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Mil e I IK IIOIJ I»l •>**> I'liiun, it xmnuwii, • ojh.ii mid complete, is to take place between ! tin- Douglas mid Ojiposilion parties and a | , neu ticket composed from both the existing I their reasoning, like the Scotchman s evi- brazen effrontery ot those who oppose it.— We have passed them by in silence, and let tkets of those parties is to be formed and uii attempt made to carry the State. This coines indirectly to ns from a Douglas man. We cannot vouch for its truth, but are compelled to say that things look very much that way. The proximity of the two Conventions, il«e marvelous amount of sym- putliv which seems to exist between the two parties—the sudden clinnge from hitter de nunciation to sweet conciliation, and their united ellbris against the True Democracy —i/ives tin- oi.a-iirrenee of such an event a high degree of probability. It is not in our power to see how the Opposition can for one moment, countenance such a shamelul compromise of principle. We believe that the masses are actuated by a true devotion to piineiple, :tnd that they will not allow themselves to he entrapped by rtllch a trick. We warn the True Democracy to he on their guard. Let there he no idlers in the catnji. We clip the above from the Macon Exami ner. We have for some time [last, been in clined to the opinion that a strong sympa thy exists between the Douglas and Bell parlies of Georgia. The declaration of C'ol. Bass at Macon, the silence of the Douglas and Bell presses in referem upon the one or the other of the respective chiefs of these two parties, the kind forbear ance exercised hv the Bell orators towards Mr. Douglas, and of the Douglas orators to wards Mr. Bell, all these things point only m one direction, and that is an ultimate fu sion between Douglas' friends and Bell’s friends for the purjiose of defeating Breck inridge in Georgia. No positive arrange ment, we presume, has yet been agreed upon, but the way is evidently ojien for such a result. The programme will not he known, probably to any except the “heads of mes ses," until the fetters have been so strongly riveted upon the feet of the great body of those honest Democrats who have been de coyed into the Douglas cutup, that they can not retrace their steps. By abusive news paper articles, the cry of Disunion, inflamu- torv stump speeches and other devices, the leaders of the Douglas party expect so to prejudice the minds of their followers against Mr Breekim idge, that when the time for the transfer arrives they will be ready to lie carried over, hound hand and foot, to the ranks of the Bell, alias Know Nothing party. The signs of the times are L ~ Ottthnn.r.of' sin'll xhTiTger, and we warn o» Democratic friends who are now in the support of Douglas to beware of the trap which has been set for their political destruction. We say to them, watch the movements of your leaders and retrace your steps before it be too late. Long-winded Correspondence. Notwithstanding the crowded state of our columns, in the middle of a political canvas, it nlfords us pleasure to give all items of news that reach us from every section of the Stale, provided they are not spun out too long. We must reject however long articles, unless they he on some important political subject. We hat e before us now, a com munication giving an account of the exam ination of a private village school, covering seven closely written pages of foolscap. This document is signed by a committee of five—comuiissioneis of the school—and if tliej read it before they attached their sig- natures to it, we must say they arc easily satisfied with spelling, grammar, and so forth. It would he cruet in us to publish the docum ‘ill eeebitini ; and it would be a use less waste ot time in us to rewrite it and put it in good English. We have to decline all '■•’icfl documents; and we h#ipe our corres pondent ■ will,one'- tor all. understand that communications for the Intelligencer must bexW/and to the point, otherwise they will find their way into—the waste-paper basket. Why docs uot Douglas Speak iu the North-west? It is well known to every reading man, that Mr. Douglas's great strength has here tofore been iu the North-Western States.— Once he was powerful in that section of the Union. He has no hopes of carrying a single Southern State—at least if he is a reasonable man, we presume so. In the North-west by vigorous efforts be might carry a few Stales in that region. But his success in every one of those States is rendered extremely doubtful by the divis ions in the Democratic party. Eveu in his own State the contest—to say the least of it, is doubtful, llis jiresenee, his speeches, and other efforts, on his part might avail him something, if he would labor in that political field. But he chooses to spend his time and his efforts in the Southern States, to engage in a warfare upon Mr. Breckin ridge and his supporters. What object, we ask, does lie expect to accomplish liy such a course ? The answer is at hand. He in tends to divide the Democratic vote, and as tar as possible enable Mr Bell to carry the Southern States. Hence the fraternal feel ing which exists between the Douglas and Bell parties. What lie expects to accom plish by this, which can in anywise benefit himself, the Democratic party, or the coun try. we are at a loss to determine. Douglas in Virginia. - \S e learn from our exchanges that Mr. Douglas’s prospects in Virginia, have been materially lessened by the anti-State Bights doctrine be promulgated there, in bis late speeches. Mr. Buchanan carried that State in 1856, by 26,000 majority. It will be difficult for Mr. Douglas to get that number of votes, and if he does not, the State will be safe for Breckinridge and Lane. Cal. Uartrell at Fayetteville. The Hon. L. J. Gartrell. at Fayetteville on Tuesday last, delivered before a large audience, one of the best Breckinridge and Lane speeches of the season. We under stand that lie shook to its foundation the Douglas cause, with those few who advocate it in Fayette comity Pooit Don;las.—Six Douglas electors have declined to serve in Tennessee. Will nobo ly tell Stephen some way of impress ing orators, as they do seamen, in Eng- . land ? dencc lii i’ aiujt, aud out o' .r>’ ither. \ But it is painful to see a man like Mr. i Stephens so blinded by his zeal for his can- ; didate as to lead him into the making of assertions that lie cannot prove by facts.