltreated her child in the manner stated by Buck would be examined.— Below you have au account of that examination: • “ POLICE INTELLIGENCE — Saturday, August 23. GuiklhaU. —Margaret Raymond, aged thirty, was charged before Alderman Wilson, with throwing her son. aged six, from the third-floor window of a house in Sun court, Golden lane. Policeman, 140 D, said he received information on the previous evening that a child had been thrown out of a window, and proceeded to No. 9, Golden laue. The prisoner was coming out, and she exclaimed, ‘ I have done it now 1’ The child was sent to the hospital, and the prisoner taken into custody. The child afterwards said that his mother had thrown him out of the window because he would not let her take off his boots. The prisoner: ‘ I was very drunk, your worship.’ Alderman Wilson: ‘Do you think that to be a justification of your conduct ?’ The public officer: ‘She knew very well what she wasdoing. The child fell on his head on the shed below the window, and rolled thence to the ground.’ The surgeon's certificate was produced. It stated that the child’s head was much injured, but the skull was not fractured. Mary Ann Regan, an intelligent girl, aged eleven, who said she never read the Bible, but always told the truth, depos ed that she lived in the house (No. 9), and was looking through the seeond-flooj window Sho saw the prisoner holding the child out of the up per window; lie exclaimed, ‘Oh, mother, don't chuck me out.!’ The mother then took him by the heels and dropped him out of the window. At the same time a little girl in the mother’s room exclaimed, ‘ Oh, mother, don’t throw him out!’ The prisoner was committed for trial. She subsequently admitted that she had wanted the boy’B boots in to sell them for gin.”—Oh servor, August2oth, 1851. The scene described in this report has remind ed me somewhat of one of Hogarth’s famous pic tures, known as “ Gin Lane,” and suggestive of manners and morals in this metropolis more than a century ago. The principal figure in that hor rible picture is a loathsome woman, so drunk that she lets her child fall from her arms into a cellar, situated in the area, above which she is seated. She is surpassed by hor modern suc cessor in the gin lanes, however; for the latter does not wait until her child falls by accident from her arms, but throws it from the window, that she may exchange its boots for gin. A ca tastropne so shocking was not imagined by Ho garth. I suppose he would have rejected it, as too unnatural for probability—another illustra tion of the hackneyed phrase that “truth is strange—stranger than fiction." I bring this letter to a close by assuring you that I remain, dear Major, Respectfully, Your friend and cousin, P. Joxes. To Maj. Joxes, Pineville, Ga., U. S. States of America. tSee Appendix, D. While these pages have been passing through the press, events have occurred at Harper's Ferry, which have afforded a striking illustration of much thnt has boen said by I)r. Jones and his sen ant in these letters, ns to the relations of master and slave in the Southern States. As has been remarked by Gov. Wise, when speaking of this Harper's Ferry affair, it seems impossible for Xorthern men to understand the patriarchal character of the relation between master and slave in onr country — that is to say, the nature of the strong family tie which, as a general rule, exists between them. It is to be hoped that this affair has by this time taught them scmetliing on this subject That it has at least satisfied the viper of abolitionism, that in attempting to excite our contented and comfortable slaves into rebellion against their mas ters, it bites against a tile. The author of these letters passed through a portion of Virginia and Maryland, attended by a colored servant, about the time of the occurrence to which he has just referred, and had thus some opportunity of forming an opinion as to the amount of sympathy with the move ment on the part of slaves, and of the impression made upon them by it. He was thus enabled to ascertain (what is everywhere now well known) that even in the 1 (order States it met witli no encouragement from slaves, and was, indeed, treated by them with contempt. This fact is so well understood at the South, and our people are so cousclous that there is no materiel of disaffection among our slaves, out of which insubordination or insur rection can arise, that, notwithstanding all the excite ment which has been created by this affair, and the in creased vigilance which has been exercised in looking after strange visitors among us, little or no change has been made in onr police regulations with reference to our slaves, and the value of these slaves, as property, has been in no wise affected. There can be no better tests than these of security and confidence among our people, on this subject. When the circumstances to which I have referred first occurred, the people of the South were disposed to regard them as overt acts of the treason which fanatical Aboli tionists of the North had been so long talking and writ ing ; and we repented to ourselves tne trite but classic sentiment, that “ Whom God wills to destroy, he first makes mad"--almost rejoicing in the confident expecta tion that tills outrage, w hieh was but the practical work ing out of Abolition doctrines, was so dangerously and shockingly evil, that the friends of our Constitution and of the Union in the Northern States would now be ena bled so to speak and act, as effectually to overwhelm all who were concerned in, or responsible for the treason, with infamy and disgrace. In this, great and general disappointment has been exi>crienced and expressed. And now, in the opinion of moderate and reflecting men, of all parties in the South, of men who are by no means mixed up with the manoeuvres of politicians, there lias been so much of sympathy with the perpetrators of this mad treason manifested at the North, without effective rebuke or denunciation from those whom we have been accustomed to regard as the conservative members of society there, as greatly to lessen our confidence in these persons, and very much to loosen tho hold of our affec