Newspaper Page Text
Mill. ■!■[■ .muum n. kgmm&mmaz-.
3S3SS3C*WQ
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By A. A. GAULDING & CO.
“ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS, WHEN REASON IS LEFT TO COMBAT IT.”—JEFFERSON.
PROP R1ETORS.
KEW SERIES, VOL. 2.
Cl)t Intelligence!.
THURSDAY. SEPTEMBER 15 1859.
^rMSOFSUBSCR! PTION
nUI V PArER, per annum in arlvanco, $6 00
{.rI-WKEKI.Y, per “ in advance, 4 00
TRI
fSEKI-A
in advance, 2 00
if pa d within six months, 2 50
if paid within twelve months, 3 CO
Most Kniphnllrally
)>o w call f‘»r f-liat Bank Letter. We want
to sec it in print. No fair minded man will
try to destroy another by insinuations. Mr.
American, if you have cot the documents,
,j n iw them. If Joseph E. Brown has written
an -infamous letter,” now so much has been
cai.I about it, our curiosity lias been aroused,
ATLANTA, GEO., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1859.
NO. 47.
lion. P. H. Colquitt.
This gentleman lias formally withdrawn his
name from the consideration of his political
friends, in making their selection for candi
dates for the Legislature, in Muscogee county,
We regret tliat this young and gallant cham
pion of Democracy has deemed it proper to
pursue this course. He sustained himself no
bly in tire last Senate of Georgia, and we
should have rejoiced to see him returned to
the same position. His letter, which we pub
lish, is full of patriotism, and we take pleas
ure in commending its perusal to our readers,
mail}' of whom are his warm friends and ad
mirers.
To tlie Democratio Party of Muscogee.
I beg to decline the use of my name, as a
candidate for the Le islatuie, in the Conven-
<ion. which assembles on the 10th inst. Hav-
. .. ... , , •osbciuuics on me mm mst. Mav-
snd we want a peep at it. \\ e now deny that ing responded to the call of my party two
Gov. Brown has written an “infamous letter,” ] years ago, and borne the heat of a severecon-
charged bv the “American,” and will de- test 1,11 H ie ‘Senate, it would not consist with
' till thi" Icltor u entire. W. j
ny it
^ in have no broken doses.
j Were I ambitious for place, I would not hesi-
Give us all or i tate to enter the field, believing that the De-
notliing. ; niocracy of Muscogee is unconscious of its
tt’i'cnevcr Gov. Brown makes himself “in- i s i ren gth, an d that the power to triumph over
... , . , • , , i all opposition sleeps in the folds of its flair.
famous, then \u cease to apologize for, or dc- j j retire fr()m the pOBti which T have had the
fend him. Gentlemen, prove your charges, i honor to hold for the past two years, with the
or remain ••infamous” yourselves. Gentle- j consciousness of having labored earnestly for
men. prow your charges, or stand convicted j constituency,
0 f tilt* fife*' ittniJn
is i
usjaiuler mceis i*«» regard from noble minds ;
duly the base believe, what the base only utter. v
Gov. Brown stands innocent till convicted,
mid we assert his innocence and call for proof.
A vain we say, out with it. V.
and having done nothing for which I can re
proach myself.
To the Democratic party, I am greatly in
debted for partiality and favors. The success
of its principles in their true intent and mean
ing is a sentiment of my life. It was the
dream of my youth ; it has been the pride of
my manhood : and, if spared to age, I trust
— _ that the beauty of a wise administration of
tp \\Y think too much is made of this , f hem U P° U the theory of equal rights, may
matter. And ils the rights of tlie South in I beguile my vacant and solitary hours.
<,ur territories, present and future, no party in ^ u the Americans of Muscogee, who sup-
the Smith advocates the cuactment by Con- | ported me hi my candidacy, I return devout
cress of a slave code. The term is a device
and designing fraud. All that is asked is.
that any and every party with which tlie South
affiliates in electing a President, shall acknow
ledge the rights of the South, as they are de
rided to l>e. in the decisions of the Supreme
Court of the United States.—[ Mercury.
We would like to know of a party, in the | Xo PartyUm.
South, that docs not “acknowledge the rights i is the watchword of the so-called Op-
of the South, as the}' are decided to lie. in tlie j position party of the present (lay. Why our
decisions of the Supreme Court of the United i opponents should endeavor to delude the peo-
Statcs." We know of no such party. A par- j I ,le with tlle cry of "no partyism,” must be
t v that does not hold to the “decisions of the | apparent to the most superficial observer.—
Supreme Court of the United State,” ought | Since the formation of our national govern-
nut to live in the South, an he nr. The Op- ! men tto the present day, the people of this
psitimi claim to be on the lair—the Democra- j country have been divided into two, sometimes
thanks. Especially am I grateful to the
young men, who, sacrificing party prejudices
upon the altar of an intimate association and
an endearing friendship, rallied to me with
zeal and enthusiasm. The Democratic party
of Muscogee have by best wishes.
Peyton H. Colquitt.
rv have always been then
V.
AV iia i a Goveunok.— Ever}’ man remem-
l.-rs what a tremendous war Gov. Brown made
upon the luniks two years since. They will
remember too that he forced through the
Legislature a very stringent law, requiring
tlie Bank Officers to make an oath to unheard
of restrictions in their business.
If mir information did not come from the
most reliable source we would not think of
bringing the charge we are about to make,
viz: that Gov. Brown finding that the Banks
were about to kick up such a fuss as would
rain him. actually wrote to some of them and
in/(/rv,«/ them of ii plan by irhirh they roulil erode
hr Uv> And then the plan of evasion was
the silliest thing ever thought of by mortal
man. it was this, that the officers should
make out tiieir returns one day, and then do
no Banking business until the next day after
they had sworn to their statement. Now
they were to swear they had not violated the
Law since tiieir last statement, and he tells
them to regard the statement mode the day bifore
as their last statement, and thus evade the
lettei of the law. M '
This charge comes from a reliaSK source,
ami if it is denied, we shall expect to give the
proof next week.—[Rome Courier.
We are authorized to pronounce the above
charge an unmitigated falsehood. V.
‘•Brows and the State Road.—The statis
tic--hewing tiiat the net profits of tho State
Road under Gov. Brown’s management, fall
far short of the profits under Gov. Johnson’s
administration, area puzzle to the Democrat
ic pres.-,. These figures stand, and no man
ran deny them. T hey talk of “unfairness”
and “inconsistency,” hut not an editor in the
St.it'- has ventured to disprove thefavt. It re
main- untouched, and living proof to tlie peo
ple that Gov. Brown is using a humbug to de
fraud them of their votes in the coming elec
tion. Will they consent to be defrauded ?—
Sav. Republican.
I'm. Sneed, if the “Intelligencer” donl
reach your office now, just let us know, and
we will make a fuss about it. We dont want
you to remain in ignorance ol what is going
"U in the up country, especially so far as we
wconcerned. Will you please to publish
the following in your paper, in as much, as
you have no doubt, ignorantly slandered us.
lie have had standing in our paper for some
4ays. the following—
KEEP IT BEFORE T1IE PEOPLE.
That Governor Brown realizes more
aett profit monthly, in proportion to the
monthly earnings of the Road, than anyGov-
ernor who has preceded bun, and keeps the
Road in better order than it has ever teen
kept.
