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and a stagnation in the whole business ol the country results. as society is, a sound currency | !S as indispensable to the hapiness of a people, j as a healthy circulating fluid is to the health j of the individual man; anffail attempts to ele. I viate the laborer withouf it will be futile. From the Columbus Times. Mr. Clay. We refer the’ reader to the subjoined letter of Mr. Clay, written as late as the month of January just past. In it will be found an ex planation of the terms “reasonable” and “mod erate,” when used by Mr. Clay iti connexion with import duties. Any amount of levies on foreign manufactures, “short of prohibition,” can justly, in his opinion, be productive of no disadvantage, nor operate injuriously upon in dividual interests, but must, on the contrary, benefit the consumer “by augmenting the sup. p'y*” There may be some who have been inclined to think the opinions of Mr. Clay on this vexd question of the tardF, had undergone a change, and that, looking at the matter himself in a more expanded and liberal view, or disposed to yield somewhat to the sentiments of no in considerable portion of the people, he was wil ling to mollify his former and long-cherished predilections for excessive duties, and give the country ease and quiet on this irritating ques tion. It has been supposed, in some quarters, that letters of Mr, Clay, written within the last eighteen months, authorized such an in ference; and anti-tariff men, disinclined to join the democratic ranks, have satisfied their con sciences, in their support of him, by the belief .hat he was in truth and in fact the advocate ol revenue duties, with incidental protection by discriminations with that view, on n moderate scale —employing the word moderate, in im proper and ordinary sense. To such we com mend the Charlotte letter. For ourselves, we h ive been unable to dis cover any inconsistency in the opinions of Mr. Clay on this question’ or any contra* tely of views, in the expositions he has made, from time, for the public eve. It was alleged that the letter addressed by Mr. Clay to the Editor of the LaGrange Herald, (and it has been con tended that other communications and declara tions of this distinguished gentleman embraced like sentiments,) evidenced a material change of opinion on his part, and that a revenue tariff with such incidental protection as it would ne cessarily afford, would*be entirely agreeable to him. We have discovered no such change of opinion. We have understood Mr. Clay uniformly to declare that the manufacturers must have adequate protection—if one, and that n moderate scale of duties did not secure it, a different and a higher scale must be adop ted; al.hogh he was content with the former, if thereby the great object were attained, the protection ofdomestic industry. PVe have un derstood him likewise to assert, that the tariffs of 1832 and 1842 met his approbation, as giv ing fair and jus/ protection and as of a charac ter to entitle them to public confidence and support. The former of these measures *jJjft^£^^^S^Hja^ee^onominate^b^our tariff;” and and the latter (the existing law) is known to impose exorbitant duties on foreign imports, and has been admitted by its advocates inCon •rress to contemplate protection equally with revenue. To these two measures, Mr. Clay has, we think, invariably referred, when allu. din l ’ to the tariff, in terms of commendation, aid as conveying his conceptions of the ex pressions “reasonable” and “moderate,” when applied to this particular question. We have therefore, esteemed Mr. Clay entirely consis tent in this matter, and have seen nothing from him, which, in our view, justified the declara tion of a change opinion by this distinguished statesman, or exhibited the slightest departure from doctrines so long, so ardently, and so a bly maintained by’ him on the floor of Congress and elsewhere. ffe have, however, in the commencement of this article, and explicit declaration, tested and squared by no collateral references, of the precise notions, regarding taxing power, now entertained by Mr. C'ay. Io that letter, placed in our columns, to day we point the pub lie eye. From the New York Republic. MR. CLAY AND THE TARIFF. A letter having been recently addressed to Mr. Clay by the Clay Club of Charlotte coun ty, Va., the following is the reply of that gentleman:— New.Orleans, 23d Jan. 1844. Gentlemen:—l have received your letter addressed to me in behalf of the Clay Club of Charlotte county, in Virginia, inviting me to deviate from the route by which 1 propose to return home from North Carolina, so far as to visit Charlotte. I should be truly happy to uccept it if I could, and meet my fellow citi /.ens of Charlotte; but as you appear to have anticipated, 1 cannot, without violating a neces sary restriction, to which 1 subjected mysell, prior to my departure from my residence. If I were to go off the line of my journey,. 