— I In his Augusta speech, a few days ago, lie ; said (according to tire report in the Consti tutionalist, his organ there), that John T. Brady, the Breckinridge candidate for Gov- , ernor of New York, "was one of the most ! earnest defenders ot John Brown,” and that “he made a sympathizing speech for him.” Now, how must tlie* Hon. gentleman fe**l when he sees that statement branded by the j New York press its “a wicked and attroci- I ous falsehood." We are far from thinking that Mr. Stephens would sit down and wilfully concart such a falsehood, but utter ing it (having heard it from some libeller or seen it iu some scandalous print) without having taken the pains to aseertain its false hood, lavs him open to the charge just as to any charges j much as if he li id m m ifacture 1 it. His random statements on Tuesday night with regard to the Dred Scott case will be taken for what they are worth, and that is precisely nothing. Never did we see such a failure in our life—and it was plainly visible that the Hon. gentleman felt accutelv his position, the up-hill character of his task. He spoke for two hours anil a half-—in juring nobody but himself. Every one was tired out at half past ten, when the curtain dropped, and sympathy with the Hon. gentleman on account of the failure was manifest on a few anxious faces. Atlanta Medical and Surgical Journal. The September issue of this valuable Med ical Journal is on our table. It is the first number of the Sixth volume and replete with excellent, matter: of interest to the faculty particularly, and to the general reader also. We see that Drs. Joseph P. Logan, and W. F. Westmoreland have with drawn from its editorial management and that Dr. J. G. Westmoreland is tiie present Editor. We have only to remark that it lias passed from able and skilful hands into hands also able and skilful—the mantle of ' State to secede from the Union, and the corre- VVe coumienu this letter to those who are denonncli Breckidridge as disunions who endorse the proposition dl las to coerce submission to Federal author ity. It is a forcible illustration of the home ly adage, that politics make strange bedfel lows. The letter is copied from the Consti tutionalist & Republic, which paper is now the orgon and defender of Mr. Douglas: MlLI.EDGEVII.LE, Ga., ) Aug. 30, 1851. ) Gentlemen :—1 thank you for your kind and pressing invitation to a barbecue to be given to Col. Robert McMillen, to the South ern Rights candidate for Congress in the 8th district, on the first Tuesday in Septem ber next. But official engagements forbid me the pleasure of its acceptance. Morgan count will he in session at that time. My personal acquaintance with Col. Mc- Milleu is hut limited, but I know him by reputation as a gentleman of high moral worth, brilliant talents; and sound republi can principles. Such men I am pleased to honor, and sincerely trust the great cause whose banner he hears by the united voice of the Southern Rights party of his district may be triumphant. The contest in which the people of Geor gia, in common with her sister slaveholding States, are engaged, is one of vital impor tance. It involves the destiny of the South, and the federative character of our system of government. It is waged upon the' right of a State peaceably to secede from the Un- j ion. The Gubernatorial candidate of the 1 Southern Rights party maintains the affir mative, and the candidate of the submis sion party, the negative of this great que-s- : tion. The one, that the right necessarily results from the reserved sovereignty of the States and the nature of the confederacy; and the other, that it exists only as a right of revolution. The former insists that the general government lias no right to coerce a seceding State; and the latter that such seceding State must depend for the main- j tainance of its position “upon the stout hearts and strong arms of a free people.”— The one unhesitatingly and boldly avows j that if a Southern State were to secede, he 1 would not obey a requisition by the federal government made upon him as the execu tive of Georgia, for troops to force her back into the LTiion ; and the other declares he “would convene the Legislature of the State, ami recommend them’to call a convention of tiic people" to instruct him in an emergency in which the impulses of true Southern heart should he a sufficient guide. The great issue then, I repeat, is the right of a TP ell I eeimu part of his wearing apparel. This remark 1 res- uatned but that if in such an event, the fifteen Southern States should assume to determine in town. And | to the yoting I guilty of the same violation of the laws of the \ country. Even our own brethren of the ; on the extent of their danger, and to q'uietTy I The bold and onen manner with whidTit I press are sometimes guilty of the same eia- ! contended for the principles it avowed. The i<ition ot hiw TIigv tlio pliArflpfpr > ^ ^ ^ olt, unci fis suco to 1)6 punished j Tr __ , I . , , ' m 1 C ar f C,e ; with all the force of the Government. Than i Know-Nothing party was not so much enti- i 01 An 101101 u 1 e cdtzcn, and to protect them- this we can conceive of no doctrine more I tied to our respect, for the reason that they j selves from the chastisement their acts de- ( dangerous to the South. It confounds re Sound tbe Bell And let its swell O’er hill and dell The “Union” platform tell John Bell Esquire of TemKsseg pec table "bid gentleman,” has bee: by a Convention, composed of whigs, know- nothings, free-soilers, and no few abolition- ' ists, as the candidate of that party for the Presidency. The general platform of the party named at tire time of the nomination was “The Constitution, the Union, and the Enforcement of the Laws.” This platform was considered somewhat indefinite, it might mean a great deal, or a very little, just ac cording to the construction put upon it. It was considered a safe a non-eommittal plat form. The Atlanta Tri- Weekly National American, however, has given us an expla nation of its several planks as follows: PLANE Ft it ST. Wilmot Proviso Justly Obnoxious, “A proposition [the proposition to apply the Wilmot Proviso to New Mexico] justly obnoxious citement W thoir speech of which it is a parenthetical sentence ; rigidly enforced, and that every man who TTie^imionoF the United States, by tlie votc^^lon^TiFTm^ section, who is pledged to use all the powers ! “boys of 1840.” That . . , , , .. : » M i\r use (ill IUU powers | Ol iGltb I I | applies more particularly to those who live j of the Government for the destruction of j party now is the Wlii I » fz.lm. \ nJ 41G-. . .. . » zl 1 i t)lD PI nrlvf □ 0 11/1 lxit/xnnntn * l, .. ,.