Beside*, we have published the testimony
ot the Bo..k Keeper at the State Road Depot,
affirming that, “the State Road does average
* much jier month as its nett proceeds, since
'■"v. Brown has been in office, as it did dur-
the entire administration of Gov. John-
Mn- The above statesments, we stand rea
lty defend. In fact they have already been
proven. V.
Iiroivn ii ol die Author of his own In-
niiguinl.
K Ver Pad any good opinion ot Govcr-
We
nor Brow n, either intellectually or morally,
knt really we never dreamed that when he
'food before the “assembled wisdom” of his
on the first Wednesday in November,
i'j". and announced the policy that was to
- ;'orn him in the administration of publicaf-
“ir>. lie was merely declaiming, in scliool-boy
-wliidTi. what liad been conceived and written
,JC t for him by another, Mid by liimself com-
mitted to nieniory. Yet, such appears to be
TLo tn-.th «historv.”—[Savannah Republi
can. -
^>ch i- not - -1 Ik* truth of history.” We are
111 tR 1 ‘rized to pronounce tlie above statement
'•list. Will the Republican vindicate “the
f -rtli of Li s tory” in this matter ? We have
kllen up lU strange times. At one time Gov.
i.- made out so sharp as to control and
^*P under his influence, tlie sharpest men in
Re state : again, he is represented as a small
11111 every way. Will the Governor survive ?
s the question. We liave never known
*** unfounded and shameful attacks made
JjPWaman, than has been made ujron Gov.
J "’ n in the last few months. When one
kkehood has been nailed to the counter, up
****** another, and dares its refutation. It
p^rgia liad a Governor who could not write
Uiaiigur.ds. but who, knowing his incom-
Wency, procured an “ingenious friend,” in
j ut language of tlie Republican, to write for
' na ‘think Georgia papers have very little
f* P r, 4f, and very little common sense, to
.. Zoning the matter all over the world.
a course does not give us “any good
/pinion °f” such editors, “either intellectual-
T or morally.” V.
Brunswick ‘Herald’ report* the
?*ujn that city of Mrs. A. King, wife of
* Wl The*. Butler King.
more, political, parties. While a faction to
subserve tlie selfish personal ends of a certain
individual, or set of individuals, is highly dan
gerous to the stability of our free institutions,
and injurious to the best interests of the peo
ple. and therefore reprehensible ; yet we hold
that political purlieu, organized for the purpose
of carrying out some important principle or
governmental policy, are commendable in the
highest degree. If any political principle, or
set of principles, tend to the promotion of the
general good of society, it becomes the duty
of patriots to carry out such principles. H<5\v
can this he most successfully accomplished ?
We answer, by the formation of a party devo
ted to such patriotic purpose, well organized,
and its energies all directed to this main ob
ject. “In union there is strength,” is a max
im true in polities as well as in Physics and
Ethics. If the friends, therefore, of any im-
1 Mu tant political measure, deem it of sufficient
moment to make an effort to carry it out, they
should organize, so as to act as a unit, and by
one common effort to concentrate all their
strength. In effecting such an organization,
personal preferences and private prejudices
must be lost sight of, men must be sacrificed
for measures, and every consideration, save that
of patriotism, lie merged in a common desire
for the public good. Hence we contend that
political parties are necessary to the success
and well being of our Republican institutions,
and party spirit, if properly directed uud con
trolled, instead of being the bane, is .a blessing
to Republican Governments. The Democratic
party is now in the ascendant almost every
where in this government ; it has controlled
its destinies mainly for three-quarters of a cen
tury. in spite of all the factions and so-called
parties that liave been arrayed against it. It is
now the only organized National party in the
country. Its enemies, after resortingto every
expedient to effect its overthrow, and failing
in all, now raise the line’and cry, “down with
partyism ! No man can he a friend to his
country who is in favor of partvism !” While
these pseudo patriots had any pmsiiect of suc
ceeding against the Democracy, by adhering
(o party, no such cry was heard, hut when they
found all their efforts unavailing, their eyes
have suddenly been cqieiied to the dangers of
parties, and they make one loud and long ap
peal to all their fellow-citizens, to come for
ward and break down all party organizations.
Such advice can only affect injuriously the
Democratic party. Their opponents, being
out of power, have everything to gain, and
nothing to lose, by such a movement. We
call upon our Democratic friends to heed not
thei ■ insidious appeals. There is now as much
necessity for a party—and a Democratic party
at that—as there ever was. Adhere then,
brother Democrats, to your “ancient land
marks” ; rally to your standard-beasers every
where—for State, Congressional, and Legisla
tive officers. Your only safety is in the ranks
of your party, whether you have your choice
or not in men. March forward in solid pha
lanx. determined to conquer, and the discord
ant materials of tlie Opposition will be scatter
ed into its original elements when election day
comes on.
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1859.
C ol. Akin’s letter and mode of Canvass,
lag.
Bn tlie Savannah Republican of last Thurs
day appears a letter from Col. Warren Akin in
explanation of certain law charges against the
State, and at tlie bottom of it, much to our
surprise, the special request “will the Macon
Telegraph and the Augusta Constitutionalist insert
the abovef ’ We will “insert” the Colonel’s
letter very cheerfully, seeing that lie thinks a
letter necessary to exonerate him from the
suspicion of dishonesty or extortion. For the
credit of Georgia, if for nothing else, some
things ought to be assumedas true; and one of Iff” “This statement may be true, as far as
these should lie that a gentleman who has ris- ! H pots, but the Fedcr d Union is guilty of a
en to the position of nominee to or incumbent ' suppressio veri in attempting to make out a tal-
oftlie Executive Chair is at least commonly | lacious argument. How ! $4,495,6524-3 may
honest—that he is incapable of oheating, de ! exactly the amount paid ont of the Treas
frauding, stealing or lying. So much ought ! uryat Milledgeyilie for original construction,
In another place may be found an ex
cellent article from the “Columbus Times.”
V.
Our Iii(«-»-r|>(«-<( Com-simiideiiee.
We publish to-day, another letter addressed
to the Opposition Committee of Fulton coun
ty. We invite special attention to it.
but Dr, Lewis says, (we suppose he will be
good authority with the Federal Union,) in his
last Report, that the actual cost of the Road is
$6,096,802.—South. Confederacy.
If you please, Bro. Hambleton, just publish
that part of Dr. Lewis’ Report where he says
“the actual cost of the Road is $6,090,802.”
We dont see that statement in “his last Re
port.” Have you not made a mistake? If
to he assumed, at least until the contrary is
lawfully proven before a Jury of tbe country
al }d the expectant or official is safety inclosed
within the walls of the Penitentiary.
We have a right to be surprised, however at
the Colonel’s particular request of the Tele
graph. Did the Telegraph ever impeach his
fees ? Has he ever found a line in the Geor
gia Telegraph throwing a doubt on Ills reputa
tion for honesty ? Has the Georgia Telegraph
imitated him and his confederates to the slight
est degree, in their monstrous outrages upon J’ ou * lave > owu U P
decorum—in their atrocious insinuations, as- ‘ 1 l '"* r '“ T
saults and indignities upon Gov. Brown !