1 do not know where 1 might not be carried, by the kind ivitationsofmy friends or the impulses of my own feelings. There would be no limit to my travels; and 1 should be embarrassed to decide where to commence, and where to ter minate them. I could not visit every place; and it iwould bo invidious to discriminate be tween various points, having equal claims to mv attention, respect and gratalude. Ihe rule which 1 have adopted, limiting myself to the route by which 1 shall proceed on my jour ney, is simple, and 1 hope may be satisl'uctos ry. It affords me very groat pleasure, gentlemen to learn that the people of Charlotte and its neighborhood, renouncing preconceived pre judices and antipathies, aro candidly reviuw. ing their former opinions adverse to a protec- (live tariff; and that many of them are disposed 1 now to believe that reasonable and moderate (protection, short of prohibition, is beneficial to j the consumer by augmenting the supply. The ; nonexistence of manufacturer in the United j | States would leave to foreign countries the; .supply oF American consumption. The pro. J hibition of foreign fabrics would transfer that, monopoly to the home manufactures in the Un. | ited States; but the monoply would be modified ; progressively, by competition arising arhome. The true interests of consumers are best pro-j moted a by a competition between the foreign and the national supply. Tho inevitable tent dency ol that competition is to reduce prices as all experience has demonstrated. A duty never augments the price, to the full extent of its amount, but in the case of an in adequate supply of the article, on which it is imposed, to the demand for that article. But the reduction of prices is not the only, nor the greatest advantage of the establishment of manufactures in our county. They create an ability to purchase those cheaper articles, by the home market which arises for the pro ducts of agriculture and of labor. All these truths are susceptible, I think, of the clearest illustration; but this is not a suita ble occasion for more than briefly adverting to them. 1 tender, gentlemen, my respectful acknow lodgements for your friendly invitation, and assurances of the high respect and esteem of. Your friend and obedient servant. H. CLAY. Messrs. Clement Carrington, Richard W. Gaines, and Henry Carrington, &c. &c. To the People* of Georgia. A friend has called my attention to a note published by Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, as an addendum to his printed speech in the House ol Representatives, “on tho right of members to their seats in tile House of Representatives,” and to which I replied while he was present in his place. It is evident that this note is an appeal to the public for satisfaction of his “private griefs;’ and ns he has thought proper to select that mode of settling whatever questions of fact or morals may have existed between us, I con ceive • have no alternative left, but to vindi cate myself before the same tribunal, by a brief statement of the occurrences which elici ted his abuse. Whether he has selected the usual and proper “ method ” of satisfaction for remarks deemed by him “quite personal” to himself, was a question referable alone to his own judgment; and his “discretion” having de cided that question in the way indicated in his public note, 1 proceed to refute, for the satisfuc. tion of my constituents, such of his charges as may seem to bear on the position assumed by nte in debate leaving him sole master of that bloodless field, wherein a “war of words” is the only conflict. 1 did occupy my hour upon the subject stated, and, in the course of my re marks, commented upon the inconsistencies of Mr. Stephens’s opinions and conduct. If mv allusions to him had been deemed offensive at the time it was uttered, he had the etHMum the floor for either purpose. He was 1 furnished with another opportunity on the suc ceeding morning, when he arose to correct such parts of the reporter’s account of my re marks as he deemed erroneous. On neither of those occasions did he make any such effort; but now, after the lapse ol a fortnight, would palliate his neglect, and excuse his want of resentment, by the insinuation that there is a variance between the circumstances as detail- i ed in my speech, and as they actually occur, red in the House; and, although my remarks were applicable to his position, upon which he states in his note he does “not deign a reply,” yet he seizes the opportunity to indulge in a parade of vulgar epithets, which his loss of po sition and unfortunate personal situation enable him to use with impunity. It will thus be perceived that the following quotation from his note is the only portion ol it in relation to which I am left at liberty to offer any explanation. He states: “And 1 no tice in what he reports me to huve said to him in the House, in the progress of his speech, he has represented me as saying what I can but believe that he knew that 1 did not say, and has entirely omiltee what lino equally confi dent he must have known that l didsay.” As to the correctness of the former part of the charge —viz. that of misrepresenting what he did sav—by reference to the subjoined ex tract Irom my speech, (and which includes my entire remarks upon the point of Mr. StepVens’s position,(it will be observed that a singlj/ques- j tion, whether I “would undertake to be the t keeper or the judge of his conscience,” is the only remark which 1 quo.e him as making. Now, that this question, if not in ’those identic cal words, was, in substanoe, asked me by Mr. S., I can not only most (confidently appeal for corroboration to every member of the House, but indirectly establish it by that individual himself. On the morning after the delivery of my remarks, Mr. S. (as 1 have al ready had occasion lo mention) called my at. lerilion to the reporter’s account of vt hat occur red between us, and the paper which he at that time held in his hand wus a copy of the I morning Globe, and from which l make the j following extract: “Mr. Stephens, on leave being given him to explain, said: The gentleman had no right to judge of his (Mr. S.’s) conscience.” 