Atlanta weekly intelligencer. (Atlanta, Ga.) 185?-18??, March 24, 1859, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextJMtWiillKi lO Br A; A. GAULDING & CO. “ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS, WHEN REASON IS LEFT TO COMBAT IT.”—JEFFERSON. PROPRIETOR SERIES, VOL. 2. ATLANTA, GEO., THURSDAY, MARCH 24, 1859. NO 22 Cl)t Jitrilijfiifn:. ^THURSDAY. MABCH 24, 1859. ^c^MS = OF~subscription ' PII’FR per annum in advance, $# 00 PaI' £££, v 'L “ in advance, 4 00 Tsi-WffKIA . IT' „ jnSM j v>nc<> ; 2 00 (TKE^l-i, jf paid within six months, 2 50 if [paid within twelve months, 3 00 1 pond is the gentleman who realized mething over one million of dollars from his last cotton crop. 11)C “American” of last Tuesday, perpetra- i the above, in its notice of the death of ^ j oj Bond. The “American” is about as ' rigid in its estimate of that “last cotton • • as it is just in its clamorings about the Democratic party. V. ^ Democracy are in the woods.—[Nation al American. Yes sir, and lichind every tree, and if you are in for' a bush fi S ht . y ou had better look sharp, or they will have your hide on a pole. Xhe Democracy are fond of “the woods,” and r,m may wander throughout our woodland ,'lMricts and whistle up a Democrat anywhere. These “woods” Democrats—there is no end to their coming out of the “woods” on election javs when called upon to stand by the liber- tirt “our forefathers fit for.” V. United State. Dl.trlet Court. This Court held its Spring session in Mari etta on Monday and Tuesday last. The cele brated case between certain Northern Kail Hoad contractors, and the Rabun Gap Railroad Company, which was argued at the fall term ,if the Court, and held up by Judge Nicoll for consideration, was decided at the late term of the Court, in favor of the Railroad Company. I ,,1. James M. Spurlock was sworn in as Uni- nited States Marshal, for Georgia, and C. H. Chandler of Atlanta, and Thomas Ross of Ma con, ns Deputies. Equivocal Position.. Many of our Democratic brethren express a willingness to see Gov. Brown elected, but will nut turn a wheel to help in his nomination. In these modem times, there is a lamentable want of firmness and decision among office holders and office seekers. They ate willing tu vote for Gov. Brown, provided he is the iiuiuinet of the party. This want of decision on the part of our friends, is very much to he re. gretted. If Gov. Brown has faithfully admin istered the government, and fulfilled the pledg es made to the Democratic party, he is entitled to a re-nomination. Such being the case, why should so many of our political friends be so tender-footed when called upon for an ejepres- si' -n of opinion, in reference to his nomination. We have a very poor opinion of such politi cians. Let them be laid aside, and men of more decision of character, be put in their pla- Away, then, with all factionists and interlo pers, who have obtruded into the Democratic ranks, and who raise false alarms, and advise disbandment or retreat. ‘ ‘Close up thi banks —AND AWAY WITH TUB 8PIXS AND TU* INTERLO- p*es!” V. IT Our readers will find in our issue of to day. an interesting letter from Senator Cling- man, of N. C., explaining the course pursued l.y the “Black Republicans” to defeat the Post Office Appropriation bill. The letter of Senator Clingman shows very clearly that the entire responsibility of defeating the Post Of fice bill, rests with the “Republican” party. Mr. Grow, the leader of the “Republican” party in the House, effected this unhappy re sult by “a violation of all parliamentary usa ges, of all legislative proprieties, and a course insulting to a co-ordinate branch of Congress.” The attack of Mr. Grow and his friends upon the Senate, by raising a constitutional ques tion upon the course pursued by the Senate, is simply ridiculous, and no doubt was made in tbo absence of a better reason, for the pur pose of weakening its influence and degrading itliefore the people, and rendering it subservi ent to the dictation of the House. The digni ty of the Senate and its own self respect com- Iielleil its course, however disastrous may he the result. The Senate as yet cannot be con trolled by the “Black Republicans,” and they determined to make the effort to ride over it, even if the nation suffered in the attempt. Some of the opposition have endeavored to shield themselves from public censure, by charging Senator Toombs with defeating the bill. From all we learn, Senator Toombs on ly did his duty in the matter, and we venture the assertion that ho does not regret his course. We would like to see a letter from Senator Toombs upon this subject. He might throw additional light ujton tho case, by showing how our foes are endeavoring by foul means, to control tho Government. They aro bent upon the overthrow of the Demiicratic party, let it cost what it may. We sincerely hopo that our Southern members, at least, will do right, if in doing so the wheels of the Government have to stop. If a crisis has to come, and the North will not take warn ing by the unprincipled course of its represen tatives, and send better men to Congress, let it come—the sooner the better. We have fal len upon strange times. Shall discord reign until discord ends in disunion ? To prevent this result, let the South become moro united, and to a man, stand up for Democracy. Wo have men howling among us and shout ing to the top of their voices, “let opposition to the Democracy be emblazoned upon our Itanners," and for what ! They cry, “organ- iu. obgaxizb, organize.” Organize what? Organize who ? Organize how f Organize when! Overcome tho Democratic party, and this I'nion goes with it. In spite of tho growi ngs of our enemies, our country was never more prosperous, and many of those who are prophesying ruin, are fat and sleek and hear ty. enjoying the blessings of the best govern ed land on the habitable globe. The seeming difficulties and dangers that now threaten the Democratic party, under prudent manage ment, will vanish like the dew before the morning sun, and our country go on realizing tho jKiet’s song— “So pout up Utica contracts our powers, Tho whole unbounded continent is ours.” If the Democratic party will be true to it- *elf and the constitution, it has vitality still t° keep down such foes, as it has conquered °vcr and often for the last half century. Wo close for the present, with the following election from the “Albany Argus.” ' ‘ We are promised a year of commercial pros- Krity, and of industrial revival. The reven ues of government, from Customs and Lands, *ffi ’no restored to their former volume. The foreign policy of the administration inspirits the Nation, and animates the Deiflfecratic par- t)' with new seal. We are strong enough at tins moment to carry the North and the South against any political candidate our opponents emi name. How idle is all the slang on the letter-writers at Washington, who affect to represent the administration aa weak, and tho party as disbanded, We have to meet the angers, it is true, which a party reaching over the whole Union, and which literally belts the Continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific, with a cordon of Democratic States, must en counter, from its own magnitude. Bat it is the embarrassment of excessive strength, and hot of weakness, that we most guard against. The Defeat of the Postal Appropriation Bill. A LETTER FROM SENATOR CUNGMAM. Senate Chamber, March 7,1859. Gentlemen : You have doubtless been ap prised ere this that the bill making appropria tions for the support of the postal service of the United ^States was lost at the late session of Congress. It is due to my constituents that they should be informed of the causes of this extraordinary occurrence, and I request the use of your columns to enable me to pre sent a short statement of the facts. Under the rules and usages of the two Houses of Congress, the annual appropriation bills have invariably been originated in the House of Representatives, and, after passing through that body, they have been acted on in the Senate, and such amendments made to them as a majority of the Senate thought proper to direct. They were then returned to the House, and, if a majority of that body agreed to the amendments of the Senate, no further action was necessary to the passage of the bills. If, however, the House disagreed to any of the Senate amendments, on that fact being communicated to the Senate, it might recede from such amendments, and, on its so doing, the bills stood as passed. It often hap pened, however, that the Senate insisted on some of its amendments, and asked for a com mittee of conference to consider the disagree ing votes of the two houses. This was agreed to by the House,and there was a joint commit tee, composed of members of both houses, who, on consultation, decided which amend ments should stand and which be given up.