*1. »• ' * »’ 1 ' .1 ... . , j IhUl) HOV> 13 UlC M Util DU1 this practice is not confined the rights and property of the other section, i t ,,„ j- -v 1Q -- — »'•« Old,, to We admired the old Whig party for its allantry, for its devotion to principle, and read v to kill wmca « would be the duty of the Chief; 1 v ! Magistrate to punish with the peaceable , revamp ot the ohl Whig party, to visit upon ; secession ot States from a compact no longer pies for which the old Whig serve, they load themselves with “concealed j s 'Stance to established law, by individuals weapons,” and profess to be any man who may venture them merited punishment. The laws of our State, making “the carrying of concealed weapons a pena that the carrying of weapons openly for defence, is no crime. If some desperado threatens personal violence to another, he has the right to bear arms, to defend his person or his life. The right to bear arms, attempted to carry out their designs by secret movements. But that party was only a The princi- compact no longer [ pies lor which the old Whig party have consistent with the interest or existence of ; contended, have again and again been repu- lts constituents; but it treats the Union as a ■ v i , ,, . . , ,, . offence” have orovided I P er Petual bond, exacting imconditiona 1 sub- ; dlatcd b Y 1,10 American people. Many of ’ piovKit-u | mission f or ever, from a weakerto a stronger | tlle advocates of those principles have lden- sectiou. It strips the States of the chief lit tribute of Sovereignty, to wit: the right to determine when their existence is put to hazard, as to the means necessary to their preservation, and affirms that, while it is legitimate in the people of the North bavin: that it was “justly obnoxious to Mr. Bell. Mr. Bell and “the South" are not synony mous terms. PLANK SECOND. The Flay of the Union must protect our Property in every foot of the Territory. ‘ The Constitution, proprio vigoue, the flag of the Union, protects the citizen in the enjoyment of Ins rights of property of every violates this law will be severely punished, and that the same opinion about such char acters will soon prevail as extensively in our State as it does in South Carolina: “We pass over much that we would be glad, if we could write out fully, that the Judge said, and commence with the first portion of the Penal Code his honor gave in charge, that of carrying concealed weapons. I Hp tlmt this Inw was to crnaivl nirninst. ! obey the orders of their States in opposition to Federal authority. Fraught with' error as this doctrine is, subversive of that constitutional theory, in which alone the rights of the States are to be found, it has, at this moment, and under the circumstances, a bloody significance.— The enemies of the South, in the Northern States, have selected Abraham Lincoln to lead them in the “irrepressible conflict,” which he has proclaimed. Mr. Seward, the most distinguished counsellor of Mr. Lincoln tilled themselves with the Democratic part}'. So with the Know-Nothing Order. Many of the members of that organization having become convinced of its corruptions, and the dangerous tendency of its doctrines, are now fighting in the Democratic ranks. The remnant of the old Whig and Know-No thing parties are now making an effort to keep the fragments of the old Whig and j been charged—with secession, disunion and Know-Nothing parties together by support- j e '. eo lreus, ’ n - The great party to which we ! the Wednesday night, aTtben^ way. General Lane was xfalfiKl upon by a committee of the Volunteers, at the Everett House, and from there proceeded as above mentioned. After the organization of tlm meeting Gen. Lane said: “National Democratic Volunteers, I tliank you for your kind invitation to meet you, and for the cordial greeting with which you received me. Had you convened a public meeting and called upon me for a speech, I shot|p have here stated about: accepting the invitation, for I am averse, considering the Dosition I occupy, as a candidate for Vice- President, to enter actively into the cam paign. I may be permitted, however, on this occasion to make a few brief remarks, and a few only will be necessary after the eloquent addresses you have heard from your chairman. Dr.'Miller, and from Mr. Daniels, Mr. Genet, and Mr. Lawrence.— Gentlemen, we have been charged—John C. Breckinridge and I have been charged—the ticket which you feel jiroud to support ha9 cannot well be questioned or disproved; and ; 0 f jfig unarmed fellow-man, should he have if the question related to a Territory, situa ted as Oregon was when the United States came into possession of it, property in slaves a difficulty with him. He said that honor was “equality.” He said, that he wished the voting men to hear him and that lie was would be entitled to the protection of the sorr y that there were no more to hear him. Elijah has descended upon Elisha—and the Laws and Constitution of the United States. ******r “Whatever the jesuitical doctors of the North may say, the clauses in the Constitu tion relating to the importation of persons under certain limitations and fixing the ba sis of direct taxes and represeutotion in Congress, I affirm; do amount to an express recognition of slavery.” This “plank” is not objectionable, but is tt Bell’s ? We do hope and trust our obli ging, intelligent, courteous, and affable con lative absence of any right, outlie part of _ , * . tire federal government, to fo>-ce such a State * temporary—the Tri- Weekly National Ameri- Salutatory ot the new Editor is one of tbe = back into tljLUnion. It cannot be evaded by '" ‘' ni 'excuse rnTfor qnea&MgE&e fa-T best articles we have in a long time read — ! apw* ot * >-n„ ™ i «*» " 111 excl1 * e us tor questioning me