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“u well know pfore the adoption of the __ ies Buchanan and John C'. Breckinridge, in 1856, were pledged to the doctrine of non-intervention bv Con stitution) a citizen might vote . gress with slavery in the Territories.” Mark »t. .. T* l.ntuu.norl tlmt nIt !□ tliaca ** n nn.Intorvontinr* ” UKVIHEII AM) CORUK< TKI). 1 beg pm, iny neighbors, friend-., and old constituents, to* be insured that I feel pro foundly grateful for the cordial welcome you have extended to me. The circumstances under which I appear before you are unusu al; Ido it in obedience to the request of friends whose wishes I have been accustom ed to observe, and if it be an uncommon thing for a person in my position to address assemblages of the people, 1 can only say, I hope to discuss the topics which I shall han dle to-day in a manner not altogether un worthy tin- attitude which I occupy, I shall certainly indulge in no language which, in my opinion, will fall below tin- dignity of political discussion. The condition of my health makes it impossible to extend un voice over this vast assembly, but 1 hope it will become stronger as 1 proceed. I appear before you to-day for tlie purpose rirst, of repelling certain accusations which huve been made against me personally, and industriously disseminated over oilier States; and next, to show that the principles upon which 1 stand are the principles of the Con stitution and the l't ion, (great applause;) and surely, if at an . lime :i justification could be found by any man Ibr addressing the people, in the position I occupy, it will be found in my case. Anonymous writers and wundering orators have chosen to tell the people that I am a disunionist and a traitor to my country, and they declare that the atrocious form in which lmve exhibited that treason makes, by comparison with it, Barr a patriot, and the memory of Arnold respectable. But, fellow-citizens, before 1 eotue to those topics, I desire to make u brief but compre hensive statement in regard to my position in connection with the presidency of toe United States. I have been charged with a premature ambition ; 1 have been charged with intriguing for this nomination; I have been charged with leaping before the wishes of the people, and desiring to thrust myself before them for the highest office in their gill. To all this I answer that it is wholly untrue. 1 have written to nobody for their support. I have conversed with nobody so liciting support. I have intrigued with no body; I have promised nobody. To those statements 1 challenge contradic tion from any human being. (Cheers. A voice, “That’s so, John ) Nay, more; 1 did not seek or desire to be placed before the people for the office of President by any TTOivfcntion or any part of any convention. When I returned io the State of Kentucky in the spring of 1859, and was informed that some partial friends were presenting my name to the public in that connection, and certain editors, whose presence 1 see here, had hoisted my name for the presidency, 1 said to them all, “Friends, I am not in any sense n candidate for the presidency,” and I desire, that my name might be taken down from the head of their eolmns. It was done. A very eminent citizens of the Common wealth of Kentucky was presented by bis friends for that office; 1 wes gratified to see it, and united cordially in presenting him for the suffrage of the American people.**"At no time, in or out of the Stale of Kentucky, did I do nit net or utter a word which would bring my name in conflict with his, or that of auy other eminent American citizen who desired, or whose friends desired for him, that position; and if you have taken the trouble to read the proceedings of the Charles ton Convention, you will remember, when I received the vote of Arkansas, one of my friends rose and requested that the vote might be withdrawn, declaring that I would not al low the use of my name in competition with that of the distinguished Kentuckian to whom 1 have referred. And when that-Convention assembled at Baltimore, my feelings and my conduct were still unchanged. Alter the disruption which took place there, my name, without any soli citation on my part and against my expres sed wishes, was presented to the country for the office of President by a Convention and under circumstances which certainly deser ved the most respectful consideration. No