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K A. GAULDING & CO
LffSERIES, YOU.
“ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS, WHEN REASON IS LEFT TO COMBAT IT.”—JEFFERSON.
PROPRIETOR
ATLANTA, GEO,, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 24,1859.
NO 18
hr Jntrllipnr.
i; FEBRUARY 24, 1859.
JToTsUB S C RI P TIO N
"L „, r annum in advance, *6 00
-PAP*-* in advance, 4 00
JjfljjvlA • PJ it in advance, 2 00
MS- -,r R vJ within six months,.. 2 50
l f within twelve months, 3 00
,Uc Renders of ,Uc I,,<clu S cnccr -
fith tlii!
■, number, the interest of the under-
thc Intelligencer Office, ceases. My
lanta Press, has been
Most of the time it lots
L,vjpion w .
r ".'short duration.
1: ' viant witli now and then a slight bub-
.P’-c peace and distract tiie mind.—
.mart
outside of the
. axe few persons, if any..
■ ,rlio know anything at all of the
i"! of a newspaper life. It, however, has
, nts of pleasure, as well as its times of
311 Like every other business faitli-
rJ.Xlty-
mfttntly
1 successfully prosecuted, it requires
perseverance ; the mind must be
and actively engaged; the imagi-
uick and perceptive, and all thc pow-
,1,. intellectual man easily brought into
iti-
k. alike
. ;. u n. without distracting any of its parts.
mikca^ Editor, a man must <levote his
•' lime and attention to the duties of his
)ie mns t not l»e troubled with the cares
Lj business of life—his mind must be free
Li unbiased-
ti lth the -Intelligencer,’ I sever my connec-
, with many regrets. At one time, all my
of future prosperity were centered in its
Its acceptance with the people—the
„. iis the ultimatum of my ambition.—
•ncTtries my time—my little patrimony,
live all liccn given to accomplish that one
•„hject. So far, pecuniarily, the paper
laveded beyond my most sanguine ex
altations.
With mv co-partners in business, I part with
■Huh reluctance. For them all 1 have the
r< wr ar d. In their capacity to conduct
\enterprise successful!j, I have thc most
hounded confidence. The Senior Editor, for
.List four years, has been my warm and
i friend. In prosperous as well as ad-
mc circumstances, lie has never, to my know-
forsaken me. In his bosom beats a
art. whose sympathies are easily touched
ovc d bv the wants and distresses of his
t j wmi'i). His hand and purse are always
1 tn the wants and demands of the needy.
I .-ml him, in many respects, my paternal
l-neiactor. I part with him as I would a fa-
-» brother—a dear friend. May heaven’s
.stand richest blessings abide with him,
when that noble heart of his shall cease
I: i> at on earth, may he he gathered to the
ad of his fathers in peace.
II rdm-from tin- ’Intelligencer,’ entertaining
linis of hostility towards no one. If, du
de my short career, I have offended or hurt
be feelings t>f either friend or foe, I beg their
rivoness. My intercourse with thc citizens
Atlanta, has been of a very pleasant and
Lr- alile character. To those warm friends
U * 1 have so kindly tendered their services, in
«wavs than one, to advance my interests,
;,tum my grateful acknowledgments.
jVrhajis. it would lie proper to state that
ir withdrawal from the ‘Intelligencer,’ is on-
iie result of a difference of opinion in re.
|:c.l to the conduct of the paper—not politi-
-lmt as to the proper mode of conduct-
lmsiness generally, and that I bum out
|»iiii kind feelings towards each member of
ttouaru. J. II. LOGAN.
Col. J. II. Logan.
Utr present issue contains the valedictory Of
|.. aUivc named gentleman, who has for sev.
1 months past, been one of the Editors and
mprietors of this paper. In taking leave of
|i*r partner, we feel great pleasure in rccipro-
riiin:- the kind feelings which he expresses
It wards 11s. especially the Senior Editor. We
pglily appreciate the compliments he has paid
It-, and offer to him our good wishes that in
Iriiatsiever lield of labor lie may engage, that
liappincss and prosperity may he his reward.
|E«evtr ] ainful the separation may he to all
. circumstances have made it necessary,
■ind we trust it may l>e beneficial to all parties
Ills interest in the office lias been
|furdiuM.-d by A. A. Gaulding and the firm of
'“biker At Gaskill. The business will be
[inducted as heretofore, and however we may
I-! the need of the valuable services of our re*
I'bing partner, we hope by increased efforts
led renewed diligence, to continue to deserve
It;■ patronage and support of our friends and
4c public.
Atirli ultiiral College Bill.
bLs bill, having passed both Houses of Con
's awaits the signature of the President,
become the law of the land. We do not
pose to discuss the merits of this bill at
seat, but simply to notify our readers of its
»ago. If it shall receive the name of the
blent, we will probably notice it more par-
nlarlv. We have looked upon this hill fa
ulty. It offers to the people—the farmers
the sturdy yeomanry of the land, a blessing
bin conferred by our politicians. We hope
ivfer to this matter again.
KlnjEfHfon—Music—F. A. Huson.
r --i a recent trip over the State Road, we
I pent an evening at the pleasant village of
| Kingston. We witnessed the performance of
tae brass Hand under the tuition of Prof. B.
IJ Anson, i he execution of the pieces brought
'it. were truly astonishing, when we tike in-
1 consideration the fact, that the hand lias
ccn organized only one month. We wish for
| b Band and its worthy teacher, great success,
'ttr old friend F. A. Huson, lias in this village
1 30 excellent Hotel, where travelers will re
vive su-h fare and attention as will render
tiiem comfortable and happy.
GT Oregon has been admitted into the Un-
• 11 as a State. We hear constant talk about
fevh ing the Union, and yet it is spreading it-
k V- and who knows or can imagine where the
T ‘'l will he ? It may be next year, and it may
a century, before our political destiny shall
have been achieved, and providence see fit to
t ' ; n P another system of government. God
-’rant that “wisdom, moderation and pru.
*** ’ may prevail among our people, and
!R it we may continue to feel “one and insep-
ara *'lc- now and forever.”
'' s "as once said of Napoleon, “grand,
tb-oiny and peculiar, we stand upon an emi-
and glory- covers us.” Let us wipe off
’ R< *t gloom, and cause a bright blaze of un
billed glory to burn with increased splendor
! J this “land of the free, and home of the
ra >e. Would that we could look into the
” u rc fearlessly. Let us look hopefully, pray-
’fully. Great is our country, and great will
* !ti ^11 when that fall shall come.
A fire occurred at Dalton Ga., on Fri-
Ati» « ^ destroying the Western and
j; 7, ntlc Hotel and the stores of Morris & D.
v., . rown . loss estimated at about $17,000.—
•'Oiniuronce.
Pass him round Again.