ia .t, ( Under the able management ot Dr. Logan and his colleague, the Medical Journal has made itself a wide-spread reputation as one of the most reliable of its class in the coun try—a reputation which ihe new incumbent will ably maintain. We can confidently recommend it as one of the best—perhaps the leading—medical publication of the ; South. iTS" The billowing named gentlemen have been appointed by the Democratic Ex ecutive Committee ot Georgia sub-electors for the following named counties, iu the 4th ’ Congressional District: THE SENSELESS CL AMOR OF UNION. , , , - . THIS GLORIOUS UNION ! The inteirri- i after * ,ts “PPearance in its columns, but some- tv of the Union is not assailed by the South ern Rights party in Georgia- Its true friends are those who insist upon maintaining the rights resulting from the Sovereignty of the ; States. Its real enemies are those who, from behind it, as a “masked battery,” level their destructive artillery against its strongest out- ])osts, by counselling submission to aggression INJUSTICE and ROBBERY, because, like “a wolf in sheeji’s clothing” they come under the HYPOCRITICAL GARB OF COM PROMISE. Then let a vigilant people look well to the true and only issue involved in the pending campaign—the right of a State peaceably to secede from the Union. I would not, if‘time and sjiace justified, how we are a [“Gradgrind,” and wish to re fer to the documents. On referring to the speech of Mr. Bell on the Compromise Bill, in the United States Senate, on the 5th of July, 1860, where the above “plank” is taken from what do we find ? Do we find the language quoted the lan guage of Mr. Bell ? does it show forth his, Mr. Bell’s, views on the question in the first paragraph—protection1 Let us.-see. We quote from the Appendix to Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, 1st session,*p. 1004: Thus, sir, slavery, jf it goes, into New enter into an argument in favor of the atfii- i Mexico at all must force its way there, inde- Merriwether. Troup Heard Coweta Carroll Campbell.... Fulton DeKalb Cobb Clay Win E. C. Mobley. Jno. A. Speer. ... J. E. Featherston. W. L. Ligon. J. C. Wootton. W. M. Butt. D. Pitman. M. A. Candler. W. R. Phillips. S. S. Fears. mative ot this issue. I believe it is under stood by the people. It has been a cardinal tenet of the republican creed from 1798 down to the present day, maintained by Jefferson and Madison and Macon, Lown des, and Troup, and all the distinguished Statesman of that school, who properly nn- ! spite of the obstructioi s of the local laws, and of the interdict imposed by this bill on the territorial legislature. Still it is conten ded that the South is secured in the full benefit of the doctrine held be some of the He spoke of a distinguished gentleman from \ South Carolina he met in Savannah that had been in the field of honor twice, a man of ; universally recognized bravery, who said to j him if a young man, it mattered not what j jiosition lie might have occupied in society, | nor how much wealth he could boast of, if ■ lie should let it be known in South Carolina i that he carried concealed weapons, his ac quaintance would be cut by all respectable j ! persons, and lie be branded as an outcast i from society, even if he were a Governor’s 1 ; son. He said, that not long since lie read 1 from the writings of DeQuipev of a man by ■ the name of Stewart, a pedestrian, wlio had ; travelled nearly all over the world, among : ’ almost all nations, from the savage to the ! enlightened European, and never carried a weapon in his life. He appealed to the young men to desist from so unnecessary a 1 violation of honor and of law." [Planters Weekly. Hopes of the Bell Ringers. The party which has assumed the above cognomen, seem to have an easy time of it in Georgia. Except, an occasional thrust ! from the Breckinridge party, they have their own way. Bell’s “freesoilistn,” as ex pressed in the resolutions of the Newnan Know-Nothing Convention, in 1859, is ig nored by the supporters ofMr. Douglas, and the only fire upon .Bell and Everett, comes ; from the Brccjjinridge party. This is a | nice state of things. Here, in our own most distinguished champions cj^ts rights, ! midst, are hundreds, we will not say thous ands of men in Georgia, who are sympa- American sentiment which is at once parent and the soul of constitutional liberty. who maintain that the Constitution, propria ion protects the citizen in the enjoyment of his rights of jirojierty of every description recognized as such, iii any of the States, on every sea and and i »®,\^1n%%ovnmnt rfhMSHf ! thizin S with Bell, tliefreesoiler, (accordin to the opinion of the aforesaid Newnai Convention) and Edward Everett, whose l> to tbe projierty of every description recognized as j to the opinion of the aforesaid Newnan Warning to Free Negroes at Ev ansville, Indiana.—The following hand bill ha« been posted up In Evansville, Indi ana : Notice to Free Negroes.—The laws of Indi ana provide that after a certain date no free negro shall emigrate to this State. Other , cities and towns iu Indiana are expelling the negroes from among them, and owing to the laxity exhibited by our authorities and citizens generally, Evansville is being overrun and cursed liy the worst class of this lazy, worthless, drunken, and thieving race, and to such an extent that those who have suffered from their bad conduct are resolved to suffer no longer. This notice, therefore, is given, that at the end of five days from the date hereof, every negro, of either sex, who is not by law entitled to a residence among us, must not be found in the city, else lie will be dealt with in a sum- nary manner by the VIGILANCE COMMITTEE. Evansville, Ind„ Aug. 28, I860. “Private Citizen !”