Let us see a little of the blind depth of hu
man prejudice: Akin is the fugleman of a p if
ty, many of whose organs, for nearly two
years, have been assailing the personal iuteg-
rity of Gov. Brown, as no Governor of Geor
gia was ever assailed before ; and such is the
bitter malevolence of these men that they can- j
not even concede him his official title, or any j
ordinarily respectful prefix; but in every mode : an< l who, unless we are greatly mistaken, at
of speaking of him, study to express contempt, the mass meeting in. this city, opposed the
C( >py what Dr. Lewis says on the aliove mat-
tcrai.il give us the page. Or rather look
again at Dr. Lewis’ last Report” and see if
is ic.r mie, tii it Dr. Lewis says not one word
about the cost of the road. V.
fST Bro. Knowles of tlie “Journal & Mes
senger” of whom we expected letter things.
If we were to inventory the crimes and misde
meanors of which they charge or insinuate he
is guilty we should travel pretty much through
the criminal vocabulary. In the course of
one article of arraignment in the Chronicle &
Sentinel, which we suppose will be considered
the leading organ of tlie Opposition, the Gov
ernor of this State is charged with perjury, fraud
false!ansi, demagogum, heartlessness, political cor
ruption and Itarganing, and is said to be a fit com
panion of scoundrels. And such Ls the extremi
ty of rancor with which the Governor is pur
sued by those men, that even the most un
questionable acts of official fidelity are prever
ted into new grounds of assault and vilifica
tion. Thus we see that even in paying mon
ey into the Treasury from the State Road he
nomination of a candidate against Brown bus
condescended to try to make a point upon
the Pig Iron, “by stating that the Legislature
had passed a resolution per milting tlie Governor
and Superintendent to discriminate between
the freight of Georgia a: d other Iror.” Why
use the word permit ? It is not in the resolu
tion.
The Governor only did what the Legisla
ture “requested.” Could he do less ?
We are mistaken, or Bro. Knowles would
have been glad of tlie opportunity to support
Gov. Brown. But the party bridle is in his
lias been by turns assailed with every possible I month and he must go whither the party
disgraceful and contradictory allegation. In
the whole course of our observation, we never
knew a Governor if a State so remorselessly
hounded and pursued with systematic detrac
tion and calumny, not only in the utter absence
of any just foundation for the charges but, as
we believe, in the well settled conviction of
the mass of opponents themselves, that tli«
whole study of Gov. Brown has been to ad
minister the duties of big office with patriotic
fidelity.
Now, Warren Akiu, who heads this crowd
of factious assailants of Gov. Brown, is so sen
sitive to the breath of calumny that he even begs
democratic prints to set him right in tliemat-
ter of an insinuation that he has charged the
State ton high fees for legal services! This
sensitiveness is honorable; but the same man
on the same day lie penned this application to
the Telegraph, attacked Gov. Brown’s reputa
tion behind his back in the city of Savannah,
accusing him of “systematic humbuggery"
drives. Why didn’t you make tlie amende we
asked you to make in a more graceful way ?
You did not make “it satisfactorily.” Not
by a jug full.
But we will forgive you. Your cause is a
desperate one and needs a desperate remedy.
V.
Will Americans Support Gov. Brown 1
This inquiry is now becoming one of some
interest, as the election approaches. When
Gov. Brown first went into office, and took
position upon what was then known as the
Bank question, hundreds, yea, thousands of
the American party, were loud in their praises
of his course, and declared their determination
to sustain his administration, and support him
in his re-election. In process of time, it has
and deceit for the purpose of retaining his ol- | turned out that the fierv zeal of many of these
fice. That we may justify our assertion, we triots luis ,„ ok ,i down , }uul they are asqui-
copy .tlie following; from the Republican s ac- . . 1
For tho Intelligencer.
A Fact lliot Should be Known.
The Philadelphia Pennsylvanian, in notic
ing the contribution of Stephen A. Douglas,
to Harper's Monthly Magazine, on “Squatter
Sovereignty,” thus characterizes the Jour
nal, that is largely indebted to tie South, for
its prosperity :
“It seems that the Illinois Senator has pub
lished a lengthly article, false in its history
and vicious in its intention, on the territorial
question, in the in tensest of all black repub
lican perodicals, Harper's Monthly Magazine.—
This perodical is rabidly anti-Democratic, so
much so that it is not to be presumed tliat an
essay of a truly democratic character, would be
permitted to find a place in its columns.—
Judge Douglas has, therefore, chosen a fit or
gan for tlie promulgation of his heretical
opinions.”
Tiiis I regard as good authority, coming as
it does, from a northern newspaper. Think of
it Southerners, if you are acting in good faith
to yourselves, and vour children, by extend
ing your patronage to a literature that would
thus insult you. The tnlensest of aiU\ Black Re
publican perodicals, should receive from all the
Southerners, that withering contempt which
such incendianj documents deserve - Extensive
ly patronized in the South, and reared from
its insignificant infancy, by the liberal bestow
al of Southern dollars, it would now, like the
sneaking cur, snap at the hand that proffers it
food ! A journal, meaning the livery of liter
ature, and under this guise, month after
month, promulgating the foulest abolition
sentiments, is no fit companion, for a South
ern fireside, and should he at once expelled.—
count of Col. Akin’s speech in that city :
His criticism of the claims of Gov. Brown
was a triumphant exposition of the systematic
humbuggery by which the latter is seeking to
continue in office lunWelude the people of their
votes. ’ ’
And in Macon, according to his organ here,
he used the following language in spegking of
the Governor:
“But while on the subject of humbugs, con
tinued Col. Akin, he would call attention to
the most consummate humbug of the day—he
meant the management of the State Road by
Gov. Brown aud his Superintendent.”
So, also, in Augusta, last Friday, tlie sensi
tive Akin, so afflicted about “insinuations” af
fecting his own moral character, again pours
out a lilaek torrent of detraction and abuse up
on Gov. Brown. We quote from the Augusta
Constitutionalist;
“It is true that Col. Akin disclaimed any
unkind feeling toward Gov. Brown ; and an
nounced, at the commencement of his speech
that he would treat him with perfect respect
and courtesy. But his whole speech was a vi
olation of his voluntary pledge ; for there
was no portion of it in which there was not
some reflection upon the character or capacity
of his opponent, or some insinuation of un
worthy motives against him. In liis manage
ment of the Western ^Atlantic Railroad, he
was represented as a knave ; in his bank pol
icy, as a demagogue and an ass ; and in his
exercise of the veto power, as an unfeeling
brute. Col. Akin called upon those present
to tell him what Joseph E. Brown had done,
that he should be re-elected Governor of the
State! and because no ODe replied, he assum
ed that Governor Brown had, in the opinion
of his audience, done nothing to entitle him
to re-election. He declared that in his opin
ion, he had done many things which ought to
defeat his 1 e-election ; and proceeded to de
nounce his representation of his management
of the State Road, as one of the veriest hum
bugs and grossest frauds which ever was im
posed upon an honest and unsuspecting peo
ple.”