We perceive from the Montgomery Confed
eration, that A. G. Jones, the individual al
luded to by a correspondent in a late number
of our paper—has recently ‘ ‘turned up’ ’ in that
city. He was charged by our correspondent
with swindling a young man by the name of
Kern, out of the sum of ten dollars. It seems
he has lately made his appearance in Mont
gomery , Ala., under the name of Capt. Con-
way-, and confideticed a ’negro trader by the
name of Page out of $31. Suspicions were
excited as to the bona fides, of his pretensions,
when he was identified by the description
given of him in our paper, and lodged in the
guard house. It is however much to be re
gretted that upon refunding the $31, he was
released from custody, and is now at large.
Rumor says, that he has since been seen in this
place. We caution the public against his
stratagems, -and hope our cotemporaries of
the press will pass him round.
Saved by a Newspaper.—A few days since,
Mr. R. H. Martin, one of the superintedents
of the laborers at work at the new Wash
ington Spring at Saratoga, New York, being
engaged near the steam pump, by some means
slipped so that the skirt of liis coat caught in
the cogs of the pump. One bite of thc cogs
in the coat and it commenced drawing him in
pretty fust. He had no time to give an alarm
before he was brought up with a prospect of
being maimed by the cogs ; hut, fortunately
he had in his pocket, a newspaper, tightly
folded together, and when the cogs came to
that they stopped, throwing the band off the
pullies.
I ou, who do not subscribe for our paper
had better do it at once, and pay in advance.
It isagoed life-preserver. We venture Mr.
Martin had paid for bis paper or he might
have been pinched a little for his delinquency.
A two dollar hill in that pocket in the place of
thatpajier would not have “stopped the cogs.”
A good paper will throw “the band off the
pullies” amidst thc vicissitudes of life in more
way-s than one. Reader, w-alk right up to the
“Intelligencer Office” and leave your name
upon our (we are happy to state) increasing
list of subscribers. We will do you good.
“The Aurora ; a monthly for the mothers and
daughters of the South and West. Mrs. E.
M. Eaton, Editress.”
The February- No. of this monthly is before
us. We hope this periodical will succeed. We
believe it worthy. This number contains ex
cellent reading matter. Terms, $2 a year for
single copies ; 5 copies, $8 ; 10 copies $15.—
Address W. R. Gulley, Publisher, Murfrees
boro, Tenn.
St. Valentine's Day.
W’e tender as an apology, for our tardiness
in noticing this ancient festival, a press of mat
ter of more importance crowding our columns.
We will premise our remarks on this subject,
by saying this festival, according to the usa
ges of the present day, w-ould be “more hon
ored in the breach than in the observance.”
Instead of its being an occasion for the young
people of town and country, to express their
tender sentiments, the one for the other, it is
used for the purpose of sending grotesque, dis
torted, comic pictures, through the medium of
thc post office, for thc gratification of those
feelings and passions which do but little honor
to the human heart. We received but one of
these missiles, on the occasion of the late festi
val, which was a horrid representation of an
old bachelor in most hideous form. It was
wholly-inappropriate to our social status, as we
never belonged to the honorable fraternity
of old bachelors, and of course we now never
can. Hut we received two beautiful poetic ef.
fusions, most delicately- and elegantly written,
unaccompanied by any- of those horrid pictures
which have of late been in such common use.
These effusions remind us so much of the days
of “Auld Lang Syne,” that we shall give them
to our readers at the risk of being charged with
egotism.
The first was post marked “Atlanta, Ga.,”
and about which we have this to say :
OUR VALENTINE.
Some fair one was considerate enough to
remember us on “mating day,” by sending us
a Valentine, the sweet sentiments of which
are well calculated to disturb the quiet slum
bers of the most confirmed bachelor, or love
sighing widower. The fair incognita can scarce
ly- imagine how softly- the words of her sweet
lay fell upon our slumbering heart. It com
menced thus : “Oh! There’s nothing half so
sweet in life, as love’s young dream.” This
is doubtless thc true sentiments of that young
careless heart, whose beautiful day dreams a e
betrayed in thc sweet sentiment. Yet,
-'Thru’s a bliss beyond all tliat “this” minstrel has
[told,
When two, that are linked in or.e heavenly tie,
With heart never changing and brow never cold,
Love on through all ills, and love on till they die !
One hour of a passion so sacred, is worth
Whole ages of heartless and wandering bliss ;
And oh ’. if there be an Elysium on earth,
It is this, it is this.’’
As what we have said above, about our Val
entine, may have excited the curiosity of our
readers, we publish it entire for their gratifica
tion.
"Oh ! there’s nothing half so sweet in life
As love’s young dream.
The bee thro’ many a garden roves,
And hums the lay of courtship o’er,
But when I10 finds the (lower he loves,
He settles there, and hums no more.
By day or night, in weal or woe,
Tills heart, no longer free,
Must bear the love it eannot show,
And, silent, ache for Him.”
February 14th. Your VALENTINE.
The second was post marked “Rig Creek,’
Ga., and reads as follows :
TO A. A. GAULDING.
I’ve never seen that face of thine
Nor heard thy voice. Oh ! no,
But I hear you are a widower,
And doubtless it is so.
I know not if thy hair be light,
Or of a d,irksome hue,
But I’ve read you are a Democrat,
And 1 know tliat you will do.
Your hand it may he hard and brown,
Or smooth, and soft, and white ;
1 care not since it wields a pen
In a good cause to write.
Your eye it may be lustrous black,
Be grey, or melting blue,
I care not, if from out its depths
It speaks the soul is true.
I know not which, thy countenanco
May bright or gloomy be ;
And care not, if when I am near
You’d sweetly smile ou me.
I know not of thy wealth or power,
Or what thy prospects be,
And care not, so you’re unengaged,
And that your heart be free.
And should I ever come, my friend.
Your city fair to view,
Don’t he surprised, or wonder that
I set my cap for you.
Your saucy correspondent, you
Would like to know, no doubt,
But I’ll repay your vigilance,
If you can find me out.
Feb. 14th, 1859. KATE.
To whom we arc indebted for these favors,
we are at a loss to divine. We mnst acknow
ledge that our curiosity has bean excited, and
we make this proposition to the writers; if
they will make themselves known to us, so
that we may not be mistaken as to their iden-
ity, we will make them life-time subscribers to
the Atlanta “Intelligencer,” free of expense
to them. This is all we have to say about St.
Valentine’s day at present.
Cuba.
We are gratified to perceive in various quar
ters, a streng feeling in favor of the acquisi
tion of Cuba by the United States Government.