—Judge Linton Ste phens made a speech iu Augusta, a few days ago. in which he very bitterly denounced ; Mr. Cobb for voting for the Wilmot Proviso 1 in 1845 and ’47. lie sjioke, lie said, only as a private citizen, holding no office and de siring none. If uiat be the ease, the fever has but shortly got off, and the cold stage is likely to he of still shorter duration. But to the charge against Mr. Cobb. Mr. Ste phens not only voted for Mr. Cobb for Gov ernor in 1851', aflei that Wilmot Proviso vote, thereby endorsing .Mr. Cobb's past political course, but Mr. Stephens may re member a certain occasion, only five years ago, when he was nominated for Congress at Eatonton, when he sat side by side on the stand with Gov. Cobb, and not'only accept ed Mr. Cobb’s “aid and comfort,” but en dorsed him as a true man, and a worthy poli tical associate. It may be a little unpleasant to Mr. Stephens to recall this little circum stance at this time, hut his late charge against Mr. Cobb is so ungraceful and un generous, after accepting 'Mr. Cobb's ser vices to help him in his Congressional race, that deserves to be reminded of it whenever lie allows his thirst for office to drown the memory of his past kindness.—Federal Un ion. “Left” is Right.—A few days since one of our railroad agents—a better fellow than whom does not “live, move or have his be ing”—received a letter from a gentleman in a neighboring city, inquiring for a trunk which had been misplaced or lost, adding, by way of description, “The trunk has ‘A. B.’ marked on the left end.” Whereupon he received from the agent the following an swer : “After a careful inspection of all the baggage at this depot, aud very mature de liberation thcreujion, we are of the opinion that Iwith ends of your trunk are left ! £3T A younjrlady of Cincinnati, just re turned from Europe, states as a positive fact that an aristocratic Englishman inquir ed of her if Cincinnr ti was a slave State. force it. If the people shaking off the trammels I doefrinc if is said, il *vejl found ex , and if it of party, and spurning the timid counsels ; sliallbe so declared bythe Suprelne Court, of TEMPORISING SUBMISSIONISTS ! will authonzethe introduction olftaverytn- Argument is not needed to elucidate or en- j *, n cv ® 1- y Territory of die Union.' rAnd^ this '■ recor( j on t| (C slavery question, is as bad, or ^ worse than.tliat of Abraham Lincoln, and many of ourSoutliern people think ‘all’s well.’ And who compose this Bell and Everett par ty ! The ground work of the whole fabric of this Bell and Everett party, is Know-No- thingism, how muehsoever, its friends and advocates may try to conceal it. Then in AND SELFISH TRADESMEN in the great mart of POLITICAL BARTERING, to New Mexfi-o. The sounds: eneral doctrine held ujion tl CONSTITUTION To detract from the importance of the is sue in j-.ublic estimation, it is insisted that it is a mere, abstraction—that will be time enough for Georgia to determine it when she shall be called upon to exeicise the right of secession. This is but one of the hundred subterfuges of those who man the “masked battery." The issue is vital. It has not been made by the State of Georgia, nor by the Southern States. It has been forced upon us by federal aggressions. It has been dis tinctly tendered by high authority. It was tendered by Henry Clay in his great speech property in slaves would be entUftgl to the this same organteation you find Tariff men, protection ot the laws and Constitution of i „ . _ ° _ . * _ \ the United States; but the question is more United States Lank men, and every sort of of doubtful and formidable to the interests of; men, who for the last quarter of a century the South,-where it interests of the South, where it is raised in reference to New Mexi co, where there has been an organized socie ty and government tor two ceafftries, and where slavery was prohibited by the local sovereignty before and at the date of the cession to the United States; end where un der that prohibition, slavery had ceased to exist. The Constitution, in its application to this Territory, is expected not merely to have been fighting the Democracy. Yet many of our Democrats in Georgia are giving “aid and comfort” to this Know- Nothing party in disguise, by supporting Douglas instead of Breckinridge. There is no use in blinking the question. Every Democrat in Georgia, be lie native born or foreign born, who supports Sir. Douglas, is bloody close. At such a moment the proclamation of such sentiments by Judge Douglas, (coming immediately after Seward’s Boston speech,) uttered here at the South, and addressed to the citizens of a State whose Executive de clared to General Jackson, that Federal troops should only cross her borders over the bodies of her sons—bv a man from the North, from the neighborhood of Lincoln himself, a candidate for the Presidency, vol- ! untecring his counsel to Lincoln, and, in the i event of his election, his aid to wage war j upon our people and to slay them in battle j as rebels, or hang them in cold blood as ! traitors, if they shall render obed’ence to j State rather than Federal authority, is re pugnant to every sense of right, and merits j from the people of the South, the severest : rebuke. Such a rebuke,"we sincerely hope i will be given the doctrine and its author at the November elections. j James Lyons, Richmond city. John Perkins, Louisiana. Allen S. Izard, South Carolina. H. K. Burgwyn, North Carolina. II, R. Runnels, Texas. Edward Haile, Florida. D. W. Spratt, South Carolina. John Cunningham, South Carolina. R. V. Barksdale, Virginia. George R. Drummond, Virginia. John Miars, “ E. C. Thomas, “ J. G. Keitts, South Carolina. A. R. Blakey, Virginia. John 0. Griffin, Virginia. A. B. Hanegan, South Carolina. Charles Irliy, “ “ F. M. E. Fant, “ “ J. Dantler, “ “ IV. Ederington, “ “ Philip Howerton, Virginia. William H. Terrill, Bath county, Va. N. F. Bowe, Virginia. Robert M. Taylor, Virginia. George M. Bales, “ John W. Street, “ IV. A. Street, “ II. B. Tomlin, Virginia. IVm. Polk, Louisiana. IV. E. Johnson, South Carolina. John Prosser Tabb, Virginia: Miers IV. Fisher, Virginia. Lcland Noel, Mississijijii. Langdon Clteves, South Carolina. IVm. C. Bee, South Carolina. Wharton J. Green, North Carolina. Edward O. Satchel!, of Virginia. George F. Wilkins, Virginia. A. Saltmarsh, Alabama. Jos. A. Graves, Virginia. Thomas B. Lynch. South Carolina. IVm. R. Peck, Louisiana. J. A. Riddick, Virginia. W. A. Selden, Virginia. John A. Selden, Virginia. G. B. Sangeltary, North Carolina. ing Bell and Everett for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States. We regret to be under the necessity of recording the fact, that the fragments of the gallant old Whig party of the South have at last come tfi the predicament, which has long since been predicted that they would come