Thus the indignant Akin, smarting under a
personal insinuation which ought to make
him chary of wounding others, follows suit
with liis organs, and charges Brown with sys
tematic deceit, delusion aud humbuggery. as
recklessly as if he were passing the compli
ments of a line morning. It is an illustra
tion of that depth of prejudice and bigotry
which will not permit a man see an inch be
yond the line of what he conceives to be his
own lights and interests—winch blinds him to
all that is due to his neighbor—and to even-
handed justice—to courtesy aud fair dealing.
It is a spectacle which ought to make angels
weep and men ashamed. It’s a disgrace to
Georgia that politicians cannot canvass this
State decently and without charging tlie Chief
Magistrate with crimes and misdemeanors
which, if they could be proved, would con
sign him to-the Penitentiary.
And who is it that they abuse in this way ?
A man of the simplest and most frugal habits
and tastes—a professing Christian, and one
known to he remarkably punctilious in the
discharge of his religious duties. A man who
at every step of life, from the humblest boy
hood, has marked, his career by a stern and
unbending integrity of character—a lawyer
without blemish—a Judgi against whom caL-
umny never breathed a slander—a Governor
who has manifested a singleness of purpose to
serve the State—a faithful vigilance over her
pecuniary interesis which has won him tlie ti
tle of honest, and long divided even the Op
position itself on the policy of opposing his
re-election ! Such injustice to such a man will
reap its reward from a generous people. It
will raise a storm of indignation which will
teach liis opponents that no amount of grat-
uitious calumny can blacken a life-won repu
tation.—[Telegraph.
‘Woman’s soft hand my infant cradle spread.’
Her gentle love bedecked my bridal bed ;
By woman let my dying hours be nurst—
Her love the last fond solace, as the first.”
!MI -A. 3FL UFL I IBID 7
In Milledgeville, Sept. 1st, by the Rev. W.
Knox, Mr. Sam e O. Franklin, of Tennille,
Washington Co., Ga., to Mrs. Mary E. Fo
garty, of the former place.
On the 18th ult., by the Rev. Wm. Griffin,
Mb. Zack C. Fort to Miss Mary W. Bisuop.
Both of Spalding county.
A bad Beat.
The official returns from all but six counties
from, the recent election for Governor of Ala
bama, stands for Moore 47,400, for Samford
18,097, leaving Moore’s majority 29,303. The
six remaining counties to hear from, will
probably increase this majority some two or
three thousand. Samford’s known pai tiality
for Wise for President, doubtless operated
very much against his success,—much more
than his extreme Southern Rights sentiments.
—Miss. Waskly Nsws.
et as lambs in regard to voting for Brown,
yea, some of them are as vociferous as roaring
lions, in their laudations of Akiu. True, some
are yet faithful to their pledges, and will lo
doubt vote for Gov. Brown, but the great mass
liave gone over to the Opposition, and have
forgotten all their former promises anil pledg
es to vote for Gov. Brown. This should teach
certain Democrats a wholesome lesson. They
see the Opposition making a grand rally to
their standard beaie.. Why should not every
Democrat rally to the standard of Governor
Brown ? We commend (Lis query to the calm
consideration of every Democrat in the State.
We hope none will he found dallying, but
that all will, with one accord, unite in the
support of our ticket, and the whole ticket.
Col. Akin.
Col. Akin is an unfortunate man in his ef
fort to get out ot that fee scrape. He had bet
ter not written that arbitration letter. It
don’t amount to anything. It is a little too
much like “child's play” in its proposals.—
Besides the people will understand it. Col.
Akin is now after votes. But to the point of
tiiis article. Col, Akin says :
“But I wish to have this matter about fees
distinctly understood. Gov. Brown settled
my account for fees, and lie settled the fees of
tlie Hon. A. R. Wright, of Floyd, also. Gov.
Brown paid Judge Wright, who is a good
Democrat and a supporter of the Governor,
$3,000. Now, I am willing to enter into a
bond, for any reasonable sum, to take just one
hall'the amount paid by Gov. Brown to Judge
Weight, according to the service rendered by each of
as. to be decided by three disinterested attor
neys.”
Like Col. Akin, we \vant*“this matter about
fees distinctly understood.” We lfiive en
deavored, in what we have writte n about “this
matter,” to be plain and easy to be “under
stood.” We think we liave been “under
stood.” And, “right here suffer us to re
mark,” as we have sometimes heard preach
ers say, that we have never made a charge
against Warren Akin, that we cannot substan
tiate by reliable testimony. Let others do
what they please, but if we cannot wear him
out with the truth, we will not wear him out at
all. There needs to be no lie told, to induce
the people of Georgia to give Mr. Akin a small
vote. We have been abused and slandered
already, hut we shall not turn out of our way
to notice every scribbler, who, in tlie dark,
essays to stab at us.
We have said that Col. Akin has not fulfill
ed his pledge in the “Kinney case.” We still
say it. If he will deny our charge under his
own name, or authorize a denial, we will add
to the proof already made. We make no
eliarges upon rumor. Mr. Akin, in his late
letter, does not deny what we have charged
in the “Kinney case.” He dare not. Mr.
Akin’s memory is at fault, about Judge
Wright’s fees, just about as much as it is
about the “Kinney c-.ise,” if the papers which
have spoken ior him, have spoken under his
advice. He says, “Gov. Brown settled the
fees of the Hon. A. R. Wright.” Governor
Brown did no such thing, or we are misinform
ed. We liave made inquiry, and have been
informed that “Dr. Phillips has looked ovei
the bills, and finds that Gov. Brown never
paid a cent to Wright. The last bill paid him
was signed by Mr. Spullock and Col. Gauld-
ing. The contract with Wright was made by
Spullock and Gov. Johnson.” So much for
that point. We are of opinion that Col. Akin
has got full as much money out of the State, as
he would have done had he been “a good
Democrat and a supporter of the Governor.”
How now about entering “into a bond for any
reasonable sum, to take just one half the amount
paid by Governor Brown to Judge Wright,
according to the service rendered by each of us" ?—
No doubt Col. Akiu thinks, with Mr. Cooper,
that he is jvorth incomparably more as a lawyer,
than all the rest of the Cherokee bar. Make
your “bond,” Col. Akin. You need no arbi
tration. We will prove that Brown never paid
Wright any fee money, and of course generous
Mr. Akin will hand that $4,760 back to Dr.
Lewis. No, we don’t want that done. .We
won’t take advantage of Mr. Akin's ignorance
of the management of the State Road, al
though Dr. Miller told ns that he was mighty
knotting in State Road matters. We want Col.
Akin to be well paid for his work. The State
is able to pay her servants, and she should be
willing to pay liberally, and her servants should
not want more than a liberal reward. It has
been asked by several papers, lately, why
bring this fee case up now ? Why was it not
done before ? Why wait till Akin wits a can
didate for Governor ? This fee matter has not
f From the Aug. Constitutionalist.]
Col. Harper’s Letter of Acceptance.
Covington, Aug. 22d, 1859.
Gentlemen : I have had the honor to receive
your favor of the 16th inst., dated at Milledge
ville, informing me of my nomination, by the
Democratic Convention of the Seventh District
as a Candidate for the next Congress.
Conscious of no adequate capabilities, for the
discharge of the duties of the trust, which
would devolve upon me in the event ofjelection
—I have asserted no claims ; and I think
may say, have cherished no inordinate ambi
tion for that or any other distinguished post.