We have again and again expressed our views
in most unequivocal terms, in favor of this
measure. Recent events have produced no
change in our opinion on this subject. We
are in favor of using every lawful and consti
tutional means of accomplishing this desira
ble object. Its commanding position at the
entrance of the Gulf of Mexico, makes it a
matter of paramount importance, that we
should have the control of it. The vast quan
tity of our western produce, must always find
an outlet through the mouth of the Mississip
pi River and the Gulf of Mexico, to the mar-
kets of the world. This branch of our com
merce is annually increasing, and will contin
ue to do so, as our vast fertile territories, ly
ing upon the navigable rivers which empty
into the Mississippi, shall become populated.
This increase will probably go on for the next
centuiy, as the immense mineral and agricul
tural resources of that vast territory, constitu
ting what is called the valley of the Mississip
pi, and its tributaries are being developed.—
This Island under the dominion of Spain, weak
and insignificant as-shc is, as a nation, has for
many years been a source of annoyance to our
commerce and our people. Should some more
powerful nation get control of it, the result
might he a total annihilation of our Mississip
pi and Gulf Trade. In this view of the sub
ject, dollars and cents should not be taken in
to the account. It would be difficult to esti
mate the damage by pecuniary considerations.
We may lay ourself liable to the charge of
Fillibusterism, but we are candid to confess,
that we believe a stern necessity is upon us, to
have possession of this Island. We should re
gret it, if we should be compelled to acquire it
by force, but by all means, we say, let us have
the “Queen of the Antilles.”
Stales Rights Men.
There was a time when to speak of Southern
Rights men conveyed some distinct idea. So
there was a time when there was a meaning
to the term “States Rights,” but now, so far
as we can see, they mean nothing. It is a
great misfortune for good principles to take a
eneral name, for as soon as the principles ren
der the name popular, men take the name and
kick the principles off. Everybody in the
whole country is now a State Rights man.—
Formerly when a man was known as a State
Rights man, it carried with it the idea that he
was opposed to the tariff, to internal improve
ments, to a national bank, and to all exercise
of power by Congress except that for which a
grant could be found in the constitution. Now
a “State Rights” man can vote for anything,
no matter what it is.—[Corner Stone.
Well brother Bethune, it is very cool in you
to talk this way about “State Rights men.” —
Who has contributed more than you to demor
alize (politically speaking) the States Rights
doctrines of the people of Georgia ? When the
advocates of these doctrines in 1850 and 1851,
unfurled the flag of “Southern Rights,” which
was but another name for “State Rights,”
what did you, and those who thought with
you, do? Why you organized the “Coffin
Regiment,” unfurled the flag of Disunion, and
called upon the people of the South to rally
around it. The masses stood aghast at the
rash act—consternation pervaded the ranks of
the State Rights men of the country. Then
the ruin of the Southern Rights party com
menced, and you and your colleagues struck
it a blow, from which it was never able to re
cover. Your “coffin regiment” was forced to
fall back upon the lino of conseivatisin, occu
pied by the Southern Rights party, and to
gether we made the best fight we could. But
the leaders of your coffin regiment, both on
the stump and through the medium of the
press, had put themselves upon the record in
such an odious light before thc people, that
the moderate Southern Rights men, whose de
clared policy was to fight for the rights of the
South in the Union—disclaiming any inten
tion of dissolving tho Union for past acts*
could not convince the people of tho honesty
and ‘sincerity of our intentions. The conse
quence was the utter overthrow of our South
ern Rights Party in 1851. The convention of
1850, passed the celebrated 4th resolution of
the Georgia Platform, with which the South
ern Rights party of Georgia were satisfied, with
a few exceptions. Yet so completely had the
(‘Coffin Regiment” alarmed the people, that
they repudiated almost every man who had
not, from the beginning of the controversy,
taken strong ground in favor of the Union.—
You are mistaken, when you assume that the
State Rights party exists only in name. The
Southern Rights party of 1850 and ’51 still
lives, and in its ranks are now to be found
thousands of noble patriots who were then
Union men, and the rights of the States, and
thc rights of the South, will call forth their
sendees whenever the exigencies of the times
may demand them. Ultraism may cripple
them, hut their enemies can never conquer
them.
State Aid to Railroads In Missouri.
Missouri is the identical State which has
been held up or attempted to be held up by
the modem opponents of State Aid in Geor
gia, as a case of utter ruination from the adop
tion of the State Aid policy. We beg leave,
therefore, to call attention to the steps which
mark the progress of this ruination in that
State, and it is a pity that some other States
cannot be ruined in the same way.
In 1850 the entire property of Missouri
amounted to only $137,247,000, and at that
time nothing, or next to nothing had been
done in the State, towards the construction of
Railroads, since then the State Aid System has
been adopted, and as the Governor informs us
in his last message, the State obligates herself
to grant Aid to certain Roads to the amount
of $24,950,000 and has already bound by bonds
to the amount of $19,056,000. There is al
ready in complete operation in the State 547
miles of Road and a large amount besides
nearly completed.
The report of the Auditor of Missouri gives
the following valuation of the property of the
State for 1857 and 1858:
1857. 1858.
land, $124,747,730 * 221,605,766
Town lots, 64,375,033 14,287,027
Slaves, 41,655,608 45,090,025
Personal prop’ty, 31,187,291 39,072,373
Money and bonds, 96,013,470 35,556,380
Total, $ 287,980,032 $ 355,621,572
“Thus showing an increase in the valuation
of 1858 over those of 1859 of $67,641,000. The
increase in the revenue of the State, “says the
report” is 93 per cent, being largely in ad
vance of the estimate of the auditor in his an
nual report to the last Legislature” to which
we may add the increase of valuation of
property in the State, since 1850 is over 228,-
000,000 or nearly three fold in eight years
It is hardly possible that the State will have
any of the bonds to pay, but even if she should
have all to pay allowing the enterprise and
wealth of the State to increase as they must
for the next twenty years and her Railroad
system, the increase of revenue with the
same rate of taxation on the increased value of
property, will more than pay the debt. The
bonds of Missouri have been as low as 65 cts.
on the dollar. They now stand even among
the Shylocks of Wall street as high as 90 cts.
in the dollar. Is it not a pity that some
other States cannot be ruined in the same
way f
|W* We have seen several of our Editorials
traveling the rounds, without the proper cred
it. We have just noticed one in the Greens
boro “Gazette.” Tote fair, gentleman.
Hat Store.
Mr. J. M. Holbrook has become the sole
proprietor of the Hat Store on White Hall
street having purchased the interest of his
late partner Mr. A. Taylor. This is a fine es
tablishment presenting every variety of articles
usually kept in a store of this kind. Mr. Hol
brook is a good merchant, polite and accom
modating and though deprived of the valua
ble aid of his former partner we trust that the
friends and patrons of the firm will continue
their favors, as we feel assured it will he then-
interest to do so.
Hon. I.. J. Gartrell.