— When their report was agreed to by each House, the bills were considered as passed.— This has been the course of proceeding at ev ery session of my service in Congress. The Post Office appropriation bill came from the House to the Senate at the present session in the usual mode. It made appropriations to the extent of above $20,000,000, of which a little less than $4,000,000 was to pay off deficiencies or debts due before the 30th of June, next and the remainder for the postal service of the coming year. Te bill was care fully considered by the Senate for several days, and as usual a number of Amendments were made. Among them was one abolishing the franking privilege of Senators and Represen tatives, and another raising the postage of let ters from three to five cents, &c. It was sent back to the House for concurrence in these amendments. For some time after it reached that body, the majority refused to consider it, though repeated attempts were made to take it up. At length, on the last night of tho session, it was taken up, but instead of its amendments being considered as usual, and agreed to or rejected, a resolution was moved declaring in substance that the Senate had vio lated the Constitution in proposing to increase the rates of postage, and directing the Clerk of the House to carry back the bill and amend ments to the Senate with a copy of their res olution. This motion was made by Mr. Grow, a noted Abolitionist from Pennsylvania, and the candidate at the late Congiess of the Black “Republican” party for the office of Speaker. It was supported by all the mem bers of that party by certain individuals ^be long to the late Know Nothing or “Ameri can” organization, and by several Democrats, and was therefore passed. As this was a violation of all parliamentary usages, of all legislative proprieties, and a course insulting to co-operate branch of the Congress, its supporters doubtless thought that the Senate could not consistently with its own self-respect take any notice of tbe matter, and thus the bill be suffered to die quietly to the detriment of the public service. When the message was brought in by their clerk, however, the Senate, feeling that the public interest ought to be of paramount considera tion, determined to overlook the insult, how ever gross it might he, and sent back a re spectful message to the House requesting a Committee of Conference to consider the disa greement on the bill. This was acceded to, and a Joint Committee was raised. Wher. it assembled, however, the members House re fused to consider this bill in any way. Had they done so, the Senate, I feel confident, would have receded from all its amendments rather than let the bill fail. In accordance, however, with the views of the House, they would have nothing to do with this bill, but insisted that the Senate branch of the Com mittee should accept, instead of it, an entire new bill, which was represented to be similar to the one which had originally come from the House. The Senate branch of the Com mittee, seeing that nothing else could be done, agreed to report this bill to the Senate for its consideration. The report was accordingly made to the Senate on the last day of the session, just for ty minutes before 12 o’clock, the period at which by the Constitution the session was nec essarily to terminate. The bill was announc ed and read by its title only for the first time. A call was then made for the reading of it through; but it was said that there would not be time to read it over before the period of the adjournment. It was a new bill to the Senate, had never been printed ; but I sup pose that the Secretary could probably have read it over once before 12 o’clock, though there was certainly no time to consider its pro visions. It was said that we must either pass it with out reading it even once or not at all. A de bate sprung up which exhausted tho remain ing minutes, and the bill was thus left unact ed on. Ought the Senate to have passed the bill without its being read over once to let Sena tors know what sort of a measure it was ? Re member that by the rules of the two houses all bills must be read three times in each House; and this is done unless waived by gen eral consent of all the members. Ought a legislative body ever to pass a bill without at least reading it once to ascertain what sort of a measure it is ? This, however, was represent ed to be a bill appropriating twenty millions of money. Few persons realize how large a sum this is. The taxes in our State are considered high by many of our citizens. The amount raised last year, I think, was about five hundred thousand dollars. It would, therefore require forty years of such taxation as the people of our State are paying to raise a sum equal to what this bill was said to appropriate. If it existed in the shape of silver coin it would re quire for its transportation three hundred wagons, each carrying four thousand pounds, and making a train perhaps three miles long. Ought the Senate to have passed such a bill without once reading it over to see what in fact it did contain! It might have violated any one provision of the Constitution. But those constituting a majority of the House aro endeavoring to defend their course by saying that the Senate exceeded ite consti tutional authority when it proposed to raise the postage on letters from three to five cents. But this was not in fact a proposition to raise revenue by taxation. The carrying let ters is a service for individuals by the Govern ment, and it is competent for the Senate to say that more ought to be charged for it than is already provided by law, just as it has re peatedly, without objection, heretofore passed propositions to increase the price, of public lands, &c. They are also complaining of in creasing the rates of postage on tho people. But since the reduction of the postage to three cents this departure had been unable to sustain itself, and the deficiency of the next year was estimated to amount to upward of nine mil lions. We must therefore do one of three things; eithei cut down the present postal service, or increase the rates of postage, or thirdly, draw large sums from the Treasury to be replaced by high tariff taxes. We were opposed in the first place to cutting down post routes generally, believing a better arrange ment could be made. It was thought that tbe abolition of the franking privilege of the two houses of Con gress would, directly or indirectly, be the means of saving not less than $2,000,000 an nually, and that an advance as proposed on letters and other postage would supply what might be found necessary. Let us see wheth er this. would not have been better than the last of the three modes. The whole amount paid last year for portages in North Carolina was $81,000. If postage wars raised on let ters from three to five cents, and the same number were sent through the »»m1« as for merly, the increase would amount to 53,000 only. Our people, being mostly engaged in agriculture, do not write as many letters as do many other classes of the community. Suppose, however, that this deficiency should be paid, not according to the number of let ters written, but out of the Treasury, and raised through the operation of the tariff. It then has to be paid in the increased price of sugar, salt, iron, snd merchandise generally. If North Carolina should pay in proportion to her population as a State of the Union, she would have to advance one-thirteenth part of the $9,000,000 of deficiency, equal to $300.