There were gentlemen in several portions of
been entirely at rest, up to the nomination of I tlie District, to whom my own mind had re-
Col. Akin, although it had not gotten into the I verted as more worthy of the honor and bet-
papers. Dr. Phillips told ns several weeks
ago, that several months since he proposed to
Gov. Brown to sue Col. Akin for the money
the State had paid out in the “Kinney case”
to get it carried to the Supreme Court, but
Gov. Brown had so far declined to have tlie
matter prosecuted. Dr. Phillips is of the
opinion that Col. Akin ought to refund, i. e
agree with Dr. Phillips. If he is ever sued,
he will have to disgorge. Had Col. Akin
stuck to the Kinney case “to its end,” as his
receipt demands, this matter would have a
very different appearance.
Gov. Brown’s enemies pitched into him un
mercifully on the day of Akin’s nomination,
and have not relaxed. They presented a glass
house candidate, and it was natural and right
to throw rocks at him, where he is vulnera
ble. In his first speech, he handled Governor
Brown roughly, though, from his opening re
marks. we thought he wag going to l>e quitepo-
ter capable of meeting the responsibilities of
that position. Until recent indications mani-
ested themselves of the partiality of friends
at home, and in some other counties, in my
behalf, I was not aware, that there were be
fore me, any prospect of such unmerited dis
tinction.
I shall not say that I am not proud of the
confidence of the Convention, and the people
they represented—or that I am so destitute,
both of a laudable ambition, and the more
laudable sentiment of gratitude, as to be
otherwise than deeply impressed by this mark
of their favor.
In accepting the place thus assigned me,
allow me to say, that I am influenced, more
by another consideration, than by tlie mere
compliment of a nomination, or any calcula
tion of the contingencies of personal success
or defeat. That consideration is the entire
sympathy, which I feel in the objects and
principles of tlie Democratic party ; and the
firm conviction
. _ _ my mind, of the great
hie He ridiculed Gov. Brown’s management j truth, which every day is revealing itself
ot the State Road, following the lead of his j more clearly to the southern mind, and rivet
patron saint, Dr. Miller. \\ e ask no quarters ! ing itself more deeply in the southern heart
for Goy. Brown. Me present him upon his |—-that it is the only party organization, na-
executive merits. Cof. Akin’s friends need j tional or sectional, from which the people, ei-
not be so sensitive. I here will lie an arbitra- \ tlier of the South, or the Union, have anv
hope. 1 do no mean l>y such a remark, to in
timate distrust of the patriotism of other
ail In i n parties. I believe firmly in the pat
boa on the first of next month, and we liojie
Col. Akin will prepare himself beforehand, to
submit gracefully to the verdict of the people.
We rather think he will not be called into the
service of the State, either as Governor or At
torney. for some time to come. Col. Akin
aud his friends have no cause of complaint, at
the way the Democracy have conducted the
canvass so far, unless, like the Irishman in
Court, justice is what they most dread. Col.
Akin and his friends have so far conducted the
canvass with a degree of bitterness, which we
sincerely hope the Democracy will not strive
to emulate. What they have failed to make
out by argument, they have tried to accom
plish by abuse and misrepresentation. Notice
the following, which we clip from the Macon
Telegraph :
‘ ‘In the course of one article of arraignment
riotism of the southern heart' Whatever I
may have believed, of the tendencies of prin
ciples, and political movements, my faith has
never yet wavered in the trust I repose in the
people of the South- I care not how they
may be swayed and driven, by the temporary
winds of passion or of party, how deluded by
false reasoning—how lieguiled or seduced—
there is a principle in the great mass—wliicli
politicians did not implant, and cannot ex
tract—that gravitates ever towards their coun
try’s cause. It is that element—that great
moral attraction, which is at work in the
Southern mind, and which isslowly, but stea
dily, healing our unhappy divisions—remov
ing the obsti actions of herditary prejudices—
in the Chronicle & Sentinel, which we suppose | disrupting rotten organizations, and bringing
will be considered the leading organ of the
Opposition, the Governor of this State is
charged with perjuri/, fraud, falsehood, demagiMj-
ism, heartlessness, jwlilieal corrujMiun and bargain
ing, and is said to he a fit companion of scoundrels.
And such is the extremity of rancor with
which the Governor is pursued by those men,
that even the most unquestionable acts of offi
cial fidelity are preverted into new grounds of
assault and vjllification.” V.
INTER i F.PTED CORRESPONDENCES.
Poudab Springs, Cob conty.
To Mr. Ilulgud, Simsnn, Hammun, Hanlltur and
Kerhune :
i was the gladdest in the wurl, when i got
the dokyment yisterday.
‘i am cartin it will do a power of glide in
this destrick, if i can make the peeple belcav
what itsais, i am afrade thar is sum mystak
abot the mater, tho. Yu kno we told the
peeple yer befuv las that Jonsirg mad nothin
on the stait rode, and now this dokyment you
sent me sais he mad moor than Browne, wliil
evrey buddy sais Browne pais thurty sicks,
dolars in the treesury. evry muntli. was we
mistaking, when we mule, Johson maid nuth-
ing, and was Ben Hil lyin when he was talk
ing about Jonsin and the 25 cense ? or how is
it ? i want to no befer i shows the dokyment
you sent me. so i can ansnr the fellows up
hear when thay begin for to aske me about
the matter.
i sees the papers sai that mr aking sade in
his speach at the Athanaom, that Dr. Luis
was a onest man, that is hurtin us smartly in
this conty, for thay sai if he is onest we had
better keep him whar lie is.
hadn’t yu lletter see mr aking an git him to
tak back what he sade befur it is tu lat.
Rite to me by next male, # nuthin moor at
present.
MILL IRONS.
Forsyth, Monroe Co., I
Sept. 8th, 1859. \
Messrs. Haygood and others, Committee:
Gentlemen.—In pursuance of your request,
I drop you a line in reference to our political
prospects in this county. As for Governor, I
am sorry to say, that while the Democrats are
united to a man, a great many of our own
party will vote for Brown. The idea has
somehow got out that lie has made a good
Executive, and we can’t make the honest old
farmers believe anything else. Tlie $36,000
argument is very strong, and we don’t know
how to meet it. Can’t you send us some doc
uments on this subject ?
Hardeman, our candidate for Congress, is
working like a beaver, and if it were not that
his hands, or rather liis tongue, is “tied up”
on the “English Bill,” he might beat Speer,
the Democratic candidate. The reason why
he can’t say anything about the “English
Bill,” is, tliat we nominated Boh Trippe for
the Senate, in this county, and Bob, you
know, voted tor the “English Bill”—so that
if Hardeman was to pitch into that measure,
Bob’s friends might “pitch into him.”
Ben Hill made us a speech last week, about
four hours long, but I am afraid he done more
harm than good, as he abused Brown, and
praised Johnson—while everybody recollected
how he talked about Johnson two years ago,
our people together, upon common principles,
and under a common flag. Tiiis is not the
work i d a day. Like all great moral and phy
sical developments, it is slow and gradual in
its progress- We may not see its consumma
tion. Hut those who come after us shall.