In our issue of yesterday morning, we pub
lished an extract from the Washington Globe,
containing a discussion upon the subject of the
claims of “Maine and Georgia,” in which our
immediate Representative acted a conspicuous
part, as he always does whenever the interests
of his State, or of the Southern States arc in
volved. Bold and fearless, he pitches into the
fight, and his antagonists have but little to
boast of, when the conflict is over. We re
ceived a letter from him dated the 12th inst.,
from which (though of a private character) we
venture to make the following extracts. Sa
gacity, prudence, and patriotism are his dis
tinguishing traits, and he seldom takes a po
sition which every true hearted Southern man
cannot safely endorse. But to the extracts:
“A strong effort is being made by the pro
tectionists to increase the Tariff, but this at
tempt will be strongly resisted by the South
and West. The present impression is that a
restoration of the Tariff of 1846 for two years,
will be finally resorted to. Our friends say
that we can thus prevent a radical change in
the existing Tariff, and supply the necessary
revenue until a revival in trade and commerce.
As at present advised, I shall vote against all
increase of duties, believing that with proper
economy, the government may be carried on
with the amount of revenue now received.—
We have had some excitement in the House
for the last day or two, upon the Bill admit
ting Oregon as a State. Its admission was
warmly advocated by the Democratic party,
and sternly resisted by the Black Republicans
and Americans. The Americans opposed it on
account, as they say, of the alien suffrage fea
ture, and the Republicans because by the con
stitution of Oregon, the superiority of the white
man over the African is fully acknowledged,
and, also, because negroes are forever prohibi
ted from voting. The opposition of the lat
ter shows that abolitionism is still rampant.—
They opposed Kansas at the last session be
cause slavery was admitted, and now they op
pose Oregon because negro equality is denied in
its constitution. The Bill passed the House
to-day, by a majority of eleven. Mr. Stephens
made a great speech in favor of it. The ad
mission of Oregon at this session, was of vast
importance to our party. We secure by it two
sound national Democratic Senators and a
sound man in the House.”
« Lugubrious. ”
Such is the title, which our cotemporary of
the Journal & Mescnger, applies to an article
which appeared in our paper a few days since,
and to which he makes the following reply.
The above excerpts, caption and all, are from
a lugbrious article in the Atlanta Intelligencer.
We should have passed it by without com
ment, but for thc irratuitous allusion to what
we suppose the editors might without a stretch
of courtesy, have styled Americans. As re ■
gards the disaffected Democrats and their ef
forts “to sow seeds of discord among party
friends,” we shall not question the ability of
our friends of the Intelligencer to give very re
liable testimony. Being in the “Gate City”
—in short a political as well as railroad Babel
—where the democratic idiom is about as va
ried and unintelligible as weie thc utterances
of the confounded inhabitants upon whom that
magnificent democratic tower casts it shadow
—or the shrill dialect of its own multifarious
steam whistle—it is not surprising that the In
telligencer should be rather nervous in regard
to democratic harmony and unity, in respect
both to men and principle. We must however,
protest against having the responsibility of
democratic discords sadd'ed upon Americans.
If our friends of the Intelligencer will point out
one solitary political principal or measure,
State or National, of primary importance, up
on which there is concord in the democratic
party, we shall not object to his attributing
the manifold troubles of democracy to Amer
icans. Nor is their remarkable party in much
better plight in regard to men.
How he could have conceived that we were
“lugrubrious,” in reference to the condition
of the Democratic Party, we are at a loss to
determine. We certainly had no such feel
ing when we penned the article which was
the subject of his comment. The prestiges of
success with which our party has been crowned
for so long a period of time,—the confidence
we feel in the correctness of its principles, and
the intelligence and patriotism of the Ameri
can people, forbid that we should ever feel
“lugrubrious,” in looking to the future of our
policy. His inuendo of our want of courtesy,
was founded upon the fact of our denominating
his party the ‘ ‘Know Nothing Party. ’ ’ Well,
we suppose a party has the right to select a
name for itself, and when the name is selected
every body has a right to call it by that name.
The present American party was for several
years known and distinguished as the “Know
Nothing party,” and until they repudiate the
odious doctrines of that party they have no
right to complain of being called by that
name. So much for the inuendo of our want
of courtesy. As to our location in the “Gate
City,” “a sort of political as well as Rail Road
Babel, where the Democratic idiom is about
as varied and unintelligible as were the utter
ances of the confounded inhabitants upon
whom that magnificent democratic tower casts
its shadow,” we make this remark. As to
the thrust at our “Gate city,” made by the
secret “blade of Joab,” in the above quota
tion we will not deign to reply. In reference
to the Democratic party of Atlanta, we have
only this to say, that no city in our State can
boast of a nobler hand of patriots—devoted to
their country and their party, than they are.
We have no “collar men,” amongst us. Every
man is a sovereign. We differ about men,
and sometimes about party policy; but when
the time comes for action the Know Nothings,
the brethren of our Journal & Messenger
Editors,—can testify that we match in solid
column and vote the Democratic ticket, from
principle. We know that dissention does pre
vail in aur ranks, to a certain extent in ref
erence to men; and to a very limited extent,
in some quarters, as to measures. This is con
sequent upon the peculiar construction of our
party. We have no secret oaths to bind our
men, to a certain line of policy, right or
wrong, and although these discrepancies of
opinion may exist among us, yet we are gen
erally content to act upon the Republican
doctrine that the majority shall rule. The
Editors of the Jour. & Mess, know very well,
that whenever a Democratic Editor or politi
cian makes a tick at his party, the Know
Nothing press usually takes sides with them.
If this is not “sowing the seeds of discord,”
among the Democracy, we should like to know
what is. If the Jour. & Mess, means by “con
cord” that every member of the Democratic
party should he agreed upon any matter of
public policy, we must confess, that there is a
want of concord in the party. And if he will
piont out a single article in the Democratic
creed upon which an overwhelming majority
of the party, everywhere, are not agreed, then
will we ad id it that our article was “lugubri
ous.” •
Claims of Georgia and Maine.
Mr. GARTRELL.—I ask the unanimous
consent of the House to discharge the Com
mittee of the Whole on the state of the Union
from the further consideration of Senate reso
lution (No. 48) for the payment of an unex
pected balance to the State of Georgia, on ac
count of militia services; and Senate bill (No.
380) to provide for the payment of the claim
of the State of Maine, for expenses incurred
by that State in organizing a regiment of vol
unteers for the Mexican war.
These measures involve the same principle.
The question is a very clear one ; and if gen
tlemen will hear the bill and resolution read,
I do not think there will be any objection.
Mr. CLARK, of Missouri.—I want them
taken up one at a time. I object.
Mr. GARTRELL.—Then I move to suspend
the rules to enable me to move to discharge
the Committee of the Whole on the state of
the Union from this hill and joint resolution.
Mr. JONES, of Tennessee.—If that motion
is decided to be in order, I think we might as
well discharge the committee from all the bills
on the Calendar, and bring them into the
House for its action.