man could he vain enough to anticipate that his name would be placed before the i country; hut having heard that such a tiling j was possible, 1 constantly said that “I did | not. desire to be presented to the American ; Anywhere in the State. It so happened that after the labors of the canvass and the courts I had gone on mr annual hunting trip to the mountains. There was with me a party all the word as it is there, “non-intervention. “I made speeches from the same stand with J. C. Breckinridge, in 1856, when he was „ l did not choose to answer a ques- proclaim in Kentucky, anlRTBl^^^Ssr tion that had been so often responded to, ! deci Iv embodied in the platform of our party. * >l ? t r ®f erred bun *° t * i€ judiciary to a»cer- j it * “He said it bad been charged that* the turn Whether tlie power existed. I believed democratic party intended to employ the j existed; others believed other- Federal Government to propagate slavery, * ^jHj^^e^^cc^to^ dtlFer; agreeu _to mn.it—i mi incuse appianse.j Just here, my friends, 1 want to say a and that it was, federal relation .! (. . BrecKinrtage, in itw,snen ne was , pro . s i averv partv . This, lie advocating Ins own claims to the \ ice Presi- lru „ ^he democratic nartv was of six or eight gentlemen, all of them be- dency, and beard him go the extreme length 1 longing to the whig party; and on the day in favor of popular sovereignty in the Tei of election thev proposed to me that instead ritories.” Then speaking of certain otlie vered a contrivance by which word about the doctrine of non-intervention, 1 the decision might * be eva- which is a Iroitly mixed up with tlie phrases which we thought secure be ; “popular sovereignty” unit “squatter sover- ies. Let us see how it was to eigiity,” with a view to confuse the people. The names of Clay, Webster, and other la tion* a refeTSt' to thirl udiciary; we agreed to abide The opinion of tot Supreme Court was : eminentstatesmen, have been invoked to was not bv tlmir decision,’’ " delivered in 1857. In 1858 Mr. Douglas was sustain this doctrine of territorial power, " „ ‘I think I have shown that uiiuit the noint a candidate for ve-eleotlOU from that State, and the compromises of laid have been to other of going, as i intended, to the nearest voting gentlemen from t he South who had ad- place, some fifteen miles, we should devote dressed the people in the North, he says: “in every one of their speeches they advoca ted squatter sovereignty in its broadest place. _ the day to the chase. If they had voted there would have been six or seven votes cast for Taylor, and but one cast for Cass sense.” and Butler. [Cheers.] I accepted the pro position, and we went hunting, [laughter,] and if every man had done as well as ray- ton open Here, in tlie space ot twelve lines, you have the words “non-intervention," “squat* ter sovereignty,” and “popular sovereignty,” tes He uroceeded to sav that each ffient qf tl }e constitutional question. 1 »’*!>£>“ >! tody he fltme IS pointed out w the right to clenne or exclude property pen- au- W IS entitled toforints constftu Now bear with the while I read a very ! the following language, employed by Mr. ; ding the territorial condition. When did ,, ,1,„ I-.,;' LA,'; little from the opinion of the Supreme Court I Douglas ill discussion with his competitor, Clay ever hold such doctrines? When tion, and enter tlie Union without discrimi- j the opinion ot the Supreme Court u 5 ' nation hv Congres, on account of the allow- tle United States in tlie Dred Scott case, ; , . were such doctrines ever embodied in tlie nnoo or nml.ibirinn of s1.mw.vc Ttencp "if rendered in the spring of 1857, and three “The last question propounded to me by compromise measures of f85Q ? The legis- anceor prohibition at ahiyeiy. Hence, it tll „ tll „ m , Mr. Lincoln is; Can the people of a Terri- tion of %u period shows that non-taterven- ‘ - to apply equally to Con- rritoriat gore mint nt. of that day looked to the liould come into the Un- lie time when the territo- Yct Mr. iiougiasTsays that Congress "never yet passed a law for the protection of am man’s property in a Territory but that “he mustalw-ays rely on the local law.” Qt course I do not doubt that he belieYes.tht statement; but I relieve his truth and jntegri-- ty at the expense of his information, [Laugh ter. A voice, “I wouldn’t oare to be so re lieved.”] Fellow-citizens, the principles