1 Here is the very idea 1 quote him as making wanting only the interrogatory from, which is as correct as the sketches of reporters gener. , ally are; and, if erroneous, if he had made use of no such statement; why was it, when he had risen for the purpose of seeking explanation : and of effecting corrections, thut he made no allusion to it? As to the second part of the charge, viz: the allegation that 1 had omitted to stale all that he did say. That there wore probably j remarks made by him, which, from the dis tance that we were separated, may have been ! lost in the confusion of the House, !do not pre- \ tend to deny; but oven bad they been heard, or j known to me at the time of writing out my speech, I am not sensible of any obligation res ting on me to become the reporter of another. \ The labor incedent to the usual course on such occasions 1 felt quite sufficient for myself—that, is, to report my own remarks, and such por.; tions of those of another as 1 conceived neces-, sary to explain my own. But does this justify his course? —excuse his low und tardy ven.j geance? He does not pretend that there was any variance between my own speech, as de livered and as published, and it is that at which his venomis directed, und to which he has under taken to assign “the purpose of conveying a personal insult,” and which, after a fortnight’s deliberation, has at length elicited his niostun gentlemanly repiy. In conclusion, 1 have only to say, that the object of this individual must be obvious to my intelligent constituents; and I have no fear that he can’ thus escape the consequences of the position which lie has assumed on this question, nor evade the odium of having failed to vindicate his honor, when he chooses to complain that it has been assailed. WILLIAM H. STILES. Extract from Mr. Stiles's speech “on the right of, members to their seats in the House of Representatives.” It is to me a source of regret that the coutse which my colleague has pursued on this ques tion, has made It necessary to advert to the unenviuble position which, in regard to it, he has alone chosen to assume. 1 regret that he should have thought it necessary, by a labored jspeech, to have convinced us of bis want of (title to his seat, when that end could have been ko much more effectually and cosistenlly ac complished, without the utterance of a single ijvord, by his absence from this hall. But 1 re gret, more than all, that, with a declaration on ftis lips sht he is not entitled to his seat, he Should still undertake to vote, act, and recicve the emoluments to which a right to that seat hlone entitled,him. There was a time when sfltch assurance would have been considered at l3t #. waotofdelicacy; whenwuch a difference lietween opinion and action would have been lleld at least a want of consistency; hut those days, I Suppose, are gone, and the time arrived wien such’ unblushing effrontery is deemed, pwhaps,.an exhibition of “moral firmness,” s jrpassing that which distinguished General J icksor) at New Orleans, and equalled only by tl tat.of the judge who pronounced the infamous s< tntence upon him. My colleague says that this is a question for tl e judgment of this House: but let me tell him ir all kindness, that he has, in my opinion, mis ts ken the tribunal in which such a question was properly cognizable. His position invol v :d a question, let me say to him, not to be tr led and decided in this Ho.tse, but alone to be and( itermined in fora conscientice. Before that T* bunal dq 1 arraign and charge him with the B|mmission of two hjgh and enorinofcs offun- c | Hk Hrbut know, from the study of that which he was educated, the r.n. tuM and criminality of the offence; and I there to e leave him to name it, while 1 charge him wi th falling'that to which he says, and perhaps ‘ th nks, he knows that he has no right, or even “c o!or of title.” Again: he cannot but know, from the proses-; sic n he has followed, that, to participate in the I de iberations of this body, with no right to a sent, is against the constitution; and 1 there up.; on charge him with the offence, (leaving him to name it,) which arises out ol the violation of, aminstrument which he has sworn to support, j |Mr. Stephens, on leave being given him, aslaed if the gentleman would unkertake lobe thej keeper or the judge of his conscience?] Air: Stileireplied: God forbid that I should vvifir he rtie'keeper of such a conscience! Yes, sir, my colleague, with a declaration) on his lips, and a feeling in his heart, that he is lifot entitled to his seat—whilst, consequently in ilhe very act of violating the constitution of his country—lays his hand upon the word of life, and calls upon God to help him, or not to help him, as he may or may not suport that ins strimer,ti If not before high heaven—if not belbre the world, at least in the silent workings, of his thoughts, he must plead guilty! guilty!, Sir', 1 dismiss him; and, without presuming to . be ins “judge,” I may say to him, with as deep sinoerily as ever it was pronouced from the bench to a condemned criminal, “may God Al mighty have mercy upon your stiul!” , ; Another Bank failure. From the Columbus (Go.) Enquirer, of the 13th, insl* we extract the following notice in relation to the failure of the Phenix Bunk of that city.