Mr. GARTRELL.—In reply to the gentle
man from Tennessee, I will say that this bill
and joint resolution were reported by the chair
man of the Committee on Military Affairs,
and should have been sent to the Committee
of the Whole House on the Private Calendar,
but were sent to the Committee of the Whole
House on the Private Calendar, but were sent
to the Committee of the Whole on the state
of the Union, and thereby lost the advantage
which their position would have given them
on the Private Calendar. I hope the House
will consent to take them up. The same prin
ciple is involved in each case ; and that prin
ciple is so correct, that I am sure even my vig
ilant friend from Tennessee will not object
when he comes to understand it.
Mr. HOUSTON.—I do not know whether I
should object to the gentleman’s bill or not,
but it is important in my judgment that the
question of order should be settled properly.
It seems to me that it is competent for the
House to suspend the rules to bring into thc
House for its action only one subject at a time ;
because if the rules can be suspended and two
bills brought into the House at the same time,
you can bring in three bills, or a dozen, or a
hundred, or all the bills on the Calendar ; and
then, as the House can only consider one of
them at a time, the others must go to the
Speaker’s table, and be beyond the reach of
the House and within the influence and con
trol of some other rule of the House. I re
gard the motion of thc gentleman from Geor
gia as involving a very important principle,
and it seems t > me that it should not be en
tertained by the House.
Mr. KELSEY.—Is debate in order ?
The SPEAKER.—It is not.
Mr. LOVEJOY.—I object to it, then.
The SPEAKER.—The Chair will receive the
motion of the gentleman from Georgia, re
ceiving it, however, with very great doubt as
to its propriety. The Chair entertains the
motion upon the ground that, although he
thinks the rules may be suspended, perhaps,
to bring two bills out of committee, they must
be considered separately in the House.
Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia.—The House
may, by a two-third vote, suspend any rule ;
and it strikes me, tliat by that vote, they may
suspend every rule of the House.
The SPEAKER.—The gentleman is correct.
Mr. REAGAN.—This is a log-rolling move
ment.
Mr. GARTRELL.—I desire to call the at
tention of the House to the fact that this is
not a motion to bring up separate subjects of
legislation. 1 he same principle is involved in
each case,
a a o a a a a
Mr. GARTRELL.—I had no expectation
when I submitted the motion I did, that my
proposition would give rise to a protracted de
bate. I certainly had no wish to embarrass
the House or the Speaker, or to raise a new
point, for we have enough questions here al
ready, without raising new ones. I will there
fore modify my request, and ask the unani
mous consent of the House that the Commit
tee of the Whole on the state of the Union be
discharged from thc further consideration of
the Senate resolution (No. 48) for the pay
ment of an unexpended balance to the State
of Georgia, on account of militia services.
The resolution was read. It directs the
Secretary of the Treasury to apply the unex
pended balance of the amount appropriated
by the act of August 11, 1842, entitled “An
act to provide for the settlement of the claims
of the State of Georgia for the services of her
militia,” to the repayment to said State of
any amount which she has paid to her militia,
mentioned in said act, since the date of its pas
sage.
Mr. HARLAN.—Is that motion amenda
ble?
The SPEAKER.—It is not.
Mr. HARLAN.—I object.
Mr. GARTRELL.—I move, then, to suspend
the rules for the purpose I have indicated.
’Hie question was taken : and, on a division
there were—ayes 90, nocs 39.
So the rules were suspended, two thirds hav
ing voted in favor thereof.
’lhe motion to discharge the committee of
the Whole on the State of the Union was
agreed to, and the resolution was brought be
fore the House for consideration.
Mr. GARTRELL moved the previous ques
tion on the third reading of the joint resolu
tion.
The previous question was seconded, and
the main question ordered: and, under the
operation thereof, the joint resolution was or
dered to a third reading,- and was accordingly
read the third time.
Mr. GARTRELL moved the previous ques-
, tion on the passage of the joint resolution.
Th e previous question was seconded ; and
the main question ordered to be put; and,
under the operation thereof, the joint resolu
tion was passed.
Mr. GARTRELL moved to reconsider the
vote by which the joint resolution was passed;
and also moved to lay the motion to reconsid
er on the table.
The latter motion was agreed to.
Largest Load on Reccord.
’Hie steamer Maria Deming touched at Mem
phis on the 5th inst., and took on 729 bales
of cotton. Below will be found a statement
of her cargo, which is the largest that ever
floated down the Mississippi: 5,989 barrels of
flour, 1,746 barrels of pork, 120 barrels of
lard, 75 barrels of whiskey, 83 barrels of lard
oil, 620 barrels of lime, 406 tierces of lard,
465 kegs of lard, 32 casks of bacon, 63 hogs
heads of tobacco, 19 harrels of eggs, 35 barrels
of beer, 715 bags of com, 640 bags of brand,
998 bags of oats, 133 packages of sundries, 98
packages of crackers, 70 tons of pig iron, 103
head of cattle. 72 coops of turkeys, 929 bales
of cotton, 80 head of mules, 300 boxes of soap,
and 90 tons of hay.
Me. Stephens and the Senat.—Rumor Cor
rected.—The special Washington correspon
dent of the Tribune says, in despatch of the 9th
instant:
“Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, desires me to
say that their is no truth in the report that he
desires to succeed Mr. Iverson in the Senate.
He intends to withdraw entirely from public
service for the rest of life, and says he prefers a
seat in the House to any other in the Govern
ment.”—[ Sav. Rep.
He that in the world would rise,
Must read the news and Advertise ;
For he that will no paper take,
Carries a miserly, illiterate pate ;
And he that will not Advertise,
The people should not patronize.
Anotlier Slave Trading Document from
our State University.
The “Constitutionalist” of Saturday con
tains another letter from Mr. Daniel Lee—the
northern gentleman to whom has been confi
ded the Agricultural professorship in our State
University—in which he follows up his first
communication with additional reasons why
the South should review her settled policy,
and enter anew into the traffic in African slaves.
The Professor comes out strongly in favor of
“cheap labor.” which he maintains is essential
to preserve the natural aad political power of
the South. This, he alleges, can be effectual
ly accomplished by the importation of “a mil
lion of men and women, now worthless in Af
rica,” into the southern States’ in which event
he maintains that the “now valueless muscles
of these savages will pay a fair interest on a
valuation of a thousand dollars each, or of five
hundred, as the future may develop.”
As to the mode in which this importation of
a million of slaves is to be effected, in view of
the existing stringent laws forbidding the traf
fic, and characterising those who engage in
it as guilty of piracy, and punishable with
death, the Professor gives us his views in the
following dubious, but oracular language:
(The italics are our own.)