I have tried feebly to vindicate here are the princi ples upon which the constitutional demo anything were necessary beyond my word. [A Voice, “None; nothing more needed here.”] Another charge actively circulated through- legislation of the country. [Cheers.] It was non-intervention in respect io slavery bv Congress, and by it* treatin'?, the territo rial legislature, leaving it to the people, when out tlie Southern States, asserts that I was they should form a constitution and become n £ t , jrfJ W)() ^ | )e p ast !)j Tljat question vye agrepcj, ip U;e Kansas bill, to refer to the Supreme Court of the That question was decided, Southern States, called the Tuskegec (Ala- presently in another connection, bama) Republican, and which contains u But I assume that Mr. Douglas, in this letter written by one ol our ow n citizens, in statement, meant to declare that I, in 1856, reference to my public position, and even in , from the same stand with him.advocated the regard to my private affairs. It was written by Hon. George Robertson to a Mr. Alexan der, of Alabama, and is dated August 23d, 1860. I quote so much of it as I desire to comment upon: “J. C. Breckinridge has not been counted here an emancipationist, however much he may have been suspected by some for sym pathy with liis uncle, the Rev. Robert J. Breckinridge. He does not keep house, and owns no slaves^ unless lie retains two that came by liis wife. I know- nothing of the investment in Ohio concerning which you inquire. But we all know here that lie was committed to squatter sovereignty ever since liis nomination in 1856. until finding that Douglas would overwhelm him in tlie North, lie changed liis creed, and, in liis Frankfort speech last January, turned Southerner and advocated protection by congressional inter vention.” As to the part of that letter relating to my personal affairs, I have to say that-1 do not envy the taste or character of a gentle man who would be engaged in writing let ters through the Union touching the private business of his neighbors. Whilst he is in correct in some of those statements, 1 will not merit, the contempt of this audience by j entering into details in regard to my private j affairs. [A voice, “That is manly.’*] That part of the letter which relates to squatter sovereignty will be disposed of i i answering the accusations of other men; but ; 1 am now on the question of emancipation. Observe tlie wording of tlie sentence: “John j C. Breckinridge has not been counted here emancipationist, however much he may have been suspected by some for sompathy with his uncle, Rev. Robert J. Breckinridge,” Now, if there is an individual here, among tlie thousands within tlie sound of my voice, who ever heard or knew of my sympathiz ing with the doctrines advanced by Rev. R. J. Breckinridge, let him now speak, or for ever hold his peace. [Cheers.] And when Hon. George Robertson will produce one I respectable man, in or out of the county of; Fayette, who will say lie believed or sus pected that I was an emancipationist, I will even confess that it was proper to write that letter. [Cheers.] If the gentleman means j that there has always existed between Rev. j Mr. Breckinridge and myself those relations j of cordiality, respect, and affection which arc natural and proper, the insinuation is true. But that is not the purpose of the letter. It j is in connection with the subject of eiuanci- I pation that lie was speaking, and he would . convey tlie impression that I had been stts- j pected of sympathy with my uncle upon tecanoe, and heard my speech, in which j lie*denied I had ftdlllittpq this doctrine of; the territorial power. He sept me a slip I containing liis speech. In tlie same month, ] (October, 1856,) some time before the presi- | dentialelection, in the course of a letter to j him, I said: “ You hare reported me correctly, and thank you for it. “Hands off the whole subject by the Fed eral Government, (except for one or two pro tect ice purposes, mentioned in the Constitu tion)—the equal rights of all sections in common territory, mid the absolute power of each new State to settle the question in its I constitution—these are my doctrines and those of our platform, and, what is more, of j the Constitution. I consider the assault upon me so absurd j as to be unworthy of further notice.” ing of the acqnsition of territory the court; Now, fellow-citizens, to tlie