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Page Two
THE MERCER CLUSTER
November 16, 1967
Homecoming plans
Are Biggest Ever
Homecoming thin year is still on the drawing
boards of administrative and student committees.
Plans already announced include many exlras.
Six days of festivities include tlte ball game,
parade; dance, barbecue, worship program, pag
eant, and dedication of the student center. Home-
coming is not usually this big.
UNIQUE POSITION
We are In the unique position of celebrating
the 125th anniversary of the University. W’e are
at the culmination of the first phase of construc
tion and renovation improvements. And we are
celebrating a yearly event.
Everything possible is being done to make this
tiie biggest event in Mercer history. Announced
plans indicate just that.
Special Interest Groups
Needed on MU Campus
Mercer is bubbling over with groups, organi
zations, clubs, forums, teams, councils, committees
and the like.
Besides 12 social organizations, there are seven
religious organizations and 21 honoraries, pro
fessional groups, and clubs. Now who said, ‘ There
isn't anything to do at Mercer." (if you really
wanted to, you could go to a meeting every night,
be on several hundred committees at once and
have every chapel announcement apply to you.)
Despite this exciting challenge to join and
participate, we have a small complaint. Where
are the special interest club? The science depart
ment has them. There are activities for music
lovers and young actors. This is where it ends.
The professional clubs may serve the purpose
to an extent, but they cover too large a group
The need is for organizations which will provide
actual entertainment, companionship and room
for expression for small enthusiastic groups.
CLUB NEEDS
W'e need a club for those interested in art;
one for literature enthusiasts. Why not a French
club? Is anyone interested In the classics? This
type of activity arouses more individual Interest,
more active membership and is. pardon the ex
pression, more fun.
The requirement of interest or ability makes
a smaller and closer group and generally fright
ens away those who'd like to have their picture
appear on every page of the Cauldron.
If you can't fin da club to suit your need,
start your own. It's been done.
Something that Shines
On Most Campuses
We ran into a guy from Tech last week He
is a senior at the engineering school.
Something glittered from hiB right hand.
"What's that?" we asked
"This is what's commonly known as a senior
class ring, stupid!”
We recoiled quickly, and apologized for the
apparent insult.
And we determined to take a course at Mer
cer in the subject
Clje JWetter Cluster
MERCER UNIVERSITY. MACON. GEORGIA
NOVEMBER 15. 1957 VOLUME SS, NUMBER S
k|| BUD CAMPBELL
fflj BailfiMi Mtuftr
JULIA WILLIAMS
Am’( BuImn Mgr.
BUDDY HURT
Mutflni Editor
Editorial Department: Executive Editor, John Keufman :
Newi Editor, Mery Etta Clark; Staff: Betty Bryant, Tommy
Holland, Norman Cavender, Jane Oliver. Bonnie Perry, John
Currie, Dot Thom peon ; S porta Editor, Cliff Hendrix; Staff:
Gertrude Crooae. Sammy Leteon, Furman York, Jerry Bray;
Society Editor, Charlotte Moore; Service* Department: Man
ager, Jerry Dodd; Staff: Alan Smith, Jerry Pearce; Sec
retary. Roma Martin.
The Mercer Cli
•f Mercer Umlverafttj.
the Ualverelty'g
P. The
Or. Glover's Chapel Speech
Out of ail the trumpeting and blowing that has come from the Su
preme Court’s decision of May ISM and from the ringing of para
troopers' heelB in the streets of Little Rock, one of the moat penetrating
analysis was presented in chapel Friday by Dr. Willis B. Glover, Mercer
history professor.
Printed here are excerpts from that spech.
My subject this morning is some political aspects of the race prob
lem. Many voices have been raised in defense of the Negroes. Many
others have risen in defense of the pore white trash who are afraid their
daughters will marry niggers unless forbidden to do so by law. But hard
ly a voice has been raised in defense of those who stand to be hurt most
in the present crisis. I propose this morning to speak a word in defense
of the South. I am a Southerner by birth and a Southerner by choice, and
I don’t want to see the South destroyed just as she arrives at the pos
sibility of the greatest age of creativity in her history. The South I de
fend has been spoken of as the most rapidly growing industrial area in
the nation. The South I defend has in the last two generations produced
in the University of North Carolina, the University of Texas, Duke and
Vanderbilt four universities worthy to take their places by the Univer
sity of Virginia among the most respected centers of intellectual life
in the nation—and other Southern schools are rapidly approaching this
level.