- 000. But, in fact, as 1 have latelly had occasion to show in the debate on the tariff, when this sum of nine millions is paid by the imj>orters, the charge a per centage on it when selling to the retail dealers, and those latter a likewise profit upon what they sell to the consumers of the country at large. These two profits amount to at least 66 per cent, on the first sum, so that the people pay, in fact, to get these nine million into the Treasury, about fifteen mUlions in all. The share of our State, therefore, would be $500,000, or nearly ten times the increase of postage. Besides, it is supposed that the manufactures realize quite as much in the shape of protection as the Gov ernment receives. As both of these burdens fall on the consumers it is therefore proba ble that the people of our State would, by rea son of this deficiency of nine millions, pay twenty, and certainly ten, times as much as they would do by the increase of postage. But suppose 1 am wrong in both of these opinions, why did not the House disagree to these two amendments f We might then by receding from them have passed the bill.—- Why did they adopt this extraordinary course, unknown in the history of our legislation f It appears, however, from the report of the pro ceedings in The Inteilligencer of the 4th inst., that Mr. Grow stated that there were prece dents for his resolution in the procedings of the British House of Commons in the year 1640 and 1644. This, however, was a period of disorder and revolution in England. The quarrels between the two Houses of Parlia ment brought on a revolution in which the King was beheaded, the House of Lords abolished, and ultimately the House of Com mons also, when Cromwell sent a body of his soldiers to drive out the “Rump Parliament” at the point of the bayonet, telling them the Lord had no further use for them. From that day to the period of his death he governed Great Britain with despotic power by the aid of his army. Such proceedings as these are eminently fit to be referred to by Mr. Crow, and bad as these precedents are they seem to have been sufficient to satisfy his backers. It was not alleged that any such case had occurred in American legislation. The House sometimes sends to the Senate bills which that body regards as unconstitutional* Not long since a bill when introduced by this same M r. Crow proposing to give away the public lands to persons who wouldgo and settle on them, came from the House to the Senate. A ma jority here were opposed to it, and many of the Senators regarded it as unconstitutional, but no one proposed to send it back with an insolent message denouncing the House for passing it. Why did the House take this unusual course? The Black “Republicans” expect to be stron ger in the next Congress than in the last one. There are a few Democrats and some Know Nothings who have been laboring to get an increase of the tariff. All these classes seem to have been acting in concert to defeat tne Appropriation bills and render an extra ses sion necessary. This Post Office hill contained an appropria tion of nearly four millions to supply deficien cies which are needed before the first of July next. It was the supposed that an extra session must be called immediately. To ena ble the Southern States to lie represented at all, their elections must lie hurried up; Cali fornia and Oregon, it was supposed, could not probably be represented at all. Both of these States are Democratic; and as the Black “Re publicans” had made gains in the Northern elections, they doubtless supposed that they might in this way, with the aid of their allies get the control of the House, force through a high tariff, and make arangements to help their party in the Presidential election to come off next year. Mr. Crow having been their candidate for Speaker at the commencement of the last Congress, doubtless felt more interest in the matter than any one else. Another conside ration, probably, operated likewise. Notwith standing the losses of tho free States, there is still a Democratic majority of thirteen in the Senate. This majority is composed of true men, who are willing to maintain the Consti tution and protect the rights of all sections of tho Union. The Black “Republicans” had the ascen dancy in the Congress of 1856. In the late Congress, with a little outside aid, they fre quently carried the day. They hope likewise to have the control of the next Congress. But the Senate, as now organized, stand ready to resist their movements. They are evidently desirous, therefore, of diminishing its influ ence, of lowering it in the public estimation, and forcing it to pass, without amendment, whatever bills they may send to it. The is sue, therefore, is one of the utmost moment, to the South especially, and as such ought to be understood by our people. I have felt it my duty therefore, to present a short state ment in relation to it. The result of the whole proceeding must be either by delaying the payments to contractors, to inflict serious injury on many innocent persons, or, in the second place, to oblige the Government to cur tail largely the postal service, to the great detriment of the public; or, thirdly, to force the calling of an extra session, which, in the absence of the representatives of some of the States, may throw the organization of the House into the Black “Republicans” and their abettors. Whatever may happen, it is mani fest that neither the'Senate nor the Demo cratic party, as a whole, is justly chargeable with any failure in the discharge of its du ties. Very respectfully yours, &c., T. L. CLINGMAN. Messrs. Holden & Wilson, editors of The Standard. Ex-Got. Johnson. Our friends of the Atlanta Intelligencer ex press a preference for Gov. Johnson as the next U. S. Senator in the place of Senator Iverson. No man in Georgia would better fill the office. We meau no disparagement of Senator Iverson, and no reflection upon his conduct whatever ; but we have never seen the day, within the last six or eight years, that we did not prefer Gov. Johnson for the U. S. Senate, over any other public man in Georgia. His brief career in the Senate, in ’48 and ’49 was very brilliant and successful. If he so distinguished himself ten years ago, when quite a young man, as to win the ad miration and respect of John C. Calhoun, what may we not expect from him, now that age and experience have matured his judg ment and expanded his intellect! We desire to see no squabble about the matter. As a personal friend of Gov. John son, as well as an ardent admirer of his great iutellect, and varied acquirements, we, of course, would like to see him in the Senate. If we are to have a change, then, we believe no man in Georgia could more fully and satis factorily unite the Democracy than Gov. John son; or more efficiently and honorably repre sent the State in the Senate of the United States.