“We have a right to judge for ourselves and
“for the South, what rightis, and what wrong
“is, in a matter that lies between us and the
“Author of our being. We are not bound to
“the resolves of an abolition convention, nor
lt the enactments of a very fallible Congress, as the
“final settlement of all questions relating
“either to the national interests, or the moral
“obligations of citizens who are able to think
“and act without any special foreign guardian
ship.”
As Professor Lee is writing upon a great pub
lic question, and the public would like to un
derstand his meaning fully, it is to be regret
ted that his views are given in language which,
though obvious in its honest acceptation, may,
or may not, commit the writer to a certain
line of policy in regard to federal enactments,
and subject him to such responsibility as may
properly attach to the position. It is unneces
sary that we should give, in this place, what
we understand the above language to mean ;
we therefore content ourselves with quoting
it leaving the reader to affix his own construc
tion. We would simply add, that if by the
term, “foreign guardianship,” the Professor
means laws passed by the federal government,
of which Georgia and her sister 8tates of the
South form a part under a solemn compact of
a union, and that we are not bound to accept
those laws as interpreted by the constitution
al authorities of the country—then, we differ
from him, and protest against his doctrine as
revolutionary and most dangerous—a doctrine
that undermines the whole theory of our gov
ernment—that teaches rebellion to all distaste
ful laws, and to the inculcation of which we
hope the people of Georgia will never consent
to subject their children.—[Sav. Rep.
[It is with sincere satisfaction that we find
in the N. 0. Catholic Standard the following
account of our venerable and esteemed friend.]
—U. S. Cath Miscellany.
The venerable Father O’Neill, the saintly
clergyman of Savannah, Geo., has been spend
ing a few weeks in this city and will soon re
turn to thc scene of his pastoral labors in im
proved health.
Father O’Neill, as he is familiarly called, is
one of the oldest and most universally esteem
ed clergymen of the Catholic Church in the
United States. Having from his youth pre
pared himself for ecclesiatical duties, he was
selected before he reached the age of man
hood, by that unerring judge of human na
ture, the lamented Bishop Engiand, to occu
py a conspicuous place in the diocese of Char
leston, S. C., which at that time and until
very recently embrace the States of Georgia,
South Carolina and North Carolina.
So large a field, at a time when Railroad and
Steamboat facilities of travel were unknown,
demanded the most untiring efforts and cease
less solicitude of the good Bishop and his
faithful assistants. The labors however,
proved too severe for most of them and near
ly all have been called to tlvir reward except
the subject of these remarks. But the work
of God never faltered and the Mission then
comprised in the Diocese of Charleston is now
divided into two flourishing Bishoprics. Where
all did so well, to bring about this result, it
would he inviduous to make distinctions ; but
we cannot forbear the remark that to none
more than Father O’neill is this success due.
Although further rest would doubtless con
tribute to his improving health, yet duty,
which has ever impelled him to shun personal
indulgencies for the sake of others, constrains
him to make but a brief stay with us, and lie
intends to hike his departure in a few days.
May his journey home prove a pleasant one
and may he long enjoy the prayers and
good wishes of a deserving people who are so
blessed as to have such a pastor.
Insolence of the Mormons—Thc Federal
Authorities Powerless.
A letter to the St. Louis Republican, dated
Salt Lake City, January 14, says :
I have nothing important to say, other than
that things have arrived at such a pass, that
the authority of the Federal Courts is a mere
mockery of justice. Neither murder nor other
crime has been or can be published. The
Mormons have everything their own way.—
Judge Sinclair has adjourned his Court, and
will, on Monday, adjourn it sine die, for the
reason that the laws of the United States can
not be executed this Territory Both Judges
Sinclair and Cradelbaugh will leave early next
spring, satisfied as they are thattliesr presence
as federal officers in administering the laws is
merely farcical. A manifesto, carefully pre
pared, will be issued, as I am informed, clear
ly setting forth their reasons in detail. I have
been a careful observer of events in this Terri
tory, and am now more than ever satisfied
that there is no loyalty to the government
among the Mormon people, and while to a
certain extent they pay respect to the mere
form of law, they neither recognize nor res
pect its spirit. The officers of the govern
ment (and I refer particularly to the Judi
ciary) although not openly insulted, feel that
they are powerless, and are treated with such
contempt and sneers, as to make their situa
tions anything but enviable. Anonymous
notes have been placed under the doors of the
building where the court is held, not intimi
dating or threatening, but dealing in inuen-
does and criticisms, so peculiar to the Mormon
nation.
It may be asked why this state of things
exist with the presence of an army here ? I
answer, that the army is under instructions, a
mere military posse, a police, if you please,
and is bound hand and fact, so far as active
operations are concerned, and cannot act ex
cept under orders.
An Incompetent Witness.
Madame Lola Montez was one of the notori
eties of London, when the last steamer left.—
Her discourses on Men and Manners in the
United States, the journals there describe as
piquant-; but judging by the slight sketches
ot them which have reached this country, we
should say they are very Trollopy. Here is a
specimen of some of the kind things she is
pleased to say of us Yankees:
“Fashion, she said, possessed an unlimited
control in England and America, where it ex
tended to every department of life, even to
morality itself, and to religion sometimes; but
she thought fashion was more powerful at
present in the United States than in England;
indeed, there was no portion of the world
where its sway was more universal or absolute
than in the States. Madame declared that no
where else had she seen piety and religion so
amazingly dependent upon fashion as in that
country.
Guess Lola, when site was here, was not in
the habit much of going among “piety” or
“religion” of any kind; but even if she did,
we further guess, her education, habits, and
training, did not over well qualify her to be a
judge of the article.
At the same time, it is undoubtedly true,
that the United States has a great deal of
“fashion,” that could well be dispensed with,
and a good many other very naughty institu
tions ; but then, after all, we are not so bad as
we might be, seeing that we have had an
American Lola Montez.
There is not a spider hanging on the
king's wall, but hath its errand ; there is not
a nettle thnt groweth in the corner of the
church-yard but hath its purpose; there is not
a single insect fluttering in the breeze but ac-
complisheth some divine degree; and I will
never have it that God created any man, es
pecially any Christian man, to be a blank, to
be a nothing.—‘Spurgeon.
[From the Augusta Constitutionalist of Saturday.]
Another Letter from Dr. Lee.
Mr. James Gardner has placed at our dis
posal another letter from Dr. Daniel Lee, on a
subject at this time attracting much attention
at the South, throughout the Union, and per
haps throughout the world. Practical views,
from talented and logical writers, on the sub
ject of re-opening the slave trade, cannot full
to have a salutary influence in properly en
lightening and directing public sentiment;
University of Georgia, Feb. 7, 1859
James Gardner, Esq.—My Dear Sir: In
your letter you say : “The future of the South
is wrapt in much mystery to me, in view of
the scarcity of negro labor, and .the relative
decline of her political power. How are we
to make her ttronger within, and more popu
lous, in her present area?”