It was once denied that the South ought to
he united in her party organization. It was
contended, tliat those divisions of the people,
into national organizations, each with a north
ern and southern wing, were necessary to
bind together the Union. But that doctrine
is no longer carried to the extent of requiring
divisions in onr own section. Since those
great questions which affect the rights of the
South, have become the political issues of the
whole country, and the issues upon which the
Republic must survive or perish ; and since
upon these issues, the only tw o great parties
in this government, have arrayed themselves
for the conflict, which must decide tlie fate of
the Union, all men admit, the South should
unite. ’I bis is now in the mouths of all.—
The orator proclaims it—and the press echoes
and prolongs the sound. This itself is a step
onward.
But the g reat question is, how shall we
unite ? and with whom ? upon what princi
ples of policy, and with what party ? That is
the qsestion. It is the question which the
people shall decide. *
As to the inode of uniting the South, which
has been recently adopted, by our Opposision
friends, if they allow me the liberty, I will
suggest that it^can never do. They propose
to unite, in a mostsinglar way. The American
party aband< >ns its original distinctive princi
ples, and uni tes itself with the “Opposition
party.” But who was the Opposition party ?
The Americans. So the Americans have uni
ted with themselves. There is no gain in
that. There may he a loss. But this mode
of uniting is objectionable in another respect.
They have united, not only with nobody hut
themselves, hut they unite expressly in oppo-
sjton to the Democratic party. The opposi
tion principle, is the essential ground upon
which they rally. That precludes the possi
bility of unity of the southern people. If all
the Democrats were to join them, the Opposi
tion party would have to disband. There
would lie no body left here for them to op
pose. So that if they could succeed in unit
ing the South, on their plan, they would be
ruined.
But there is an objection to their plan
which ranges deeper than tliat. When the
South unites, it must bo upon policy—not up
on a wild principle of opposition. This spirit
put them against those great principles of tlie
Democratic policy, which the very object of
uniting the South is to maintain.
And it is the most singular fact, in the his
tory of party movements in Georgia aud the
South, that those who are making war upon
the Democracy, are doing their utmost to ov
erthrow the very measures, and the very prin
ciples, which the South has approved, and up?
on which all parties in Georgia, a few years
ago, did agree. Now, what measures, and
what principles do I refer to ? To those which
constitute tho territorial policy of the gov
ernment- We all know that this branch of
our political economy has assumed an impor
tance which overshadows all other questions,
not only in tlie South, but also in the North.
It is upon this policy, and the issues that have
and his management of the State Road ; *, , . - . ,
It rejoices our hearts to hear such good j ^
news from Fulton; but then you ought not
to be too confident—always remembering that
“eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.”
P. S. I suppose our friends in the 7th Dis
trict, have written to you that the difficulty
between Hill and Kenan has been settled, and
that Hill now has the field to himself.
[communicated.]
Columbus, Ga., |
Sept. 3d, 1859. j
A. A. Gaidding, Esq., Atlanta, Ga.
*My. Dear Sir :—I read your letter of the
31st, ult., asking my opinion in rerard to the
management of the State Road. As I have
passed over it frequently during the present
year, I have no hesitation in saying, that it is
managed as well as it is possible, fora Rc»d to
be managed. I know nothing about the books
of tlie concern, but the monthly payments in-'
to the Treasury, show that much economy
has been used, or such profits could not have
been realized.
I look upon Dr. Lewis, the Superintendant,
in whom almost all the power is placed, as
one of the ablest officers I have ever seen on
any Road. He has great judgment combined
with the most perfect devotion' to the inte
rest of the State. The Road bed, ballasted
with stone in most localities, which was re
quired, is just as good (as it appeared to me)
as it can be made ; moreover, it is more sci
entifically ditched than any oth< r Road, and
the work will endure longer, and keep in per
fect order, to a later period, than upon any
Road, over which I have travelie
I know nothing about the management of
the trains, the machine shops, or the rates of
freights, but his repair-gangs, are well or
ganized, well directed, and employed with
much greater economy, than I have seen them
elsewhere. Upon the whole, as far as the
heavy Iron has been laid down, I do not think
the Road is susceptible of rarther improve
ment.
LeHardy, the chief Engineer, is entitled to
full credit, for his scientific attainments, and
practical usefulness.
I am very respectfully
Yours, &c.,
JOHN H. HOWARD.
flT" Many a true, heart that would have
come back like a dove to the ark, after its
first transgression, has been frightened beyond
recall by the angry look and menace—the
taunt, the savage charity of an unforgiving
spirit.
auization in the free States, which has ac
quired such amazing proportions, has arrayed
itself against the Democracy and the (South.
They threaten to exclude tlie South and her
institutions from the territories by authority
of law.
They propose to possess themselves of the
control of the government, re-model legisla
tion, re-construct tbe judicary, and by the
forms of law, and itsadminstration, to accom
plish a Vandal conquest over the South, in all
the territories. On the other side, stands the
Democratic party, arrayed against them,
maintaining the equality of the States, and
interposing the great principles of non-inter-
veution. the doctrine of Calhoun, the doctrine
ot-tlie Smith, the doctrine established first in
the bills of 1850, for Utah and New Mexico,
and agreed to l.y all parties in tlie South, and
by all gofitl men at the North. Adoctrine re
affirmed in the bills of 1854, which were sanc
tioned by tbe whole South , and finally sub
mitted to the American people by the Cincin
nati Platform of 1856, and ratified by them
over the heads of the Black Republican party
at the North, and the opposition, which ill tlie
meantime had sprung up in the South. Still
these measures are fiercely assailed in the
North, because they give us equality, and
fiercely assailed in the South—why ? Because
they are Democratic.
How strange is the position of opposition
parties, North and South, upon the bills,
which are based upon this doctrine. At the
North, they are opposed by tbe Republican
party, because they are southern measures,
and give us constitutional equality. In the
South the Opposition party oppose the same
measures, u)>on the pretext that they contain
a power of exclusion, which, if they did con
tain, would i ender them acceptable to the Op
position at the North. Thus, by different
routes they seek the same common end, of
overthrowing the Democratic party. And
that too, when tlie southern Op]iosition have
no reason to believe that the overthrow of
that party, will result in their accession to
power—but in the triumph of that dangerous
organization at the North, who would bum
up every city, town and hamlet, in the South,
if they had tlie power.
The polity of the measure in question, we
stiil must defend, even in Georgia. It con
stitutes the true basis of our constitutional
rights and the basis upon which the South
must unite—and will unite when the people
shall overcome the prejudices of party spirit,
and all false construction is tom away. That
have satisfied the Opposition that their objec
tions were false, is a most singular evidence of
the recklessness of partyism. -What a chapt
er in the political history of the times, does
the course of the Opposition in Georgia, upon
these measures, exhibit? They charged, that
there was squatter sovereignty in the bills.—
That the power of the Territorial Legislature,
under these bills, extended to the exclusion of
the South. ■ What clause,in the. hills, did they
allege contained this monstrum horrendum—this
raw head and liloody-bones ? That provision
in the fourteenth .and thirty-second sections of
the Nebraska Kansas acts, which left “the
people thereof perfectly free to regulate their
domestic institutions in their own way—sub
ject only to the Constitution of the United
States.” Ou the clause declaring that the
powers of the Territorial Assembly should ex
tend to all rightful subjects of legislation, sub
ject to the Constitution and the organic act.