—[Federal Union. FRIDAY, MARCH 18, 1859. To New York Advertisers. This may never reach you, but if it should, we take occasion to say we contemn your pro posals— a twenty-five dollar advertisement for four dollars ! The offer is an insult. We warn all our brethren of the Press, South of Mason & Dixon’s line, against these impos ters. They want you to work for nothing and not pay you at that. We would like to have the pleasure of taring and feathering some of those scoundrels. Tbe “ Empire State” and Judge Iverson. Our Griffin cotemporary does us “ honor too much.” He devotes two mortal columns in his sheet, in the way of reply to an inno cent article we had the boldness to pen a few days since, declaring our preference for Gov. Johnson over Judge Iverson for United States Senator. Well, brother Crawford, if you have the power to apply the gag law to every demo crat who dares to express a preference over your special friend, then we have nothing moro to say, Our brother should be thankful of one thing at least, and that is, we have afford ed him an opportunity of blowing off a vast quantity of gas, which we presume has over loaded his brain for some time past. We shall not undertake to reply to his gaseous effusion seriatim. We have already expressed our de termination not to prosecute this controversy any further at present. Amongst the many un generous and discourteous remarks, and his italics, pointing an inuendo, which we under stand, with which his artiele abounds, we shall notice only one. We ask our cotemporary to point us to the line or paragraph in our paper wherein we have signified even a desire that Judge Iverson should “resign.” Our friend is well backed up by the quasi Democratic and Know Nothing Press. We don’t envy him his company, but hope he may have a pleas ant time with his new associates. Judge Jnckson’1 Speech. We are in reciept of the Washington Globe, containing the speech of tbe Hon. James Jack- son in tbe House of Representatives, in defence of the Secretary of the Treasury. Various charges have been made against that distin guished public functionary. Mr. Jackson meets every one of these charges with a tri umphant refutation. This speech contains a large amount of stastical proof, which sustains all his positions. It is evident from the proofs adduced, that Mr. Cobb is not chargable with any of the present financial embarrassments of the U. S. Treasury. A comparison with the acts of his predecssors shows conclusively that he is not behind the best of them in his ef forts to manage the department to the best interest of the country. We regret that the limited, space of our columns, forbids the publication of Judge Jackson’s speech entire. We thought at one time of making copious ex tracts from it, but in our efforts to do so, we became convinced, that we conld not do jus tice to the distinguished representative from the 5th Congrcsional district, without pub lishing the whole of his speech. So we are compelled to content ourself with this brief notice of it. Judge Jackson is an honor to his district, and to the State of Georgia, and we hope to see him returned to Congress with out opposition. Sad Accident at a Wadding.—On Tuesday evening a painful accident occurred at the boarding house of Miss Pannill, in Richmond, Ya. The circumstances are as foUows : A wedding party was about leaving there for St. Paul’s church, when the dress of one of the bridesmaids, Miss Ellen Fuller, caught fire from a lamp, and a scene of great excite ment ensued. Several persons rushed'to her assistance, and in the efforts to extinguish the flames, Mr. Alexander Jones, the bridegroom, burnt his hands quite badly. Miss Fuller’s injuries were severe, but not considered fatal. Her escape from death is doubtless owing to the flannel with which her person was protect ed. The incident seriously maned the pleas ures of the wedding; the ceremony, however, pioeeeded, and the newly married pair left on the cars Ant a bridal tour. ggT We waste our time in moments, our money in shillings, and our happiness in tri fles. For tlie Inteliigencer. Messrs. Editors.—I have been a citizen property holder and tax payer of Atlanta, for near nine years, during which time I have been a “looker on,” and have more than once been pained at heart in witnessing the corrup tion of many of the leading men of the party to which I belong, the Democracy. I have seen private character attacked, and seen it fall before their demon-like ferociousness— plans pulled down and others set up, but have never witnessed such a determined spirit as is now exhibited for the defeat of Gov. Brown’s nomination, at the next Democratic conven tion at Milledgeville. What is all this for ? Why has there been a secret correspondence going on for the last twelve months, to defeat Gov. Brown’s nomination ? It is for the spoils of office, which seems to rule the party at the present day. Now, ye cliquing, designing demagogues of Atlanta, who have the matter all fixed up to call the people together in convention next Saturday, to do all in your power to defeat Gov. Brown from being our next Governor, let me tell you, the masses—those who have the good of the county at heart—will not be satisfied till Brown serves them two years more, and are determined to have him. You may go on and fix your tricks—nominate del egates foi Brown, with a private understand ing that they are to throw him out of conven tion, but tho people will nominate him and elect him, and designing politicians will be taught that it is not enough, merely to receive the nomination of a clique representing the Democratic party. Let all true men who want Gov. Brown— who. want a laithful and honest administration of the laws, meet on Saturday, and thwart the designs of the clique. Let the sense of the meeting be taken for Gov. Brown—let none be delegates hut true Brown men, and let the common people instruct them to vote for no other. “CROMWELL.” New York Bdltors. The N. Y. correspondent of tlie Charleston Courier, in a recent letter, thus alludes to the social standing of the principal editors of five of the leading papers in New York : The editors of the papers in this city, are not generally on very good terms, socially. Hardly two of them visit in the same circles. Mr. Bryant, as a poet and literary man, go^s into literary circles. James Brooks, living on the Fifth Avenue, and having a fashionable wife, mixes with what is called “our best soci ety.” Mr. Hallock, of the Journal of Com-, merce, is a Christian, and in all places where benevolence and religion are interested, he is sure to be present. Gen. Webb, as every body knows, is a gentleman of the old school, high ly esteemed and respected where he lives, (in Tarrytown,) but supposed to dabble too much in politics, and to be a too great frequenter of the lobby. Horace Greeley seeks and has no society, unless it be that of persons desiring to make something out of him. He is the most good natured, innocent person in the world. All grades of society are alike to him. He will stop and converse with the Congressman or the carman alike. His sympathies are with everybody. He is not more careless in his dress than in his habits. Money is no object to him. If he goes to a restaurant to dine, he puts down a bill to pay for his meal, and nev er looks at the change. It is said he i6 often badly stuck with bad bills, by persons know ing his carelessness and Unconcern in. such matters. Mr. Raymond, of the Times, socially, is quite on a par with Mr. Bryant. A Handsome Donation—Dr.Green showed us on Saturday last, two elegant pictures which were presented to the State Asylum by Hon. M. J. Welbom. of Columbus. One is an oil painting, for which the donor paid two hundred dollars in Europe. - Such donations are an honor to the institution they are in tended to adorn, and to the generous heart of him who so kindly presented them.