Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

A L LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS aad irku itftlopawt, TflXO OfflSKGSK (SQJQDgtflia The Pacesetter of the Seventies GARY JOHNSON JOHNNY TURNER member Editor Asocial* Editor CARL BROWN, Business Manager LYNDON MAYES, Managing Editor Asst. Editors: John Tyler Hammett, Ron Childs Executive Editors: Tom Cauthom, Bobby Phillips (Unsigned editorials are the opinion ol the Cluster and should not be confused with news stpries Signed columns end cartoons ere the opinions of the authors end not the Cluster ) Mercer Maturity Still Unevidenced Last Spring Quarter a report was presented to the SGA Senate outlining a system which would place more responsibility for disciplin ary matters Into the hands of students. Be cause of some points raised by the University Disciplinary Committee and by several stu dents the Waverly Conference asked that fur ther study be given to the matter before it was presented in final form to the President and the Board of Trustees. At Waverly the SGA President appointed a committee to revise the proposed judicial system, and extensive work was done over the summer. In its current form within the com mittee the system would provide for lower courts composed of students to adjudicate minor student offenses, and there is provision for a higher court to replace the University Disciplinary Committee to adjudicate major offenses and to act as an appellant body bom the lower courts. The committee is also pre paring a revised Student Code of Conduct and a Bill of Rights for the students. A few weeks ago the proposal for a Men’s Judicial Council (the lower court for the men’s residence halls) was presented to the men in a referendum. It was defeated in a re latively close vote. It is ironic that at a time when most stu dents are clamoring for more power and are demanding that they be given control over their own affairs that a proposal which would by Altai Wallacw do exactly that is defeated. Of course some Mercer students may be in the process of rea lizing that their peers are not mature and re sponsible enough to sit in judgement of others, but I doubt this. There was much misunderstanding of how the Men’s Judicial Council would function. This point was made salient to me when I sat in on a freshman English class where the matter was discussed briefly; it was clear that the freshman who spoke against the Council had been misinformed (or not informed at all) as to the duties and purposes of the Council. At the SGA Senate meeting last week misun derstanding was reflected again, by one Sena tor in particular who seemed incapable of thinking beyond his own preconceived pre judices. There was a cover letter supposed to explain the Council attached to the referen dum ballot, but this was rather vague; this vagueeness was explained by the author of the letter (the SGA President) when he stated that he himaelf was “a little unsure” of exactly how the Council would (Unction. Despite this and despite the fact that one student stated that some hall counselors had sought to influ ence the voting in the referendum the Senate refused to conduct another vote. Perhaps some day Mercer students will begin to show their maturity by accepting the responsibility which is an essential part of coming of age and of becoming educated. On Capitol Hill When the President of the United States has something to say, both the Congress and people inevitably find something to say about it. Such was certainly the case with the Presi dent’s Vietnam address of 3 November. In this week’s expanded coverage, I shall do two things; First, I shall include copies of the Nixon and Ho Chi Minh letters that the Presi dent mentioned at the end of his address; and second, I shall relay the reaction of the war critics, so that the long range effects of the President's pleas for greater unity may be ac curately assessed. Following, is the full text of the Richard M. Nixon and Ho Chi Minh letters. In terms of the unifying effect of the Presi dent's message, it is the reactions of the war critics that must be carefully considered — not the reactions of those already told on the President’s policies. In this vital area of presi dential salesmanship, the Nixon address was a dismal failure. Evidence abounds ih the re action of his critics. Representitive statement* follow: Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts: “I and mil lions of Americans were most disappointed by the Presidents address on Vietnam. The Presi dent’s speech, simply stated, was more of the same — no new hopes, no new cooriderations, no new inspiration for an American people who have waited so long and given so much for peace.” Stephen M. Young of Ohio: “The President revealed no new initiatives toward peace. His talk about a secret schedule of withdrawal re minded me of his promised secret plan to end the war — a plan announced more than 13 months ago which remains his secret. His plea to the American people was not successful and w« only serve to iacmare opposition to our continued Involvement hi that immoral undeclared war in Vietnam. Charles Goodril of New York: “President Nixon has one* again stated his daaira for peace. I am most disappointed, however, that he has offered no new policy initiatives The Pmridant will heap American foraas in V|et- THE MERCER CLUSTER • January 13,1970 • 2 by Larry Finkwlstwin nam — and continue American casualties — well into the 1970’s." And finally, Senate Majority Leader, Mike Mansfield: “The President spoke sincerely for peace. He emphasized once again, that he wants to get the United States out of Viet nam. What is still not clear is the how or when. There were no