—Look out for the next. Bink Faihiuk.— We have the mortifica tion io announce another Bank failure in Cos. lumbts.—The Phenix Bank closed doors on Monfay last. We have not become sufficient. ly conversant with the facts to detail the cau. v ses, or probable amount for which it has failed but shall probably learn more hereafter. Its I bills ore now worth little or nothing in this market. Most of the officers of the institution are absent from the city at this time, and it i may le that when they return things may wear j a mote favourable aspect. We fear the worst ) howerer. It it the custom, when things of this sort happen, to visit the whole blame on the citizens of this place. Now, we wish it distinctly un derstood that the owners and managers of this concern were strangers and adventurers, har dly known to one man in ten among us, and having no concern with this people, except what has transpired. Such as may suffer, therefore, will know from whom their wrongs have arisen. o^7“We charge nothing to the citizens of Columbus, but call the attention of our readers ’ to the legislation of the Whig session of 1643, on this system of rotten banking. That body never doubted the efficacy of the ashes of any old bankrupt concern, and would have exten ded the charter of thirty years if it had been asked of them. —Federal Union. THE REPUBLICAN SENTINEL Rome, Sa urdjr, March 23, 1844 00“0ur thanks are due Messers Lumpkin, Stiles, Harralson and Cobb, for the reception of various public documents. OCrWe have received the proceedings op the “Summerville Temnerace Society,” which came to hand too late for publication in this weeks paper. They shall appear in our next. Wie are glad to see the cause of Temper ance gaining ground in this section of the State. It is destined to wield a powerful influence over society, and we cannot refrain from bidding the friends of the Temperance cause in Chat tooga, a hearty “God Speed.” —It is a good cause—a holy cause —a cause that will not only give pleasure and satisfaction to its adveates in this life, by snatching the inebriate from the very verge of ruin and restoring him to a neg lected and deserted family, but in the “life to come.” There ure lour different societies in Chattoo. ga county, and we hazzard the assertion, that there is not another county in the State, ac cording to population, that can -boast of as many members to the cause of Temperanee as can this county—the number of members in the four societies, amounting to about lico liun dred and sixty. We are in hopes those socie lies will, from time to time, send us for publi cation, the action of their respective todies— and giving a statement of the success which may attend their efforts to bring about a refer, formation in society. W'e know of no better way of attaing this desirable desideratum, or making our paper useful, than by encouraging our fellow-citizens in so praiseworthy an ob object. OCrPublic attention is called to Mr Stiles’ defence against the attack of his colleague, Mr. Stephens, in tile note appended to. his speech. See defence in another column. THE TARIFF. The Globe of the 9th instant says: The chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means of the House of Representatives (General McKay) made a report to-day, on the tariff bill which the committee reported yesterday. General McKay gave notice yes terday, when he reported the bill, that he would make a teport on it to-day; and we went 1 to the House to-day, with the hope of getting the report in time to publish it in this evening’s Globe. But it was near 2 o’clock, p. m., be fore the House acted on the report; and there are tables appended to it which cannot be set up in less than a day. There are four tables, marked A, B, C, D. The one marked A shows the value of our imporis and exports for the year ending the Ist of October, 1843, the a. mount of imports that pay duty, and the amount that comes in free. Bis a comparative slate ment exhibiting the average value of merchans dise imported in the years 1837, ’3B, ’39, ’4O, ’4l, ’42, and to June, ’43, paying ad volorem and specific duties. Cis a comparative state- j ment showing the duties upon imports imposed j by the present tariff law, the duties proposed j by the hill reported by the committee, and the increase or reduction of duty upon each article which will be effected by the passage of the j bill now reported. And D shows the quantity | and value of merchandise imported free of du- 1 ty, and the quantity imported paying duties, from the Ist of October, 1842, to the 30th of June, 1843; and gives the names, quantities, and values of the articles imported, and the a mount of duty colected from each. Since we have examined these tables, we fear they are so wide-spread that we shall not be able to got them into the Globe at all. How ever, we will exert our ingenuity to do so, as they will be invaluable to all of our readers, I except the few who are protected. When the report was made to-day, the Hon. Dixon U. Lewis moved to suspend the rules, to enable him to make a motion to print extra copies. The Whigs objected, and called for the yens and nays, which resulied—yeas 108, nays 00. The ycus not being two-thirdi of the members present, the rules were not sus pended. We have not the yeas and nays be fore us, but believe it was