—Mil ledgevilla Federal Union, March 16. The Early Days of Franklin. MR EVERETT AT THE ACADEMT. At 8 o’clock precisely Mr. Everett made his bow to the audience, which filled every part of the hall, and after the applause which greet ed his appearance had subsided, began his discourse by a picturesque sketch of young Benjamin Franklin arriving in New York af ter a three day’s voyage in as mall sloop from Boston, from which city he had lied for refuge from the oppression of his brother, to whom he was apprenticed as a printer. An unknown friendless, almost penniless youth of seven teen, he hail come to Nnw York, to better his condition—to New York, which was then al most as poor as himself, almost as obscure, an insignificant provincial town of ten or fif teen thousand inhabitants, without printers, and with very little money in her pocket.— Old Mr. Bradford, the printer, to whom he ap plied, could give him no work, but recom mended him to go to hjs son, young Mr. Bradford, one of the two printers then in Phil adelphia. To Philadelphia Franklin accor dingly went, getting there- after an arduous and tiresome journey of three or four days, during Which he passed thirty hours without a morsel of food. Leaving this young and undaunted adven turer in Philadelphia, let me take you, said Mr. Everett to the audience, in imagination, to the Old Granary Burying Ground in Bos ton, where a plain granite obelisk now marks the graves of the parents of Franklin. This spot at the times of which I speak, was in the outskirts of Boston, in almost rural seclusion. Now it is in the very heart of a great city, the metropolis of New England. Around it- are the Churches, public edifices, stately dwel lings, and all the din and bustle of a vast pop ulation. Yet peacefully before it waives the noble row of English elms, long ago planted by some wise and thoughtful citizen, while within is the quiet beauty of trim fences and hedges, of graceful groups of mountain ash, of somber clumps of cypress and of cedar, and overhead the birds' tune their sons, uncon scious of the sleeping dead, and the squirrel gambols over gravestones carved with names long ago forgotten, and with others that shall never die—for here lie the father and the mother of Benjamin Franklin. Josias Franklin, the father of Benjamin, was a native of Northamptonshire, the cen tral county of England, the same county from which came the Washingtons. The father of Benjamin Franklin and the grandfather of George Washington lived within thirty miles of each other in the heart of England, and about tlie middle of the 17th century both emigrated, one to Massachusetts, the other to Virginia and sought their fortunes beyond the deep. Historians have strangely overlooked this curious fact, that from the same vicinage, and almost at the same time, there went over to the New World the ancostors of the two great leaders, civil and military, of the Am erican Revolation. Mr. Everett here read to the audience a let ter addressed to himself by Thomas Carlyle on the subject of ‘ ‘a strange, old brown MS. ’ ’ a ty the book or tax book of the town of Exe ter, in which the ancestors of Franklin are mentioned, and their field, flocks and other parties enumerated. This old, brown MS., was sent by Mr. Carlyle to Mr Everett through the hands of Mr. Abott Lawrence, and is now in possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Passing from the grave of Josias Franklin, a man of sterling qualities, a Republican and a nonconformist, let us, said Mr. Everett go to Milk stieet, where 153 years ago Benjamin Franklin was born, in a house opposite the Old South Church. Bom beneath a lowly roof, born of humble parentage, but born al so to a marvelous career, ami to an undying name—a name never to be forgotten while wisdom, prudence, patriotism, are reverenced among men. The year of his birth, 1706, was a year of great events. It was the year of the Union of the kingdoms of England and Scot land, and of the settlement of tbe crown in the line of the electressof Sophia of Hanover. In that year the world was ringing with the battles and the victories of Marlborough and Eugene in Flanders and Piedmont. But none of these events could compare in importance to the birth of the man-child who came into the world on the 17th of September, in that little house in Milk street, the yonngest child of a Boston tallow-chandler. No slaves of can on from feudral towers—no sounding chimes from stately cathedrals greeted his advent, but it was the coming of one who was to advance science and philosophy, and humanity, to make wiser the wise of earth, to wrest from the forked lightnings their secrets, and from a mighty monarch the largest part of his do minion. Compared to this event, of how lit tle consequence was the union of England and Scotland, which might have been deterred like the union with Ireland, or the battles of Marl borough and Eugene, for which the world was neither wiser nor better, nor more advanced in any way. From Milk street, Mr. Everett asked the audience to accompany him in imagination to the corner of Union and Hanover streets in Boston, so named by the loyal citizens of that day in honor of the events of 1709. Here, in a house long since tom down, was spent the youth of Franklin, the sanguine, inventive, courageous, yet wary, discreet and yet practi cal youth. In play, and in mischief, the bold and active leader of his comrades ; at home, passionately fond of reading, which he grati fied at night in the garret by devouring Plu tarch’s Lives, Defoe’s Essay on Projects, Cot ton Mather’s Essay on Doing Good, and the Spectator,Jon which he formed his own pure and lucid style. Here, too, he wrote articles for his brother’s newspaper. “The New Eng land Courant, sliding them under the door at night. Benjamin Franklin, said Mr. Everett with significant emphasis, did not disdain to become a contributor to the Courants and Ledgers of his day. This allusion to the ora tor’s engagement with Bonner called forth protracted applause. Mr. Everett then drew a vivid sketch of Franklin at school in School street, Boston on or near the spot where the statue of Frank lin now stands, which was inaugurated on his birthday, September 17, 1859. He described the long processson on that occasion, where all the professions, arts and traders of the city ( were represented, and, paying a high compli ment to the eloquence of Robert C. Winthrop, who delivered the address at the inauguration, he contrasted that striking and splendid scene, where all that was brilliant and dignified and powerful in a great metropolis was assembled to do honor to the name of the forlorn boy, who at tbe age of ton, was torn from school aud from the books he loved so well, and ta ken home to the diudgery of the chandler shop to cut wicks and trim tallow candles. With this sort of work the boy grew discon tented, and longed to escape from it by going to sea. His father, to pacify him, allowed him to select another trade, that of a cutler. But, after a few days’ work at this, he was re leased from it by a disagreement between his father and the master cutler, on the subject of the boys indentures. He was not destined to be a cutler of that sort, said Mr. Everett; he was reserved to -wield the blade of diplomacy, to cut the Gordian knot of a great secular controversy, to sever the bonds of empire. Tlie boy Benjamin was next apprenticed to hisbrotter James, a printer and publisher of a newspaper in Court street, at the corner of which is now Franklin avenue. Here he set type, carried the paper to subscribers, and col lected subscriptions as they became due. He rose with the dawn and sat up with the stars that he might study Xenophon’s Memorabilia and learn the Socratic mode of argumenta tion, with which he was wont to puzzle older heads than his own—an uncomfortably for ward boy, but loving, earnest, impressive and daring, conscious of great capacity, of high aspirations, but looking round for sympathy and finding none. His parents loved him, but could not comprehend him. Long afterward, at the age of 46, when he was the most fa mous philosopher of his day, after having made his brilliant discovery of the identity between lightning and electricity, and with a name with which tbe world rung, his mother wrote to congratulate him on becoming an Alderman of Philadelphia! Mr. Everett closed his discourse by a fervid apostrophe to Franklin, the printer, the mas ter not of art, but of arte, of the three great sciences of temperrnce, frugality and industry, the arbiter of mighty wars, the negotiation of treaties, the framer of constitutions, the asso ciate in renown not merely of statesmen and princes but of ull the great and wise of histo ry. Onoe Boston and New* York could not give him a living, but now Europe and Am erica are too narrow for his name, and the proudest cities contend which shall do most honor to his memory. Mr. Everett spoke with his conformary grace and eloquence, and for an hour and a quarter held unbroken the attention of his vast and brilliant auditory.