A major source of confusion regarding this very pressing problem
is that we have tended to approach it cither on the level of superficial
regional sentimentality or on some high moral level, and have thus ob
scured the immediate, pratical, political problem. Though 1 recognize
that politics can never be netirely divorced from ethical considerations,
the question at this stage is essentially political, and I propose so to
treat it.
The Supreme Court on May 17, 1954, decided that laws which pre
vent Negroes from attending tax supported white schools are uncon
stitutional. The decision does not specify that all segregation is illegal,
hut merely that Negroes cannot be legally discriminated against in state
schools. Any court which interprets the fundamental law of a country
normally bases its decision on the basic political tradition of that coun
try and the moral sense that pervades the society. There con be little
doubt that the Supreme Court was in this case interpreting the consti
tution in line with the moral sense of the national community. The re
action of the national press and the two major political parties has been
unmistakeably clear.
If the nation as a whole did not approve the decision, we might
amend the constitution and thus circumvent the court. Even what passes
for political leadership in Georgia has not thought this possible.
Now if the federal government could be easily bluffed, this big
talk might work. But they didn’t bluff worth a hoot in Arkansas, and
they might be so inconsiderate a» to call a bluff in Georgia. What will
we do then? In Arkansas not a single shot was fired and the Arkansans
are Southerners too. Do we really want to risk a contest of arms with
federal troops? Am I talking nonsense? Of course, it’s nonsense, but it
is all we have got out our political leaders.
It is a fact that the intergration of all or most Georgia .schools any
time in the near future would seriously endanger the social fabric and
might produce a reign of terror which only the strictest military oc
cupation could cope with. Nobody wants that.
It is a further fact that most Georgia Negros do not desire to attend
white schools in the face of the feeling against it. Many arc content
now, and others would he content with improved Negro schools.
Let's look at one more fact. The minority of Negroes who would
make a sustained effort to get into white schools would not threaten
the life of those schools or the fabric of social life in Georgia any more
than Negroes in Georgia Pullmans, and on Georgia golf courses do. The
Negroes who would make the effort would be few in numbers and above
average in intelligence.
For one thing, the probability is high that segregated schools would
be preserved in Georgia as long as the social organization of Georgia
communities makes that the most feasible way to provide public educa
tion. Segregation has remained for generations in Northern communities
where it is not enforced by law. It may be, of course, that the continued
evolution of Georgia society will some day end segregation, but that is
not an immediate problem, and will not in any case be so serious if the
conditions that make segregation desirable have disappeared. Actually,
the ardent segregationist who would make an intelligent appraisal of
all the facts might well conclude that the honest acceptance of the Su
preme Court decision while Georgia is still free to restrict its application
to cases of sustained individual demand is probably the best chance we
have to maintain segregation as the general pattern of Georgia life. It
is those who want forced intergration as soon as possible who ought to
support the policy of Talmadge and Griffin and Fauhus.
Another result of a policy similar to that of North Carolina would
be that Georgia would be operating within the law. The psychological
effect of this on our sense of self-respect is important. The only way
to preserve states’ rights is through the exercise of these rights in a
legal and responsible manner.
If these judgements are wrong and if an honest attempt to abide
by these decisions of the court creates an impossible social situation,
then and then only should we consider the radical step of abolishing the
public schools. A situation calling for such action is possible, but not
probably. The idea of abolishing public schools rather than let one Negro
in a white school is foolish sentimentality. Our whole political system
is based on compromise. Even in race relations we have settled many
issues in the past by compromise, and it will not disgrace us to seek a
reasonable compromise now.