to, and that is the support of men who are known and avowed Freesoilers. The New nan Convention pronounced Mr. Bell a Freesoiler, and no one in this region will deny that Mr. Everett is a Freesoiler dyed in the wool. IVe regret that the “War Horse” ot Troup did not give lii9 old friends and acquaintances a rebuke for their depar ture from the “ancient landmarks” of old fashioned Wliiggery in his late speech in our city. Great Speech of Senator Iverson in Savannah. all belong has been called a disunion party, a secession party. Now, who with any common sense can believe that John C. Breckinridge, the high-toned, gallant and chivalrous Breckinridge, the patriot and statesman, who loves the Union, and who has throughout his life fought so bravely for the Union, and the Constitution—who, I say, can believe that he is a disunionist or a secessionist? My friends, as well might it be said that a fond father desires the dismem berment and bitter conflicts in his family.— One statement would be as reasonable as the other. No: Breckinridge is the best of Union men; and it is a gross libel to charge him with disunion sentiments or designs. No man would sooner lay down his life for the Union than the noble Breckinridge. I know him well, and I say what I know of him. And, as to myself'; why, gentlemen, ray whole life gives the lie to such a charge. No man loves the Union more than I do, and none would go further or do more with in the power of man to perpetuate it. But, my friends, if you would preserve the Union IVe find by the Morning News of the 12th, j you must maintain the Constitution, for they that Senator Iverson addressed the citizens I are inseparable. If von would preserve the . ,,, , . , , : one you must maintain the other. The of Chatham county on Wednesday evening j equa f ity of the states is the principle upon last. The meeting was, according to the re-j which the confederation was formed, upon port of the News, the largest political gath- ! which the Union was made, and without convened in that city since the open- | which there would have been no confedera- 1 tion or Union. enn ing of the present campaign. The synopsis j of the speech in the News is short and to The equality of the States—that is the principle now at issue before the point. Mr. Iverson, among many other : the equality of the States, not partially, not upon “the Compromise bills.” °He said “if : P rotect property in slaves, as in tire case of virtually strengthening Bell, and thereby resistance it attempted by any State, or by : Oiegon befoie there was any xeretse ot p romo t; ni r the cause of Know-Nothingism. ♦ i _*ii i-A i • cnvprPKTntv linnn Mia eninprt. onitSfc’iiV nr t.llP in n the people of any State, he will lift i,f s ; sovereignty upon the subject oneway or the - • - ' other, but to supersede the local laws in force prohibiting slavery when the United States came into possession of it. If the obstructions interposed by these laws were removed, then the principitSfofrrHl^G'O'nsti- tution would be left to their full and fair operation, and the South might look, with voice, his heart anti his arm in the support of the common authority of this govern ment.” Through Mr. IVebster. the Secre tary of State, it has been tendered by the rotton dynasty of the Fillmore administration. For he lias distinctly proclaimed the policy of the Cabinet to be coercion, if any State should attempt secession. This issue, then, is upon us. Shall we not meet it it ? Shall ice ingloriously shrink from its derision f It is true, that to past aggressions, Georgia has determined to offer no resistance. But the right to resist, and to resist peaceably, without the terror of lederal bayonets, slie cannot yield; and now slie is called upon to make the decision. Let her meet it with firmness and unanimity. IYhosoever oberces the signs of the times cannot fail to see that the RIGHT OF SE CESSION will probably at no distant day, ASSUME THE FORM AND MAGNI TUDE OF PRACTICAL IMPORTANCE. The South is in a permanent minority in our Federal Legislature. The tone of Northern fanaticism abates not in its frenzy and inso lence ! It presses on rapidly to the consumma tion of its diabolical designs. And what check has the progrees? Hare we any under the es tablished rules of p>ir'iamcntary laic.’ Can we expect any justice at the hands of the pres ent Freesoil Executive and his cabinet.’ Can we effect anything by argument, and apjieals to the reason of our NORTHERN OPPRES SORS? CAN WE OBTAIN SHELTER UNDER THE BROAD SHIELD OF THE CONSTITUTION? NO! All these are im potent as pack thread to restrain an IRRE SPONSIBLE AND FANATICAL MA JORITY. What, then, are we to do? I say let us bear to the last point of endurance but let us never proclaim, through the bal lot' that insurgents and. revolutionists. “A Few More of the Same Sort.” Marietta, Ga., Sept. 12th, 1860. Messrs. Editors:—For the encouragement of our Breckinridge friends, I herewith send you the result of a recent vote taken on the The Great Eastern to run regularly to New York. By the arrival of the Bohemian from Liv erpool, 31st ult., we find that the Great East ern was to sail for New York on the 17tli inst. England cannot do better with her than engage her regularly in the American traffic. Her passage home, was the shortest ever made across the Atlantic. some confidence, to the protection of slave cars f or President, between Marietta and property in this territory through tbe courts of tbe United States. But, sir, this bill pro poses no such thing. The distinguished Senator from Kentucky himself would not support a proposition to repeal the local laws, nor would any gentleman from the North. The distinguished Senator from Michigan would not vote thus far, to open Cartersville on the 11th inst. The result was as follows: Breckinridge 31 Bell 16 Douglas 3 From this it may be seen that the cause of equal rights and the Constitution, as expoun ded by John C. Breckinridge is upward and A Cap that Fitted. The Albion commented a week ago upon the character of a portion of the American press. It named no names, first, because names were uot needed to point its moral, and secondly, because it desired no contro versy with any particular newspaper upon a truth which unhappily applies to more than one of its American