tions u[»n the union of these States. I see very plainly what the result will be (and I know of none so effectual as the ballot,) .unless tho remedy be applied without delay. That remedy must be taken in hand by the people (not the politicians) of the Northern States. If these people desire a continuance of the Union with us, they must bring to bear upon the crisis a power be fore which politicians bow down and grovel, and fanatics btand stricken w ith awe— thepotcer of well-dejined pub lic opinion. Unless that opinion be speedily manifested in some energetic and decisive form, another republic, in a few years, will be added to the roll of nations upon the North American continent,. I shrink from the contem plation of its baptism. —■ The Evening Post lias been shown a curious book in Latin, printed in Germany in 1103, en titled Nugas Venales, filled with jests, epigrams and humorous poems. Among the poems is one entitled Pugna Porcorum, per Publium Percium, poetum, or, “ The Battle of the Pigs, by Publius Porcus, poet,” consisting of about three hundred lines, every word in which begins with the let- The poem bears this motto: Perlege pocorum pulcherrima praalia, potor; Potando potcris placidam proferre poesin. The Post can conceive of nothing but German patience and labor capable of producing such a prodigy of alliteration as the poem in question. The Paris papers speak of a new industry that has arisen in France. Government has or dained the systemetie gathering of sea-weed which is washed on to the rocks of the coast of Normandy and Britanny, to serve as wadding for artillery—it being found to answer the pur pose admirably—keeping the iron cool, and not being liable to ignition, like the cotton wad hith erto in use. The material has already been dis tributed to the Ordnance Department at Vincen nes. CHILDRENS’ COLUMN. RIDDLES —(By Oonnasem.) 1. Simon had his aunts to dine, For Simon was their only heir: What Simon said, ere taking wine. Is naming satirist most rare. What satirist? 2. Baby sits'at mother's feet, And importunes with childish diction. Calling a name in tones so sweet. Os a French author, prince of fiction. What author? ENIGMA NO. XVI. I am composed of nineteen letters: My 1,9, 15, 16 makes a coward. My 6, 10, 18, 9 an evil passion. My 2, 3,16 an essential to life. My 9, 15, 16, 4, 5 our dwelling during life. My 13, 14,10, 17, 11 a useful article. My 8,7, 12 the pericarp of seeds. My 19, 9,10, 16 a period of time. My whole will indicate the three principal Christian graces. J. E. W. ENIGMA NO. XVII. (For the Very Little Folks. I am composed of three letters: My 3,1, 2 the chief product of one of the Southern States. My 2,1, 3 a small quadruped. My whole is “something” which is encour aged by the Field and Fireside , and which is de fined in Webster’s dictionary thus: “ The dispo sition or modification of things by human skill, to answer the purpose intended." What is it? Bettie Guay. CHARADE 11. My first, when a Frenchman is learning Eng lish, serves him to swear t>y. My second is a stack of hay or grain. My whole, is the name of one of the most distinguished comic actors that has ever lived. Solution- op Problem No. 4, (by James.) Reduce the fractions to a common denomina tor, and the question then may be thus stated : What is that number of which 10-20 and 5-20 and 4-20 added to 20-20 will be 39 ? ‘ But the proposition, as stated above, is equivalent to this—39-20 equal to 39. But if 39 twentieths of the number are equal to 39, 1 twentieth of the number must be equal to 1, and 20 twenti eths must be equal to 20, which is therefore the number required. ANSWERS TO RIDDLES, &C., OF LAST WEEK. To Charade I—Pair. To Metrical Riddle—The letter R. To Problem No. 4, (by James) —The Number 20. Answer to Enigma XIV. received from M. R. P., of Mobile. Answer to Problem No. 3 (by James) received from M. R. P. of Mobile. Enigmas received from Mary, of Albany, Ga., and E. E. M., of Tuskegee, Ala. —> —in Masonry jy tub U«th> States—From doc uments entirely reliable, an exchange has com piled the following statistical table of Masonry in each State, showing the number of lodges in each, and the number ofmembors: State. Lodges. Members. Alabama 230 7,260 Arkansas 116 2,048 California...* 129 4,474 Connecticut 54 4,884 Delaware 12 612 Dist. of Columbia 11 683 Florida 41 1,636 Georgia 226 13,256 Illinois 290 10,571 Indiana ....240 8,594 low-a 134 3,950 Kansas 16 280 Kentucky 300 10,309 Louisiana 106 4,324 Maine 80 4.391 Maryland 33 1,449 Massacusetts 103 5,927 Michigan 112 5,058 Minnesota 23 926 Mississippi 205 7,779 Missouri 6 150 Nebraska 6 140 New llamßhire 27 1,731 New Jersey 50 2,204 New York 412 26,192 North Carolina .132 4,994 Ohio 271 12,105 Oregon 24 602 Pennsylvania 161 11,500 Rhode Island 15 1,176 South Carolina 79 2,600 Tennessee 193 10,468 Texas 196 6,396 Vermont 48 2,401 Virginia 162 6,250 Wisconsin 86 3,907 Wisconsin Territory 4 75 Totals 4,854 211,538 In addition to the above, the total income of the Grand Lodge is now $207,100, and the total income of all the subordinate Lodges is not far from $1,250,000. —— Statistics of Population.—The directors of the Statistical Bureau of Berlin furnish the following curious statement: The population of the whole earth is estima ted to be 1,288,000,000, i^miely: Europe, 272,000,000. Asia, 755,000,000. Africa, 200,000,000. America, 59,000,000. Australia, 2,000,000. The population of Europe is thus distributed: Russia, 62,000,000. Austrian States, 36,398,620. France, 35,039,354. Great Britain and Ireland, 27,488,859. Prussia, 17,089,406. Turkey, 18,740,000. Spain, 15,518,000. The two Sicilies, 8,615,922. Sweden and Norway, 5,072,820. Sardinia, 4,976,034. Belgium, 4,607,666. Bavaria, 4,547,239. Th"i Netherlands, 3,487,617. Portugal, 3,741,199. The Papal States, 3,100,000. Switzerland, 2,494,500. Denmark, 2,468,468. In Asia, the population is thus distributed: Chinese Empire, 400,000,000. The East Indies, 171,000,000. The Indian Archipelago, 80,000,000. Japan, 35,000,000. Hindostan, 15,000,000. Asiatic Turkey, 15,000,000. In America, the population is thus distributed: United States, 23,191,876. Brazil, 7,687,800. Mexico, 7,661,520. 251