Grave and momentous as are your questions,
I will not decline answering them by the aid
of the best light before me. To make the fu
ture of the South all that it ought to be, we
have only to do now what ought now to be
done. The fruit of an oak tree does not pro
duce itself. It comes from the vitality in an
acorn, planted long before. What the present
generation shall plant in the Soil of the South,
future generations must reap. Our forefath
ers planted the seeds of negro labor and negro
slavery in this quarter of the world; and al
though the crop has been badly cultivated,
from an early and a misplaced tear of a fail
ure, yet the harvest is giving pretty general
satisfaction, and more seed is wanted of tho
same sort.
Living as we do in an age of great improve
ment and rapid progress, the Southern mind
is able to discover and remedy such defects in
the application of negro labor as render it in
ferior to the labor of white persons for any
industrial purpose. All that has been done to
elevate the black race in the scale of the mor
al, social, intellectual and Christian culture,
and all that has been done to develop and
utilise every power of body and mind, that God
had given them, can be five fold better done
to the heathen savages that may be hereafter
brought from Africa. For the right use of our
abilty to do good to our fellow creatures, we
are responsible to Heaven. We have no right
to repeat the wrongs and sins of the past; but
we have a right to judge for ourselves and for
the South, what right is, and what wrong is,
in a matter that lies between us and the Au
thor of our being. We are not bound to ac
cept the resolves of an abolition convention,
nor the enactments of a very fallible Congress,
as the final settlemet of all questions relating
either to the material interests, or the moral
obligations of citizens who are able to think
and act without any special, foreign guardian
ship.
In visiting the principal coal and iron dis
tricts of Maryland, within the past six months,
I was forcibly impressed by the wealth of the
State in valuable materials, and bv the large
sums expended to construct the Chesapeake
and Ohio canal and a Railroad from the Cum
berland mines to Baltimore. The canal from
the coal region to tide water at Georgetown
and Alexandria, has more than twice the busi
ness capacity that the Erie canal has had for
the last thirty years, before its enlargement;
and yet, from the lack of labor to dig and de
liver coal on boats and cars, these expensive
works, and the business connected therewith,
are languishing, and either yielding no inter
est on the investment, or a small one. In vis
iting the coal, iron, salt, and gold producing
districts of Virginia, I found the same want of
cheap labor to develop the much larger miner
al resources of tliat noble old Commonwealth.
Her citizens and her legislature are expending
many millions on public works to reach her
mineral treasures, which cannot be produc
tive any more than wild land, without the ju
dicious application of human labor.
The same remarks will apply to the coal,
iron and gold that so aboundin North Carolina.
South Carolina and Georgia have much gold
bearing granite and sand from which cheap
labor would extract indefinite millions of the
precious metal. The copper, coal and iron
mines of Tennessee need nothing but the hon
est toil of human muscles to produce incalcu
lable wealth. Arkansas and Missouri are har
dly in any, less rich in valuable materials.—
Indeed, I think it more than probable that
Missouri may yet excel all other States, ex
cept California, in the value of her coal, iron,
salt, copper, lead, silver, and other minerals,
taken in the aggregate. One million pounds
of her lead have yielded three hundred and
fifty pounds of pure silver. The copper re
gion of Missouri covers over seventeen mil
lion acres; while her iron and coal forma
tions are wonders, for their magnitude, in ge
ological science. The silver mines of Arizona
are within the legitimate range of Southern
institutions and enterprise. Fully to meet
the mineral requirements of the South, will
demand the labor of a million of men in the
next twenty years ; and it is a practical ques
tion of the highest moment whether we shall
bring any of these laborers from Africa or not.
Speaking of that continent and its inhabitants,
Mr. Harper says:
“In western Africa, which contains a popu
lation of forty or fifty millions, slaves are sold
at two or three pounds (ten or fifteen dollars)
a head. The supply which that entire coun
try would furnish, is incalculable and inex
haustible. Even the feeble State of Brazil
imported, prior to 1850, about seventy thous
and slaves a year from Africa, and did it under
the discouragements and harrassments of a
British squadron on the African coast, which
oppressed and coerced her traders, as Great
Britain will ever do it to a weaker power.
It is not altogether impossible for the people
who live on the little island of Great Britain,
to learn one of these days the wisdom of mind
ing their own business, and of letting Brazil
and the United States take care of their in
terests in negroes without British interfer
ence.
For one, I am happy to learn from such
good authority as Mr. Harper, that there is so
much unemployed [lower in human muscles in
western Africa ; and that this dynamical force
mavjbe had at from ten to fifteen dollars, as
it exists in each person, ready for active and
useful employ ment. It seems providential, in
view of the fact that the South now has near
ly, if not quite, seven hundred thousand square
miles of wild and unimproved land, and mines
of vast extent and inestimable value, w^ich
require human labor alone to render both ex
ceedingly productive.
It will not be pretended that the laborers
already in the Southern States, whether white
or black, have not all the land and all the
mines they need, and all the work they are
willing to perform, while they leave unim
proved, unproductive, and therefore valueless
for the time being the land and mines to which
I have j ust referred. Not one industrious per
son, male or female, bond or free, would I
throw out of profitable employment by bring
ing into the South either a black man from
Africa, or a white man from Europe, to take
his, or her place. All I ask or contemplate is,
to take a million of men and women, now
worthless in Africa, and make their labor so
productive in working the now unproductive
gold, copper, iron, coal, and other mines in
the Southern States, as to cause these mioes to
pay a good interest on a thousand million dol
lars at their just valuation ; and to cause the
now valueless muscles of these savages to pay
a fair interest on a valuation of a thousand
dollars each, or of five hundred, as the future
may develop.
In one year after they commence work in
the mines, they will refund all the money
paid for them in Africa, together with the cost
of bringing them in their respective places of
employment in the most humane and com
fortable manner. They will then be worth, at
five hundred dollars a head, five hundred mil
lion dollars to the South, as an enduring, ever-
living and reproducing industrial power. Un_
der the three fifth representation in Congress,
and allowing one hundred thousand inhabit-
ante to a delegate or member, they will give
the South six new representatatives. And
while they will more than pay interest on fif
teen hundred million dollars in mines and
slaves, they will incidentally create such a de
mand for farmers, gardeners, mechanics, arti
sans, merchants and professional men, by thc
immense business of a million active miners,
that a million of immigrants from Europe will
settle in the vicinity of these new centres of
Southern enterprise and industry. From this
source the South will gain ten more represen
tatives in Congress. Can there be a doubt of
the fact that immigrants from Africa and Eu
rope, and their offspring have made the im
provements of the South, just as we now see
them ?