contemporaries. It stated broadly, in plain, set teruis, that tbe I | good things, said : j It was an insult and a mockery to call j the Convention which nominated Mr. Doug las a National Democratic Convention, when only thirteen free-soil States were represent ed in it, and only thirteen out of the one 1 hundred and twenty delegates from the Southern States remained in it. The Soutli- j era delegations who had the firmness and the patriotism to maintain the constitution al rights of the South and the equality of ! the States left the convention, and nomina- nated good and true men upon the platform of principles which had received the sanc tion of all parties in the South and of the true Democracy of the North. He ap proved their course and would stand by their action. Let those who may follow the standard of Douglas in the quagmire of free-soilism and squatter-sovereignty, he would not desert his friends and neighbors —he would stand by those who stood by the rights, interests and honor of the South. * * * * * # •«> It had been claimed by the supporters of Mr. Douglas that he was an especial friend of the South, that he was a better friend to the South than any man in the North, or perhaps in the Union. Had he shown it by liis vote in favor of the application of the Wilmot proviso to the territory acquired from Mexico ? He had voted under instruc tions. Voted under instructions against the South, in violation of the Constitution and his official oath! A true friend of the South and an honorable man would have resigned before casting such a vote. Was lie a friend when he deserted the South and voted with Seward, Hale and Sumner against the admission of Kansas as a slave State ? Is he a friend of the South now while travelling through the country de nouncing the men of the South stirring up discord and hatred, and slandering men as good if not better than himself. The South owed little to such friends. What Stephen said to his Mother.— Sliakspeare gives us, with the happy fore- j sight of the great poet, a graphic descrip tion, in advance, of the stumping peregrina tions and canvassing tour of the peripatetic candidate for the Presidency: “Mother I am sroing to the market place; Chide me no more. I’ll mountebank their loves, Cog their hearts from them, and come home beloved Of all the trades in Rome. Look, I am going; Commend me to'my wife. I’ll return Consul, Or never trust me what my tongue can do IU1 the way of flattery further.” | Coriolancs, Act III., Scene 8d. with any reservation, but in full recognition | of the original compact. In this you will j see that Breckinridge and your humble ser vant are better Union men than those who make the foul charge of disunionism against us, because we are for maintaining the Union upon the principles of the Constitution, strictly and fairly interpreted, and not inter preted in a latitadinarian manner for the purpose of political expediency. Are we not then the best Union men, for the reason that we would maintain it upon the princi ples of the Constitution, while our enemies who make unfounded and base charges against us would destroy the Union by sap ping its very foundations. And now, as to the party which is identified with and sup ports the Breckinridge and Lane ticket.— That party is not a secession or disunion party. I am not here to defend the past his tory of men who may now support this ticket, nor to offer excuses for or explain away charges against individuals; but I maintain that our party is, par excellence, a Union party. If it were not, neither Breck inridge nor I would be identified with it. The disunionists are really those who would sap the foundation of the' Constitution by denying or destroying the equality of the States. Preserve in good faith the original compact of the equality of the States, and the equal rights of the citizens of each of the States in the common Territories, and everywhere else where the flag of these United States floats, and the Union will be preserved to all time, and this great, and glorious country will fill the most-important pages in the history of nations. Let us be just, deal fairly by every portion of this country and by every State of this confede racy, and this family of States will live to gether in harmony for all time to come. Now niy friends, having made these few re- j marks, in response to your flattering reccp- : tion, I thank you again, one and all, and bid I you good night. I The Faith of a Northern Man in the Election of Breckinridge. I All our readers must admire the pluck of j Mr. Kleik, in making the following bets— ; We sincerely hope that they will be taken : up and that Mr. K. may win : i More Bets.—J. R. Kleik, of Cincinnati, j offers to make the following bets: f 1,000 that Breckinridge will carry five i slave States. $1,000 that lie will carry ten slave States. $1,000 that he will carry all the slave Sttitcs We beg pardon of the memory of Corio- j $ 1)0 00 that he wiU ge t more votes in lanus for the comparison, however, which Georgia than Douglas will get in the entire does not hold good in any other respect. j South. The same “poet of all time” gives an an- J c 000 that Douglas will get more votes in * ,. 6 I Boston than in the whole state oi North swer that would have been very appropriate j Carolina. for any citizen, candidate and gentleman ! $1,000 that Douglas will not carry three 31 <A LCtl 1/1 i /uti 1^ ^ 111 |Hulll^ 'Ll IC1 llliil lllL # ^ 9 q. . manner in which the portion of the press called on to imitate tlie practice of thedema- ■ Btate s. referred to reported the progress of the Prince of Wales, was simply a disgrace to the door to the extension of slavery, though onwa {. d K -. ep the ball raoti on, Messrs. ! journalism, and regretted that such reports he is willing to maintain the mat us quo ot TCllitnra . in H » o*ln r inn« vietm-v will he nnrs ! should go before tbe British public as an this Territory. Editors, and a glorious victory will be ours if we are but faithful and true to our princi- ‘ gogue: “Rather than fool it so, Let the high office and the honor go To one that would do thus.” It will thus be seen that our eontempora- . pj es and ollr God. All is right here. rv has made a slight mistake, in attributing to Mr. Bell language that he used as show- ; ing