Here is where they located the squatter power
to exclude. Now, who does not perceive that
they charged squatter sovereignty to be in tlie
Constitution ? We affirmed, that the Consti
tution would prevent that power. They de
clared that the power was vested in the As
sembly—because “Douglas said so.” Who
does not perceive that thereby they made the
Donglas construction their own? They left
the Southern constructional question, which
was reserved for the. judiciary, and adopted
the worst construction they could find that
they might destroy the bills. And why did
they desire to destroy them ? Because they
thought that the Douglas view was true, and
would govern the Supreme Court—and that
we would really be excluded by it? No! but
because these measures were democratic. That
same spirit of “opposition” exist which now
has thrown off all disguise, and assumed its
true name. But the question has been deci
ded by the judiciary. It has been determined
that the false construction of northern men
and of southern men involved a violation of
the Constitution, to which the powers confer
red, by tlie bills, were expressly made “sub
ject” The construction put upon those very
clauses by southern friends of these measures,
has been vindicated and affirmed, and the cla
mors of southern objectors rebuked. And still
they cry “squatter sovereignty.” They pre
tend, too, of late, to be standing on the Dred
Scott decision. Standing on the decision, ana
re-asserting that the very fallacies which that
case was originated to test and expose ; and
the decision made expressly to condemn.—
How eloquently their favorite orator at their
recent convention, in Atlanta, spoke of “stand
ing upon the Dred Scott decision”—upon “the
law.” When, really that decision, and tliat
law, were upon him. He was the very man,
who had proclaimed, all over Georgia, that
that bill had squatter soveveigety in it—the
power to exclude the South while in the Ter
ritorial status. He would not wait for the
Court to decide it, but decided it himself that
it was so. And when the case is tried, and
the Supreme Court overrules him, and expo
ses his false opinion to the whole world, what
does he do ? He leaps upon the judgment,
and calls it his platform, and invites the Gov
ernor and Democrats, to meet him upon it.—
A cunning hospitality that, which takes a
neighbor’s mutton, and then invites that
neighbor to dine upon it. Suppose these men
had been before the Supreme Court, in the
argument of the ease, and had made the same
speeches, on the question of squatter power,
under the words, “subject to the Constitution
of the United States” that they made in Geor
gia, what side of the case would they have
been on ? And upon whose neck would Rog
er B. Taney have set his foot, when lie said,
in substance, that the power alleged to be in
these bills, could not exist under the Constitu
tion ? But I shall uot go through the chapter
in tiiis letter. The course of the Opposition
on these measures is fresh in the recollection
of the people. They remember how, in the
legislature of 1853-’54, when these bills wero
pending in Congress—every member of both
Houses voted to encourage their adoption.—
They know what they declared would be con
sidered hostility to the rights of the South.—
They know what was declared in Macon, by
the convention of June 1856, to render “all
persons” who partook in it[unfit to be recogni
sed as members of tlie “American party ”—
These things are on record. A change of name
and a shuffling off of tlie alien question, the
only reservation in that Macon resolution,
cannot efface these records.
But what has been the complaint against
the present Executive, in connexion with the
policy of these measures ? They complain that
lie has not carried it out in good faith: They
denounce the hills as free-soil measures, and
quote Douglas to prove it-—and then turn
round and condemn Mr. Buchanan because he
doesn’t carry them out.
But a new clamor is now raised against the
policy established by these measures. The
word” protection is italicised in some of .the
platforms. The idea begins to be insinuated
that the Democratic policy of these measures,
in relation to Territories, refuses to protect
slave property. What definite ground will be
taken on this subject, in Georgia is not yet
apparent. The attack made on this point has
been sonjewhat vague and uncertain. The
object is apparent—it is to make headway in
opposition to Democracy. There is no real
cause in any Territory, for such a cry.
Is it meant by them that these bills or that
policy of non-intervention, as it is called, or
non-interference by Congress with slavery in
the Territories,” withhold the protection of
law from slave property ? If that is the idea,
how do they get over the fact that these acts
extend the Constitution and laws of the Uni
ted States, all not locally inapplicable, over
the Territories; organise Courts aud vest them
with jurisdiction; provide expressly for ap
peals to the Supreme court in slave cases; ex
empting such appeals from pecuniary valua-
tion; provide for the appointment of Judges
by the President, Governors by the President,
Marshals t y tlie President; and that President
bound by the Constitution and by oath to exe
cute faithfully the laws of the United States,
among which are these very organic acts, and
with the whole force of the army at his com
mand to back the execution of law and the
administration of justice in the Territories, if
necessary? The fugitive slave law, moreover,
is expressly extended to the Territories hv the
acts. The legislature of the Territory is em
powered to make more laws, if necessary, and
that power to make more laws is restricted in
the bills by the Constitution, and defined by
theJSupreme Court to embrace protective meas
ures. and to exclude all destructive and inju
rious measures in respect to slave property.—
Thus putting it upon the same footing with
the sacred rights of all other private proper
ty. Indeed, those bills do actually recognise
slave property specifically, and in the appeal
above alluded to, place it upon a better foot
ing than any other property. Aud yet they
are talking about protection.
Do they mean to demand of Congress to re
peal unconstitutional laws, if such should be
enacted by the Territory ? Who but an out
law or au Abolitionist would oppose that ?—
Will anybody say that the doctrine of non-in
tervention or non-interference with slavery in
the Territories by Congress, which Calhoun
spent his life contending for, means to bind
Congress, or the judiciary, to submit passive
ly to the violation of the Constitution, which
ly
they are all sworn to support ? And while the
judiciary remains faithful and|pure, what harm
could unconstitutional legislation against sla
very, by the Territories, do, even if uot ex
pressly repealed ? Would not the judiciary
pronounce them null and void ?
Or do our opponents mean that slavery needs
special slave laws to be enacted by the Con
gress, and “non-interference” prevents such
enactments ? Do they demand a Congres
sional code for slave property ? No; they
themselves admit that that is unnecessary.
Mr. B. H. Hill, who is go<xl authority, cer
tainly, with them, says in liis letter to Col-
Dudley, that that is unnecessary. He says,
“property in slaves is in no sense the creature
of municipal laws.” Again, “when a south
ern man emigrates with his slaves to tlie com
mon Territories, by what law is he protected ?
By the Constitution and laws of the United
States, including the remedy for the lecovery
of chattels, and the law for the punishment
of larceny. By the laws of the United States
he who steals my slave in a Territory is guilty
of larceny, and be who convert*} my slave is
liable to me Tu damages, for the reasons in
both cases, the slave is by the law of the
same power property of value. The Courts
of the United States" are open in tlie Territo
ries for the administration of these laws. The
slaveholder is not dependent on the Teirito-
tbe clear decisions of the judiciary should not rial legislature for his title, or his remedy.
but is altogether independent of it on both
points, because both are recognised and pro
tected by a Constitution and a law which Ter
ritorial legislatures cannot repeal.” (Then
squatter sovereignty would not be as danger
ous as some statesmen think): “The na
tional flag is the slaveholder’s power and pro
tection wherever it floats.” I may Odd that
“aliens” and “squatters” lioth combined,
couldn’t whip it- Could even v “Douglas”
whip that flag ? Could “unfriendly legisla
tion repeal the irrepealable ? Could “non-
action” by the legislature of the Territory,
or the “non-interference with .slavery in the
Territory by Congress” of the Cincinnati
platform, injure slave property when thus
fortified ? Well may he say: “Where is the
ground for difference of opinion between
southern men ?” “Will not the laws satisfy
us all?” And surely if these things be true,
it is time for the opposition tojeease to oppose
the policy of the measures and the party which
has resulted in this consummation. But just
at this point, “when the whole question of
right, power, and duty, in relation to slavery
in the Territories has been settled,” and so
much to the satisfaction of persons heretofore
so discontented on these subjects, the Opposi
tion makes a rally, and even some of those so
well contented with the “settlement,” are
the first to blow the blast of war.