specifics. The President undoubtedly had his reasons for not making this clarification. Nevertheless, until it is made, I am afraid the issue of Vietnam will remain as divisive as ever in the life of the na tion.” The White House, July IS, 1969 His Excellency Ho Chi Minh, President, Democratic Republic of Vietnam, Hanoi. Dear Mr. President: I realise that It is diffi cult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But precisely be cause of this gulf I wanted to take this oppor tunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my daaira to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long pad delay in bringing it to an and can benefit no one - Mast of all the people of Vietnam. My speech on May 14 laid a proposal which I be lie** is fair to ail parties. Other proposals have been mad* which attempt to gty* the people of South Vietnam an opportunity to chooae their own fhtnre. Them panpnsaM take into account the reeonahM conditions of all ridae. But we stand reedy to dMucm other ptogms as well, specifically the 10-point ptopam at the NLP. As I have said repeatedly, them M nothing to be gained by waiting. Delay can only In- cream the dangers and multiply the euffsriag. The Mam has cosare to mo** forward at the cooMteoce table toward an early reaolatloa of thte tmgte war. Yon wM find aa forthcoming ana open-minded In a common effort to bria* at aaae* to the brave people of r - " ~ w In Place of (The following is adapted from In Place of Folly by Norman Cousins. Dr. Cousins is Editor-In-Chief of Saturday Review. -The Editors) The enemy is not a totalitarian power with a world ideology. Nor Is the enemy solely the unfettered national state, violating the rights of man and jeopardizing his natural environ ment The enemy is many people. He Is a man whom only concern about the world Is that It stay in one piece during his own lifetime. He regards his good fortune not a* a challenge to get dose to the real problems of the age but ■* proof of the correctness of everything he does. Nothing to him Is lam important than the shape of things to com* or the needs of the next generation. Talk of the legacy of the past or of human destiny leaves him cold. Historically, he is the disconnected man. When he thinks about the world at ril, it is usually in terms of his hope that the atomic fireworks can be postponed for fifteen or twenty years. The enemy is a man who not only believe* in his own helplessness but worships it His main article of frith is that there are mam moth forces at work which the individual can not possibly comprehend, much leas alter or direct. He assumes that only people In author ity are in a position to know and act He be lieves that if vital information essential to the wholly or ask no quences The enemy lie mandates b own, ( about obsessive fear of wa bo that he is tion may enjoy among Its world. He Is connection act in behalf of the hi The eoemy is any with personal peace a personal responsibility. At a time when everything man could be and when everything man could have am in jeopardy. It is saasntiri that we know not the name* of easy scapegoats, but the faces of the enemy. The Vocal Minority Bonzai, Mr. Nixon! If any virtue is ever found in America’s silent majority, it may be the fact that it Is silent. All other praise escapes me. Several years ago, this majority adopted a* Its own, a fun-filled hobby known as the Viet-Nam War, better known as “Let’s get our minds off of domestic problems.” Since then, this game has continued much to the joy and amuse ment of its co-inventors, the South Viet-Nameee oligarchy and the CJ.A. Now the time for fun and nonsense Is over. A very vocal minority has arisen in this country which will not take anymore of this type of Ain. The call is for an immediate withdrawal of American forces from Viet-Nam and continued resistance to the war as long as any U. S. forces remain there. No redress or grievances has been given yet or is any in immediate sight. Therefore, only on* course remains: con stant and vigorous resistance to administrative policies in regard to the war. In fact, we must be in a state of virtual revolution with respect to the war machinery. This revolution must In clude resistance to lepl by Rogwr Boll slavery (the draft), exhaustion of all legal protases*, demon strations and strikes, even armed rebellion if our de mands are not met within the immediate Artur*. In view of Nixon’s about- face policy on anti-war pro test, it may well take an armed rebellion to ensure that our demands are even taken seriously! A quarter of a million people made it to Washington on November 15th to register their protest agslest the war. One may have a gun next time, Mr. Nixon. You had hatter turn around and look. From the Editor The Seventies — — A Decade of Hope Although the Student Uon have functioned this year healthy, and It M hoped that Government Association Sen- as autonomous bodies. The the Cluater and the SGA can ate and the Cluster have been Cluster ha* had a free hand in continue to work topthsr tor at odds with each other at analysing aad evriaatfc* the the betterment of Mercer, times, the Ouster does re- wwrk of the Senate. This is cognise the program and achievement of that body. The student senate has indeed made greet strides. It ha* con fronted, debated, and resolved many key isaucs that had to be freed. Aad though the de bate has at time* been lactic, it ha* also been fruitful. And so, w* begin the new year, the Ouatar’s 50th year, with the spMt of optimism. Them as* many Isaucs yet to be reaotved. But we hate MM the pound work. It M now up to the Chaster and the Senate to take the Mad in mohrlng them Manes. Speciri t*tntton mast, of necessity be Mean to of