forth his own sentiments, when the facts - show the very reverse. Of course our con- j temporary will cheerfully make the cor- reetion when his attention is called to it. The second clause of this “plank” is from another speech of Mr. Bell, on the 6th of July, p. 1106, and strange to say,4t is from the middle of a sentence, making the whole « i “plank” composed of “grabbledJ extracts. We give the passage entire. These examples may show that there are j certain abstract truths' and principles which, however, incontrovertible in themselves, ■ like every other good thing, may be and of ten are misconceived and abused in their I application. It is the business oT'Statesmen Very respectfully, Your ob’t serv’t, W. T. BEALL. [comm cn icated. Editors Intelligencer: You will oblige me by giving the following extract, taken from the Southern Confederacy, a place in your paper: “The position of Stephen A. Douglas upon the subject of popular or squatter sovereign ty is as obnoxious and as dangerous to the interest of the South, as any heresy promul gated by the Black Republican party. In evidence of the character of the press of this country. The occasion called for such a comment upon the want of good breeding in men who, in some sort were public repre- i Beli, in East Florida.— The Elector De- ! clines.—We learn from the Ocala Home Com- ! panion of the 21st that the Bell and Everett sentatives; it come with special propriety i elector of the East declines the position. The from a paper which may he pardoned for j Companion says: Hon. James A. Wiggins being loudly having, in this matter, Some national feel- $1,000 that he will not carry two States. $1,000 that he will not. carry a single State. Telegraphic Dispatches bring to us this morning, from the melancholy scene of the disaster on Lake Erie, news of the death, and recovery of the body, of Herbert In gram, member of Parliament for Boston (England,) and sole proprietor of the Lon don Illustrated News. This gentleman, in 1842, was a typo, his brother-in-law, < Mr. Hr11Amnc T?cvLot*fo o olioniict'c t‘]prIf Tllft ing; and it could give utterance, in such a called for, delivered a short hut eloquent ■ - ■ ■ . , , , rr , ease to a rebuke which, coming from a speec h, in which he stated that he had de- ! T l‘°m as Roberts, a chemistclerk The strictly American journal, would expose it j c fined the nomination of the Bell and Ever- i Pitting the. rlieads together, Macap to invtdioHS reflections. The above is from the Charleston Courier of the- 12th inst. We are sure it speaks the sentiments of every respectable paper in the United States. The reports published in many of the progress of the Prince of Wales are u a disgrace” to the journalism of the ‘•public, is a communication, addressed tobim fact and in truth, upon the subject of slavery, j country. They will hardly be taken, how- by a mcm ber of his own party, and with . the interrogation: ital of some $1,500, started the Illustrated London News, and “Parr’s Life Pills.”—< When each venture became self-supporting, Mr. Roberts took, in Manchester, the pill trade, realizing a handsome fortune, aud Mr. Ingram continued the newrpaper, ma ^ . king not only a fortune, but a position as a In the same paper, says the Quincy Re- membe r of Parliament. ett party of this State, as their candidate for Elector. He did not, however, define his position any farther than to s^y that he would support the candidate lor President who seemed most likely to defeat the Black Republicans. the position of Douglas and Seward is only a technical difference, the adoption of either -box. that we have no 'right to secede, and j to apply them with safety, and to give them : of wllose schemes would lead to the same it if we do secede we are to be regarded the utmost practical influence and effect results. The only difference between -the It never, practical consistent with the existing state of society. never can be true, that our forefathers, in The most beautiful illustration of this senti- the struggle of ’76, fought only to achieve ment, and the most striking example of the that which is the right of serfs—the right of superiority of practical troth over theoretic revolution. They had that under the British axioms in' the formation of government, _ to crown. But they struggled for more—for be fonnd in all history, and one which colonial sovereignty and they won it . claims the special attention of the people of Did they turn round immediately and j tnis country at this moment, was exhibited surrender all they had battled lbr into the j by our ancestors, when, with their ’o’Jrn re- other a covert scoffer. Seward Republicans and the Douglas De mocracy is that the former is bald and de fiant in their positions; whilst the latter at tempt to conceal their true position by tech nicalities, abstractions and sophistical con structions. One is an open enemy; the ever, as the sentiment of the American peo ple on the subject. There Is no class of so ciety without its black sheep and the “press” of the United States has its number—to make the American “press” responsible for heir ill breeding and bad manners would be unfair and un-English. •*Do vou stand upon the Richmond plat- ; form with Breckinridge and Lane, and will vou support them far President and \ ice county, New Jersey, has sent to market President of the L nited States ? the past year, five thous: No Ticket in Florida.—Douglas can’t get an electoral ticket in Florida. Those appointed won’t ser-e. Poor Douglas-!- A 9’tngle farm in Byrain township, Sus- Tersey, has sent to market thousand pounds of but- Don’t grumble at taxes or assesments, says Missouri for Breckinridge.—Missouri, ! tet- ike Georgia requires a majority vote to elect the Presidential electors. Senator _ “Passing Away!”—Three weeks more Green (Breckinridge.) lias just been re-elec- a contemporary, but plant Onions. A lot of will dispose of poor Douglas. Bell’s friends ted by the Legislature to the United States | 170 by 14Q feet will yield 116 bushels, at kept him up a little while, in the South Senate; this indicates that Breckinridge will 50 cents per bushel. This is a homeepa- —now, lives 1 they are fleeing for their own carry the State beyond a doubt.—Federal i thic remedy. Taxes bring tears, so do On- Urdon. ions!