To expend these colossal works, worthy now
of any great empire, colsolidate its strength,
and harmonise all interests, the South must
draw equally on Europe and Africa for living
men and women to complete what it has so
skillfully and nobly begun. To open the ports
of the South to all immigrants from Europe,
and close them against all immigrants from
the parent land of the negro, is to discrimin-
ate against the labor of the latter with any
good reason whatever, If a free, white,
voting man cannot meet on equal terms of
commercial freedom the black, non-voting
African, it is a confession of weakness, and of
incurable idleness, most disgraceful to tho
party making it. If I bring ten negroes from
the valley of the Niger to till my land, I
wrong no white man in Georgia, or elsewhere,
a particle more than I should by bringing ten
Germans from their father-land to do the
same thing. If I have a moral right to do
the one thing, I have to do the other. If the
negroes are wild and worthless, that is my
business to look after, not another man’s.
Daniel Lee.
MAKE YOUR MtRlr.
BY “A CALIFORNIA FARMER.”
In the quarries should you toil,
Make your mark!
Do you delve upon the soil ?
Make your mark!
In whatever path you go,
In whatever place you stand,
Moving swift or moving slow,
Make your mark !
Life is fleeting as a shade ;
Make your mark!
Marks of some kind must be made ;
Make your mark!
Make it while the arm is strong,
In the golden hours of youth ;
Never, never, make it wrong ;
Make it with the stamp of truth ;
Leave your mark!
From the New York Sun.
Our Treaty with Nicaragua.
’^Some time ago, we published the main pro
visions of ihe Cass-Yrissari Treaty, which, ac
cording to late advices from Nicaragua, has
finally been ratified by the Government of that
State; but the following synopsis may inter
est many of our readers at the present time.
It is understood that England has negotiated
a similar treaty, which, most^ probably, has
also been ratified :—
By tliis treaty, the 'Republic of Nicaragua
concedes to the United States, and to their
citizens and property, the “right of transit
between the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean through
the territories of that Republic, on any route
of communication, natural or artificial, wheth
er by land or by water, which may now or
hereafter exist or be constructed under the
authority of Nicaragua, to be used in the same
manner and upon equal terms by both Repub
lics and their respective citizens ; the Repub
lic of Nicaragua, however, reserving the right
of sovereignty over the same.”
The United States agree to extend their
protection to all such routes, and’, to guaran
tee the neutrality of the same. They also
agree to employ their influence witli other
nations to induce them to guarantee such
neutrality and protection.
Nicaragua engages, also, to establish a free
port at each extremity of the transit, for mer
chandise and effects, in transitu.
Troops and munitions of war can be carried
by the United States across this transit.
The Postmaster General is authorized to
convey the mails across this transit, by con
tract or otherwise.
Nicaragua agrees that in case she should
fail to protect persons and property upon t>e
transit, that the United States shall have
power to do so, so long as such military pro
tection may be considered necessary.
Any company establishing a transit commu
nication through Nicaragua, is only entitled
to the protection of the. United States so long
as it fulfils the purposes and adheres to the
spirit and intentions of the treaty. If any
transit company whatever imposes exorbitant
toils or otherwise misconducts itself, the
protection of the United States can be with
drawn, upon due notice being given to
Nicaragua.
The rights and privileges guarantied by this
treaty cannot he infringed by the terms of any
transit contract, any charter of grant infring
ing upon these rights and privileges being
essentially null and void ; and by the same
article, the protection of the United States
is withheld front any trans’t company until
they shall make the terms and conditions of
this treaty, in effect, a portion of their char
ter, as fully as if it had been embraced in the
original grant.
It is further “provided that nothing herein
contained (i. e. in the treaty) shall be con
strued either to affirm or deny the validity of
any of the said contracts.
Any transit company which may be estab
lished, is forbidden to pay or declare divi
dends exceeding fifteen per cent, per annum.
The ensuing article declares that nothing
in the treaty shall affect the rights of Costa
Rica to a free passage in the river San Juan.
[From Tho Savannah Republican.
U. S. DISTRICT COURT.
True Bills against the Wanderer Sla
vers.
The U. S. District Court being in session in
this city, the District Attorney sen*, in, Friday
last, bills of indictment’charging Capt. Corrie,
Brown, Aguira and R jesta, of the Yatch
Wanderer, with piracy, under the laws of Con
gress prohibiting the slave trade. The Jury
instituted a thorough investigation of the
case, and Saturday, last brought into Court
the true hills in each case that had been sud-
mitted to them. It now remains to he s en
whether a jury, on the trial, will execute the
law. Should the proof come up to the requi
sitions of the statutes, we believe they will.
Otherwise they should not. From what we
know of public sentiment in this city, we be
lieve that no extraneous influence can induce
a verdict in opposition to the clear require •
inents of law.
The following is a list of the Grand Jury
who found the bills on Saturday :
Wm. H. Cuyler* Foreman.
Edward Padelford, sen. Lewis F. Harris,
\V. C. O’Driscoll, N. B. Knapp,
J. L. Locke, Chas. F. Mills,
Wm. B. Hodgson, P. M. Kollock,
Edward C. Anderson, D. B. Nichols,
Robert Hutchinson, John J. Kelly,
H. D. Weed, Wylie Wooilbridge,
Francis T. Willis, N. A. Hardee.
Southei n "Vote against tlie Oregon Bill.
Washington, Feb. 14.—The following
Southern Representatives voted on Saturday
against the Oregon bill:
Mayrland—James B. Richaud, James; M.
Harris and Henry Winter Davis, all Ameri
cans.
Virginia—John L. Millson and Wm. Smith,
both Democrats.
North Carolina—John A. Glimer, and
Vance, both Americans ; and Alferd M. Scales
and Henry M. Shaw, Democrats.
South Carolina—Milledge L. Bonham, Wm.
W. Royce, Laurence M. Keitt, John McQueen
and W. Porcher Milles, all independent Dem
ocrats.
Georgia—Martin J. Craivford, Democrat,
and Joshua Hill and Robert P. Trippe, Ameri
cans.
Alabama—W. R. W. Cobh, J. L. M. Curry,
James F. Dowdell, George 8. Houston, Sidney
Moore, Eli S. Shorter, James A. S/tallworth,
all Democrats and the entire delegation from
that State*
Missouri—Francis P. Blair, Republican ;
and Samuel H. Woodson, American.
Kentucky—Humphry Marshall and Wm. L.
Underwood, both Americans.
Tennessee—Felix K. Zollicoffer, Ameri
can.
Texas—Guy M. Byran, Democrat.
All the Republican members of the House,
with the exception of 12, voted in a body
against the measure. The passage of thc hill
caused great rejoicing. A large body of stran
gers and citizens on Saturday night serenaded
the Oregon Senators and freinds of the Ore
gon bill.
President Buchanan and Vice-President
Breckenridge were called out and they respon
ded in short speechss, and the Vice-President,
in his remarks, took strong grounds in favor
of the purchase of Cuba.