—[N. Y. Tribune. Letter of a Dying Wife to tier Husband. The following most touching fragment of a letter from a dying wife to her husband, was found by him some time after her death be tween the leaves of a religious volume, which she was very fond of perusing. The letter, which was literally dim with tear marks, was written long before her husband was aware that the grasp of fatal disease had fastened upon the lovely form of his wife, who died at the early age of nineteen.—[ Nashville Ga zette. •‘When this shall reach your eye, dear George, some day when you are turning over the relics of the past, I shall have passed away forever, and the cold, white stone will be keep ing its watch over the lips you have so often pressed, and the sod will be growing green that shall hide forever from your sight the dust of one that has often nestled close to your warm heart. For many long and sleepless nights, when all besides my thoughts were at rest, I have wrestled with the couciousness of death, until at last it has forced itself upon my mind ; and although to you, to otliersit might seem but the nervous imagination of a girl, yet, dear George, it is so ! Many weary nights have I passed in the endeavor to reconcile my self to leaving you, whom I love so well, and this bright world of sunshine and beauty ; and hard indeed it is to struggle on silently and alone with the sure conviction that I am about to leave all forever and go down into the dark valley ! ‘But I know in whom I have believed,’ and leaning on his arm, ‘I fear no evil.’ Do not blame me for keeping even all this from you. How could I subject you; of all others, to such sorrow as I feel at parting, when time will make it apparent to you ! I could have wished to live if only to be at your side when your time shall come, and pillowing your head upon my breast, wipe the death damps from your brow, and usher yonr departing spirit into the Maker’s pres ence, embalmed in woman’s holiest prayer. But it is not to lie —and I submit. Yoursis the privilege of watching; through long and dreary nights, for the spirit’s final flight, and of transfering my sinking head from your breast to my savior’s bosom ! And you shall share my last thought, and the last faint pres sure of the hand, and the last feeble kiss snail be yours, and even when flesh and heart shall have failed me, my eyes shall rest on yours, until glazed by death; and our spirits shall hold one communion until gently failed from my view—the last of earth—you shall mingle with the first bright glimpses of the unfading glories of the better world, where partings are unknown. Well do I know the >q>ot, my dear George, where you will lay me; often we stood by the place, anil as we watched the mellow sun set as it glanced in quivering flashes through the leaves, and burnished the grassy mounds around us with stripes of burnished gold, each perhaps, has thought that some day one of us would come alone, and which ev er it might be, your name would be on the stone. But we loved the spot, and I know you will love it none the less when you see the same quiet sunlight linger and play among the grass that grows over your Mary’s grave. I know you will go there, and m'y spirit will be with you then, and whisper among the waving branches—‘I am not lost, but gone before.” ’ William Penn and his Father. Mr. John Paget, a barrister at law in Eng land, has written a work entitled “An Inquiry into Lord Macauley’s Charges against Penn,” and he pronounces them false, adding that at “every point he finds on j accusation give way, so that in the end there is not evidence enough even to hang a doubt upon.” Well, the old adage may almost apply— false in one thing, false in all, Whatever Mr. Paget discovers to be true—and these are but minor matters—he frankly admits—but in general, after a rigid and apparently a very impartial inquiry—he says that the charges brought against William Penn are (by docu ments) disproved, rejected and declared calu- minous. One matter is curious—namely, a professed authority in relation to Dangerfield’s death, said to have been written by Fuller in 1683, whereas Dangerficld, that infamous per jurer and plotter, did not relieve this world of his hateful presence until 1685. But we have not room to follow the review and ex tract before us, from the London “Atheme- um,” but gladly make this brief notice by way of showing that the character of the Founder of Pennsylvania lias been ably and successful ly vindicated, and we hope that Mr. John Pa get’s work will be republished in this country. - While on the subject of William Penn, it will not, we are sure, be deemed out of place by our readers, to revert from the son to the site, the gallant admiral Penn, whose naval exploits reflected so much honor on the British navy. With his alleged political changes we have nothing to do, except that it is difficult to form a correct judgment of the conduct of eminent public men who flourshed more than two centuries ago—for we know not the trials and temptations of the times in which they lived. We therefore confine ourselves to one among several of the admiral’s exploits in American waters. An intelligent friend lent us a copy of “Lives of Illustrious British Seamen,” as published in London, in 1803. It contains a noble record of Admiral Penn, in which he is mentioned in conjunction with Winslow and Fuller—but Penn first, (as chief commander,) in capturing the island of Jamai ca during tlie protectorate of Cromwell—the richest British gem in the West Indies. Penn was the hero of tiiis successful expedition— which, by the way, from some unaccountable error of history, is by some persons ascribed to Blake, who was not even near Port Royal at the time. But in obtaining this valuable prize he had disobeyed orders, and was with Venables committed to the tower by Cromwell. Charles II restored him to the navy, and in conjunction with the duke of York, he gained a great victory over the Dutch in 1664—the enemy losing 18 ships, 14 sunk, 4,000 men killed, and 2,000 prisoners. The English lost only I ship, had 250 men killed, and 340 wounded ; but the Earls of Marlborough and Portsmouth, and Admirals Simpson and Law- son, fell in action. Such was the blood of the Penn Family before they became distinguish ed members of the Society of Friends. Hon. Henry G. Lamar. This gentleman—the “OW Roman, 1 ' as his Democratic friends are pleased to designate him—appears to be winning “golden opin ions” wherever he presides as Judge. At the late term of Baldwin Superior Court, where he presided in the place ot Judge Hardeman, who was in feeble health, he was not only hand somely complimented by the Grand Jury of that County, hut by the Bar attending that court, as will he setn by the following, which we take from the Federal Union “When the Grand Jury Presentments had been read, Iverson L. Harris, Esq., at the re quest, and in behalf of the local bar, express ed to his Honor, Judge Lamar, the great satis faction felt by the Bar, at his administration during the Term of the Court—their thanks for the promptness with which he yielded to the application to preside for Judge Harde man, and relieve him whilst in such ill health from the onerpus duties of the bench ; and concluded by tendering the earnest wishes of the Bar, that his life may be prolonged, and be attended with such marks of public appro val.” “To the compliments of the Grand Jury and those of the Bar, Judge Lamar, who was deep ly touched by such testimonial, made a feel ing and handsome acknowledgment.” [Empire State. An editor down East, thinks children's games are becoming popular with older per sons now a days, as he has seen several gentle man chasing hoop* in the street*. “No Till*.”