My primary concern in this crisis is not for the Negrose their lot
is improving, and I think it will continue to improve despite the Su
preme Court’s decision. The effect on the strength of the nation of
Southern unwillingness to abide by the law is of more concern; and the
demand of some Southerners that the whole nation back down in face of
threats of armed resistance to law is ridiculous. But my main concern
is for the South, the South as a region, and the white South in par
ticular. If the South retreats from thia political problem into a haxe
of cheap sentimentality and bravado campaign slogans, she is headed
for disaster. Southern higher education, Southern economy, and Southern
politics have already suffered real damage, but the possible damage ia
far greater than we have yet experienced. It is not the Negroee or the
federal government or the Yankees that will be the primary victim*
of the light-headed sentimentality of Southern political leaders, but the
South itself—the South a* a region, and particularly tho»e white South
erner! who have something to lose.
MARTY LAYFIELD
Sputnik and You
It would iteem that the toplo of conversation
these duys is Sputnik and the Russian trans
continental ballistic missile (ICBM). It also aeem
that this is a good time for we Americana to con
sider the real meaning of Sputlnk or aa someone
put it, "That doggie in the
window."
Since this is the week set
aside as American Education
Week, we have even more rea
son to atop our frantic move
ment and consider thU for
midable challenge hurled at
the US by the 8ovtets.
1 believe all of us will agree
that the Administration’s reali
zation that the country has a deepseated concern
for the future scientific position of our country.
A look at several figures abows that this
concern conies none to quick. Last year, there
were only 4,320 newly-qualified science teachers
graduated in the U. S. This is a 52.5 per cent
drop from the 9,096 graduated in 1950. Another
fact is that of the 1956 science graduate* only
59.4 per cent entered the teaching field.
Almost the indentlcal situation exists In the
mathematics field. There were 4,618 graduates
in 1960, 2,544 in 1956. Of these 2.544 only 66 3
per cent became teachers Another question Is:
How long will they remain in the low salary
teaching field?
What is the significance of all thia in our
progressive nation? The extraordinary conclus
ion Is that only as America challenges its young
people to accept a place In the brilliant drama
ahead will we begin to reach the once held
heights of stardom. Only if we reconsider past
decisions about our educational setup and draw
new conclusions in the light of the historical
events of our times can we find ourselves gaining
the final triumph and victory.
The world awaits our decision and we dare
not delay long in giving it to them. The leadership
of the West has been threatened by a sinister
peasant holding fantastic power. Sputnik II Is
a symbol of this power. The situation cannot
remain as II is for long Our own apathy has
aided in the creation of this breathless moment.
The challenge hag been hurled! It strikes
at the very roots of life and destiny! The time
for action Is now!
BUDDY HURT
A Suggestion
by Buddy Hurt
What with all the change being wrought in
the Mercer campus, it is not out of place to sug-
gestrtne in the catalogue.
This suggestion—a polite one, I might add
—has to do with students and
courses. Let us take an ex
ample.
For your work in the lower
division of Mercer, you are re
quired to take a math course.
Your choice is limited.
You may take Math 10 (ba
sic) or Math 11 (college alge
bra) or Math 12 (trigonome
try). It is a very long shot that
you many not need any one of them. And there is
a problem.
Many high schools, particularly those in the
cities, offer college algebra courses. Almost all
offer trigonometry. So a student can very easily
come to Mercer and not need any one of the
schools lower math courses.
The same situation exists right on down the
line. The rules can handcuff you in your foreign
language or even English.
You may have had one year of a foreign lan
guage in high school. And you might have learned
it well. If so, a 50-type language course is where
you belong. But back you go to 12.
It is probable the whole set-up ia based on
the assumption that you didn’t learn what you
should have in high school. If you did, you get
the dubious privilege of sitting through it all over
again.
If there's anything quite as exasperating as
being told what you already know, I haven't
come up against it It is surely more exasperating
to sit through a whole quarter of being told what
you already know.
It is a quarter lost A quarter when you could
have been taking something worthwhile. A quar
ter when you could have been learning some
thing. A quarter when you wouldn’t have wa^ed
your time. *
Admittedly only a fsw students are affected
by th# book’s lock-step type regulations. But it
would be so easy to change.