a strict party vole. The Whigs do not appear to be willing to en lighten the people on the tariff. THE NEW TARIFF. The Madisonian of the 9th inst. says—The Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means reported their new tariff bill yesterday. We understand that the reduction of duties propos. ed is highly satisfactory to mauy of the ultra free trade men’from the South. It is certain the bill will pass the House, and we feel pretty well assured it wili also pass the Senate. There are several Whigs in the Senate who are in favor of low duties on tho ad valorem principle, which is the plan reported. From the Macon Telegraph. Another Battle of New Oorleans—a terrible slaying of the Coons. De mocracy Triumphant! With feelings of no ordinary satisfaction, we announce to the Democracy, that Whiggery is cast out, root and branch, from the city of New Orleans. The extracts below will tell the tale. Read. Democrats, and rejoice. When we take into consideration the circumstances connected with this election, the mind is irre sistedly led to the conclusion, that Henry Clay is a broken-down politician, into whose hands the people of the United States will never trust the high desitinies of their country. —New Orleans has long been considered a strong hold of Whiggery. She gave Harrison a majority of nine hundred votes: Creat News from New Orleans. democrats, Listen! Wiiigs — do yiu hear that 1 . —At the special election in New Orleans, on Monday, to fill the vacancy in the State Senate, caused by the death of Mr. Hoa, on the largest vote ever cast in that city. Tho mas Slidell, the democratic candidate, was elected over C. Roselius, the Whig Attorney General by the extraordinary majority of four hundred voles\ A great and cheering triumph —under all circumstances a glorious omen of triumphs to come —a cheering indication of the certainty with which the Sober thoughts of the people are preparing to repudiate the fac tious excitements,’ shows, processions and humbugs of whiggery. It is a hopeful be ginning of the end of the boastings of whigge ry. Here are the first fruits of the first grand wing demonstration for the campaign of 1644 Tho “magnificent” procession of uncounted numbers —the boastful and boasting rally of the inass whiggery of Louisiana.!—the out pour ing upon the devoted city of New Orleans— the intoxication of enthusiasm from the prsence of the great leader himiself —cohorts of orators from other Stales, crowding to a scene of an ticipated exultation, summoning with impnss iontd eloquence the zealots ol 1840, fora more fervid exhibits ion of determination and tri umph Prentiss and Poindexter, harranguing after djjy. and crowds after night, to overwhelm the democracy at once and forever, by a furious and final on slaught—the stimulus of pride to signalize the visit of Mr. Clay by a splendid tirumph— where are all these und what have they effect ed? An ignominous defeat —a total and unex. ampled route —the flight, discomfiture and pro found mortification of the arrogant and boast ing hosts, The cool and steady onset of the unterrified democracy of New Orleans, pro voked to a thorough and united rally, has scat tcred them like chaff.— Mobile Reg. “Glory cnoiiglc foroneday “The Sober Second Thought.”— We have the consolation of saying to our friends that New Orleans is “redeemed, regenerated and disenthralled. On yesterday our election came off for Senator for the Parish of Orleans, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of the lamented Hoa. This election was in the midst of the whig convention, just after the glorification of Mr. Clay, just after the vast pro cession ol the whigs noticed by us before; just after the speeches of Prentiss, Poindexter and others, and just afler the speech and rufusalto speak by .VI r. Clay. In one word, just after all that could be done in the way of parade, a glo rious victory has crowned our eflorls. THO MAS SLIDELL is elected to the Senate of the State by a majority of 406. Nothing of importance occurred to detract from this vie. 1 tory. We feel and trust that the result of ! this election will be a signal and lasting rebuke to restrictionisis of very class, j Bui we have said enough. Let it bo told in ! Washington, New York in our sister city of of Mobile, and in oid Georgia as well as every where else in this widespread Union, that the democrats of New Orleans have done their du ty, and let them heed the admonition Go ye and do likewise.” l This result shows an immense increase in the vote through the city, andetpcially in the se cond municipality, where five or six hundred ’ more votes were polled than were ever given before. Mr. Ruselins was acknowledged ! to be the strongest whig in the city; indeed he is deservedly one of the most talented, popu lar and deserving men in Louisiana. The election yesterday furnishes another and remarkable instance of the unaccountable ill luck which seems to clog the very footsteps of the great champion of whiggory. His pres ence is the token of disaster to his friends, and seems to inspire only his opponents, if wo judge from results. His visit to Ohio last i year was immediately followed by the great est revolution of political sentiment ever know in that, or perhups any other State of the Union. His trip to this city last winter was succeeded by similar results. And now that his “business” in this quarter is concluded by the meeting of a Whig Convention, he has