—We complain we have “no time.” An Indian Chief of the Six Nation’s once said & wiser thing than any philosopher A white man remarked in his hearing that “he had not time enough.” “Well,” replied Red Jacket, gruffly, “ I suppose you have all there**." He is the wisest and best man who can crowd tha most good actions into now.— Emerson. SATURDAY, MARCH 19, 1859. Benefit of Advertising. A few days ago, a gentleman was telling us that he had lost a horse and that he had been gone about a month, and he could hear noth ing from him. He wanted to know what to do about it. Advertise him, said we. He did so. The advertisement found the horse the next day. A word to the wise is suffi cient. V. Oar Correspondent “Justice.” TFe invite attention to a communication which appears in our paper to-day, over the signature of “Justice.” The writer is honestly seeking information, in reference to the af fairs of the State Road. We have heard it said upon the streets and elsewhere that the present administration of the Road has not expended any money for wood and crossties, which is set down as the cause why a thous and dollars per day has been paid into the State Treasury for some time past. We hope that Dr. Philips will respond to the questions of “Justice,” so that the public may he set right, upon this subject. Encouraging. Our clerk tolls us that we have received about 200 subscribers in the last three weeks. This cheers us. Send in your names friends, we will try to do you good. We have made an investment of about 15,000 dollars, to en- ablo us to do a large business. We want to secure the largest circulation of any paper in the State, and we will soon do it, if our Dem ocratic friends “in the regions roundabout” Atlanta, will encourage us as we hope they will. We intend to conduct our paper so as to merit success. Two dollars is but little money, yet it can secure the weekly visits of the “Atlanta In telligencer” for twelve months. Will not our subscriliers interest themselves for us ? Read er, show your “Intelligencer” to your neigh bors and tell them how you enjoy its perusal, and sec if you cannot get them to join you in sustaining what we think is one of the best papers in the State. Our position is central. Our facilities for getting the latest news are excellent. We now have a telegraphic wire terminating in our office, holding daily con verse with Chattanooga, Washington City and New York. We have the best Job Office iu the up country. We are willing to work for a fair remuneration, and we want “lots” of it to do, and we must have it or we shall lose money, for our expenses are heavy. Reader, read this article to your neighbor. If we can converse with him through our paper for twelve months, we will try to win his affec tions so that he will willingly continue our paper. If we cau average 100 new subscribers a week, during the year, we shall be thankful for our success. It will stimulate us to double diligence. Shall we get them ? Why not ? It is for the interest of our friends to aid us. The larger our circulation, the more shall .we be able to spend in improving our paper. We are not satisfied with a medium position among our Editorial brethren. We want to stand at the head of our class. We want the medal. Our brethren of the press will pardon us for this ambition. We are willing for them to stand good and better, but we want to stand best.— Friends “spread yourselves” for us, and we will spread ourselves for you. V. For the Intelligencer. Alpharetta, Ga., March 16th, 1859. Messrs. Editors :—The time is now fast ap proaching when the Democracy of the several counties in the State, should meet at their re spective county sites, for the purpose of ap pointing delegates to the ensuing Gubernato rial convention. Some counties, we believe, have their delegates already appointed and in structed by resolutions, for whom to cast their votes. We are proud to see old Baldwin ta king the lead in this thing, and prouder still to know that she has instructed her delegates to cast their votes for the present incumbent, who is a-model Governor, a profound states man, an unswerving and unflinching Demo crat, and in every respect worthy of the hon or which we wou’d confer upon him, and enti tled in a pre-eminent degree to the confidence and support of every good and sound Demo crat in Georgia. As old Baldwin has put the ball in motion, and our motto is “keep moving,” we propose to call a convention of the Democracy of the county of Milton and of all other parties and persons who endorse the present administral tion, on the first Tuesday in May next, for the two-fold purpose of appointing delegates to the Gubernatorial and Congressional conven tions, and of ratifying, approving and endors ing Gov. Brown’s administration. We hope the Democracy will attend. A VOTER. [communicated.] l)r. Geo. D. Ehillipe.—Dear Sir :—You will pardon me for directing this communication to you. It is my unwavering confidence in your integrity, aud believing you to be fami liar with the entire business of the Western & Atlantic R. R., and that you will give truth ful answers to the questions which I shall pro pose, are the inducements which prompt me to this course. The present administration of the affairs of the Western & Atlantic Railroad has been one so marked with success that it deserves com mendation of all. I have heard the reason of its success in pay ing into the State Treasury the amount it has paid is attributed to different causes. That tiiis matter may be fully and truthful ly understood by all concerned, I hope you will answer fully and explicitly my questions. If the present administration of the affairs of the road has liecn made to pay what it has to the detriment of the road and its equip ments, it is but just to past administrations that the facts in the case be made public.— Without further comment I shall propound the questions. I anxiously look for an early reply. What was the amount of wood on hand at the time the present administration began ? and how much of that wood has been used, and howmuch is now on hand ? Of that which is on hand how much has been bought by the present administration ? How many cross-ties "have been laid down during the present administration, and from what source obtained, and how many now on hand, and are they paid for ? Under whose administration was the road bed drained—the present or the past f And to what extent has it been drained, and how much does the road owe for such draining ? Why was not the $240,000 of floating debt against tho road, as spoken of, if I mistake not, in the last message of Gov. Johnson and in the report of Mr. Spullock’s—why was not that debt paid, or some part of it, instead of paying the amount needed to pay it into the State Treasury ? How much will the road pay for two years more under the same management it now W’ill it be one-third the amount of its present paying in ? Will it even pay 5 per cent on the cost of the road ? Your early attention and answers to this communication will greatly enlighten the public, and confer a favor upon all, and none more than Youn, &c., “ JUSTICE.” Atlanta, Ga., March 18, ’59. [ Fronqtbe N. O. Picayune, 13th.