statement of tlie distinguished senator from Illinois, in which he undertakes to proye allegations doctrine that tlie territorial legislature has | the right to exclude slave property pending the territorial condition. I presume he uses all these expressions iu that sense; and, in deed, that is tlie question which has been the whole bone of dispute. Well, fellow-citizens, I have first my owu statement to oppose to that of the distin guished senator. At no time, either before or after tlie passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, did I ever entertain or utter the opinion that a territorial legislature, prior to the for mation of a State constitution, had tlie right to exclude slave property from the common Territories of the Union. No. And no au thentic utterance of mine can be found which sustains that charge. You find it stated in this extract which I Just now read to you, and which I never saw until the other day, an irresponsible statement made by I know not whom, never revised nor seen by me, and as I will show you, against the whole tenor of my public speeches. I have suf fered a good deal by incorre speeches. It would be some respects, since now, graph and the press, ev off by the first impression, of gentlemen iu the East, their speeches before deliv do ~ stand ueiore me people, i uo noi uouui me i t Tinneeanoe competency or desire to be correct of the ' K'toto,, Sen prior gentlemen making reports; hut it may Ire- : eleetion 0 f 1856:—all t.. cjuently happen tram the rapidity of utter- cfms ; s t en t. with each other ance or indistinctness ot delivery that they fail to catch the expressions and,’meaning of the speaker. Indeed, it is wonderful that tlie errors are not greater and more numer ous. I would in this connection request of the reporters to give me an opportunity of revising what is said to-day. Now, fellow-citizens. J will detain you briefly by as clear an exposition as I can make’ of the circumstances under which tlie Kansas-Nebraska bill became a law in 1854. The friends of the measure, North am? South, agreed that the Missouri line should he repealed and the territory opened to set tlement. But there was o»e capital point on which they differed: Southern friends of the bill, and a few from the North, denied that the power existed in Congress or iu a territorial legislature to ex clude any description of property recognized in the States during the territorial condition. Others, and among them Mr. Douglas, held that a territorial legislature might exclude slave property. It was a constitutional question, and they agreed not to make it a subject of legislative dispute; but. to pro- “ But’ as \ye baye before sa.i(|, it w as ac quired by tog Genpral Government, as the representative and trustee of the people of short extracts from the celebrated report made by the Committee of Thirteen, (ol which Mr. Clay was chairman,) which re- shown you, by the court, the suited in the compromise measures of 1850. | year beiore uiis speech was made by Mr. It is calm, lucid, has no (jflPdl’ftP phrases, ; Douglas, in which decision they say neither 1 and its top? is [ike (lip plear and elevated i CQHgres? nor[he iPITiSOTinl [PgisltUto? Ufts ” *' - • - " • VQRgres? no r tnc terfijoridl iPgjswmr-P bus . p»WPl’ to hut tiphr on]y right and ,! duty arp to guard and protect. I have shown you that Mr. Douglas agreed to submit the and representative, the General Government, I constitutional right ot Southern citizens to who in fapt acquired the territory in ques- j bold and enjoy their property in the Terri- .. « « Vj . . . • fnrioa I Iwi mmutiAn muir li.x language w the Supreme Court: “It is high time that the wounds which it lias inflicted should be healed up and clos ed, and that to avoid in all future time the the question ol others the true principle which ought to regu late tlie action of Congress in forming terri X ; tion. and the Government holds it for their j lories. The question may be called “ah- torial goyerumpnta far eaph newly-acquired ‘ common use, until it shall be associated with ! ^lf a Pti yut it js ope (uyojyiug tlje equality i domain is to refrain from all legislation on y/ I . 