But I forbear, gentlemen. In a letter of
this kind I cannot elaborate these questions. I
shall discuss them before the people of the
district. One measure which is much labor
ed by the Opposition, known I believe, as the
“English swindle,” I shall probably not have
much occasion to defend : in as much as one
of the two gentlemen who contest the field
with me, is on my side of that question, and
will doubtless be sustained in his course in
Congress by the l ,Recorder," an able and en
lightened journal, devoted to the cause of my
respected friend, and now, at least, able to
speak “knowingly” of thgH&easure.
With many thanks to yaOMS^pr the polite
terms of your letter, allot* me to conclude with
the hope that I may be able to bear your Hag
to victory.
Very respectfully, &c.,
Robert G. Harper.
Messrs. D. A. Newson, J. N. Gilmore. E Gum
ming, Wm. A. Jarratt, aud E. S. Griffin.
Gov. Brown. What Lr has done. The Tax.
Poor Children. State Road.
Will the people do justice to a public ser
vant, who has been faithful to their interests,
or will they strike him down in the heat of ’
party conflict ? Will they listen to the voice
of reason or rush madly into error ?
Gov. Brown, who, yesterday, was above re
proach in the eyes of the Opposition ; who
deserved the approbation of the people of
Georgia for his administrative ability: who
was a model Governor and watched his duties
with becoming jealousy, is to-day the author-
of immense humbugs, the poor overseer of a
Railroad, the tyrant in authority, and unwor
thy the chair of State. A decent regard for
consistency and integrity will constrain the
Opposition in many quarters from attacking
the present Chief Magistrate with the viru
lence of party hatred, while many will sup
port him at all eventsand rally to him in the
coming contest.
During Gov. Brown’s administration, it
may be said boastfully, that a third more
children are educated in the State than here
tofore. Last year the school fund for distri
bution was about $30,000. This year it will
be about $140,000- And we speak what we
know when we say, this increase in the amount
appropriated by the Legislature was due
chiefly to tiie recommendation of Gov. Brown
in his message. This is not all. Gov. Brown
has paid all the public debt that falls due
this year, and also $100,000 of bonds that
were not due.
Tlie tax in 1857 was a fraction over nine
cents on the $100. Last year under Gov.
Brown’s administration it was seven and a
half on the $100. This year it is only six
and a half, which is a lower tax than that imposed
upon the people of any State in the Union!
As to the State Road, the ability shown la
the Governor and his agent in its superior man
agement, entitles him to the gratitude of
eveiy Georgian. Let none rob him of that to
which He is entitled. The Itoad is now pay
ing over 10 per cent upon its original cost, in
cash, into the Treasury, clear of all expenses
and repairs. Itis paying 16 per cent upon a
sum as large as it would have cost a companv
to build it. and it is paying in rash into the
State Treasury, about $800 per mile more than
the Central Road, with the aid of its bank, or
than any other Road in Georgia is now paying
to its stockholders. During the nineteen
months of Dr. Lewis’ administration of the
Road, owing to the financial pressure and light
freights of the first half of the time, the gross
incomes have been $25,050 63 less than the
gross incomes of the corresponding nineteen
months of the two proceeding years, but the
working expenses have been $101,824 44 less
than the corresponding months of the proceed
ing years, and net proffits liave been $76,606
81 greater. These facts appear from the books
of the Road. The account stands thus from
1st January 1856 to 31st- July 1857 : The
gross incomes were $1,339,356 38, the work
ing expenses $588,321 38, nJt profits $750,-
035 00. From 1st January 1858, the day
when Dr. Lewis took charge of the Road, to
31st July 1859, the gross incomes are $1,313,-
299 75, working expenses $480,497 94, net
profits $826,801 81. These figures are taken
from a statement carefully prepared by the
book keeper, from the books, and are reliable.
The road has paid into the Treasury since
20th September last $362,000, and will pay
$40,000 this month, making $402,000 this fis
cal year, besides some $24,000 of the bonded
debt, also, building expenses &c.
These figures speak for themselves, and
show that so far as Gov. Brown’s management
of the Road is concerned, that justice herself
will build around him a wall so strong, that
arrows of party spirit and party detraction
cannot reach him. The people of Georgia
will elevate to the Executive Chair, one whose
administration is the synonym of integrity,
and which rises up, like Mount Atlas, while
the storms of prejudice and passion beat at its
brow 1—Col. Times.
Frightening tlie Girls.
Away up in the northern part of Vermont,
says the Knickerbocker, is a primitive sort of
little village, called “The Centre.” Here,
not long since, the rustic youth of the vicinity
congregated for a ‘ ‘dance,’ ’ ‘ ‘and dance they
did,” said our informant “with an unction
unknown to our city belle- and beaux.”
One interesting young man having “imbi
bed” rather too freely became “fatigued ’ in
the course of the evening, and wisely conclu
ded to “retire for a short rest.
A door ajar near the dance-hall revealed, in
vitingly, a glimpse of a comfortable bed, of
which he took possession with a prospect of an
undisturbed “snooze.”
It so happened, howbeit that this was the
ladies withdrawing room, and no sooner had
lie closed his eyes than a pair of blooming
damsels came in from the hall, aud began ad
justing disordered ringlets, the dim light of
the tallow candle not disclosing the ten
ant of the bed- The girls had tongues, like
most of their sex. which ran oiAliis wise ;
‘Wlmt a nice dance we’re having! Have
you heard anything said ab >ut me, Jane?”
“La, yes. Sally! Jim Brown says he nev
er saw you look so handsome as you do to
night. Have you heard anybody say anything
about me ?”
‘About you ? why surtin; I heard Joe Flint
tell Sam Jones that you was the prettiest dress
ed girl iu the room.”
Whereupon the dear things chuckled, “fix
ed up” little more, and made off towards the
ball-room. They had hardly reached the door
when our half-conscious friend raised himself
upon his elbow, and quite intelligibly, though
slowly iuquired ;
‘Ha’ you heard anybody say anything about
me, girls ?’ ’
‘Phausy their plieelinks,” at that juncture!
They fled with an explosive scream.
jy/° The Tampa (Fla.,) Peninsular chroni
cles the death of Mr. George W. Goodwin,
near that city, under most painful circum
stances. His son in law, G. M. Buckley, be
coming enraged at his wife indulged in a ti
rade of abuse, when Goodwin interfened to
make peace. Buckley then ran to the back
of the liouse, and taking deliberate aim
through a craek in the wall, fired the whole
charge, taking effect in the old man’s side.