} Progress of the Civil War In Mexlco-- S access of the Liberal Party. The steamship Tennessee, from Vera Cruz the 9thinst., reached her wharf at an early hour last evening, having crossed the bar at 7 in the morning. The political news is two weeks later and of great interest and importance as showing the general success of the Liberal arms, both on the Gulf and the Pacific slopes, and the prob ability that that party will yet not only sus tain itself, but in the end gloriously tri umph. Tlie regular Steamship Express, which should have connected with the Tennessee, bringing advices from the capital to the 5th inst., had not arrived when she sailed, though detained by another 24 hours after her usual time. It had perhaps, fallen again into the hands of Miramon. Nevertheless we have the following full special correspondence, which records the most gratifying successes of the Liberal anus : V era Cruz, March 8,1859. The American express mail from the city of Mexico, for the Tennessee, of the 22d of last month arrived 24 hours after it was due, it having been detained by Miramon in Peu- bla. It brought us the news of the following Santanistes being appointed Ministers to the Government of the “destroying angel,’, or Miramon. Manual Diazde Bonill, Foreign Relations ; Teofil Marin, Interior; M. Larrinzar, Justice; Octavo Munoz Ledo, Fomento; Gabriel Saga- rata, Finance; Gen. Jesus Castilla, War. Santa Anna himself could not have formed a better Ministery. » Besides, miramon selected Escobas, Casano va and Robles as chiefs of the expedition to VeraCruz. This famous trio are tools of San ta Anna. Since my last the forces of the Liberal party have been victorious in almost every part of the Republic. Colima, Agnascalients, Leon, Salamanca, Celaya, Guanajuato, have been recovered, and are adhering now to the constitution of 1857. Other important places, as San Luis, Guadalajava, &c.. will soon follow. The forces in this State have achieved deci ded victories over the troops of Cobos and Mi ramon. • The road from Orizaba to this place is infes ted by our country people, Jarochos, and Mi ramon will meet behind every bush and tree with a musket ready to take the life of any one that passes. Never have the Liberals here received such cheering news as of late, and their courage has increased wonderfully. Another matter of great importance for this Government, has been its probable recogni tion at Washington. The mere probability of such an event, cheered up the party here, and will do much more towards gaining the day, than all help that might be offered other wise. The French and English are still harrassing the Juarez Government, and bombardment is still a favorite theme for the Commanders and Consul to talk of. However, they are advised to purge themselves of their bile, in which 1 hope they will succeed. The next steamer is bound to bring you great news. '1711 then, Vera Cruz, March 8, 1859. Inclosed I send you the official report of Gen. Ampudia of the recent actiou at Jamapa.— Bnt since that was published, further particu lars have been received. Something like 106 —among them 5 officers—killed of the enemy and had been picked up, and some 540 mus kets left by the flying enemy. The wounded are large in number. The loss on the side of the Liberal forces was small, owing to the ad vantage of position. The Liberal cause is advancing rapidly in every quarter, and the news of the probable recognition of the Constitutional Government by the United States, arrived by the Tennes see, of the 6th inst.. will produce such an ef fect that the Liberals will no doubt, carry ev erything before them now, and their tri umph is sure. Tlie New Postmaster General. The Washington correspondent of the Char leston Courier, in a letter on the 9th in stant, thus speaks of the new Post Master General: Mr. Holt is a relative of Mr. Preston, Min ister to Spain, and enjoys much of the Presi dent’s confidence. He was, some years ago, a practicing lawyer in Mississippi, where he ac quired a fortune. From that time till the President appointed him as head of the Post Office, Mr. Holt was not engaged in any busi ness, and devoted his time to study and for eign travel. He is a man, it is said, of much information apd excellent judgment, and is undoubtedly a good lawyer. The President has frequently called him into counsel upon important occasions. Whether he possesses administrative ability, so Requisite in the of fice to whom he is now appointed, is to be seen. He will certainly have a difficult task before him, in the present confusion of the Department. The New Orleans Delta, in noticing the ap pointment of Mr. Holt, says “he is a South ern Democrat of the States Rights School.— His accession to the cabinet will secure a states man of higher and larger views, of bolder and more energetic character, and of greater freedom from the smaller passions and man- oeuveringB of politicians, then has yet filled a cabinet post under the present admsnisiva- tion. Solomon’s Temple.—Mr. Williams, the edi tor of the Utica Herald, has reached Palestine in the course of his Eastern wandering. Tho foUowing is an extract from his last letter, describing the “Holy City:” “There was one ‘Holy Place’ in Jerusalem I sought in vain to visit—the site of the Tem ple of Solomon. It is, as yon know occupied by the principal Mosque of the city—the Mos que of Omar. Including the enclosure, it oc cupies the whole southwestern portion of tlie city, and appears to be one of the most im posing edifices I have seen in the East. Hith erto strangers have been permitted to visit it by paying a modest blacksheesh of from five to fifteen dollars each; but of late the Moham medans having been ‘growing no better fast' in the toleration, and this year have saucily shut the door of the sacred edifices in the teetn of the whole squad of Christian dogs’ I attemp ted to look into the enclosure, a Turk is sen tinel offering to make me a present of the con tents of a very rusty market while an old vagabond who stood near suggestively drew his finger across his throat’ indicating by such suggesture that in case I should enter I should for the future be relieved of the bore of car rying a head upon my shoulders. These rascally Mohammedans have also placed some sacred edifice over the tomb of David, so that no Christian is permitted to see the resting place of the great Psalmist. And I may here remark that there is no sadder spectacle in all this curse stricken land than that of Arabs, and if possible, still more de graded Turks, lording it over the sacred city. Thc'ground once pressed by the feet of Solo mon, and David, and Christ, now echoes to the tread of Moslem and Janissary and tho drivelling Dervish. While the Jew is cow ering in obscure place, the Moslem struts with the air of one who treads on thrones; while the Christians begs permission to kneel at the tomb of his Saviour, the Turk disdainfully proclaims himself monarch of all he surveys. While the * Holy Sepulchre’ is nominally in the hands of the Christian, Turkish soldiers keep gamd at the door, and a Turkish Pasha keeps the kev.” Discussion with an Illustration.—“Is the sense of smelling more pleasing than the sense of tasting ?” was the subject up before a wes tern debating dub in a bar room. Unde Joe was the last to speak upon the negative, and all were anxious to hear him deliver himself. Walking up to the bar keeper he called for a hot whisky punch and drank it off with great gusto; then turning to his opponents, he handed the empty glass to the leading dispu tant, and thundered out—“now smell it, you varmint!” It is needless to add that Uncle Joe'”broughtdown the house,” and also the decision for the negative.

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Atlanta weekly intelligencer. (Atlanta, Ga.) 185?-18??, March 24, 1859, Image 1