1 “ T _ . * .. i A* tliO Utotnc /if til to T'llioit o»wl tlwi ttllnl ' it. 1 * • “ the No but position of proceed to say that until the time arrives \vhr*n tlifi Territory is or/mnizeii as a State rv power tution and form of Government. Tlie pow-1 ers of the Government and the rights and! It matters not as to the right to go into the Territories under the Constitution ! The Congress, or tlie territorial legislature, but I to leave the question to be decided by tlie » i‘: 1 7 Vd mS 1 Who’ Si Z ! 7‘ : The Territory being a part of the United | « ami before thepeople. I do not doubt the . h ... TilMjeftino< ,. and finally, mv let- ! Stai Here is the opinion of VVebster, uttered lv affirm, consistent also with my uniform opinions. [A voice. i|Jg.”l j It would li.ot be difficult to accumulate ■ ; testimony on this paint to any extent, but 1 j think I have proved eoneto'siVPjy that the power nypr his pejrsqn or Now you* are talk- i property beyond what that instrument con- } fers, nor lawfully deny any right which it has reserved.” Then, proceeding with the judicial exacti tude : barge is unfounded, and I will* add that this was tlie position held by nearly all the i Southern friends of the “Nebraska bill,” and by a portion of its Northern supporters.— | These were our opinions; and they,were j uttered on all proper occasions; hut we did j not attempt t.q force otiiers to accept them. I We had agreed to rg/'tff the question to the capital point j fimpegt judicial tribunal jii {be Union.— N«i]'^ air tlrn ! [Cheers]’ w . Go to the records of Congress j read the dehatea of tlpd period- The}' will dispel the clouds and dat’kue.ss with wljich a mul titude of words lias obscured this subject.— No historical fact is more certain than that protect! , ,r, rr , , s ... patronage qf (lie QeqpralGovernment. .... it may ho occluded, [Brqlqngiid applause.] ; territorial legislature has a constitution pre- This declaration has never been withdrawn, i scribed by Cougress. They have no power and he asserts to-day that the people of a Ter- j not given bv that Congress. They must ritory may exclude the property of Southern ; act within* the limits of the constitutiou vidcs that no person shall be deprived of life, ,1 liberty, and property without due process of -Aeortuttaotu, , law. And an act of Congress which deprives ' a citizen, of the United States of his liberty | or property, merely because iie came himself or brought, his property into a particular Ter Gentlemen, to answer to the* accusations against me of first lidding and then aban doning this doctrine, and which I have dis proved, I have to say that it is not states- that subject. That is the meaning of that, vide a mode in the hill by which tlie ques tion might be promptly rd'eyped to the Su preme Court of tbs United States for depis- ritqry oftlig United States, and who com- man !u? t m a controve r r f- v on ® mitted no offence against the laws, could < ons t‘tutional point to tlie bupieine Coin t °j hardly IO dignified with the name of due ! cou P f, y> an d_ when toe court lias decided to sec or, _ process of law. ' ' ; tolfltoS 1 JRa, to say. No matter bow it may | subordinate legislutiye aqthofitt’, to see that i wade, wijj trod iqegns tq evade u, if ! against t)je,” ereignty. They are, ifyou so please to de nominate it, in’a state of inchoate govern ment and sovereignty. If we well consider this question upon the ground of our prac tice during the last half century, I think we will find one way of disposing of it. It is our duty to provide for the people of the territory a government to keep the peace, their property, to assign to them of disunion. If they are the principles of the Constitution and the Union; then we are constitutional and Union men. [Cries of “That’s so. v ] Aud yet, for two or three months back, you lnive beard loud and in cessant clamor that I, and those with whom I am connected, are a disunion organization who seek to break up this Confederacy ot States. My friends, 1 hardly know, so* far as it .9 a personal charge against myself, how to answer it. [A voice, “Tell them it’s a lie."] Tlie whole stock-in-trade of many anony mous writers and wandering orators all over tlie country is “disunion,” “disunion.” “This man and his party attempt to break up the union of the States.” You may ap peal to them by reason in vain. You s«v these are tlie principles of the Constitution, as determined by the practice of the Govern ment. The answer is, “disunion." You progress the South insisted on the repeal of the Mis-1 “.Thu powers over person and property of souri line to opun the Territories to com- j winch wo speak are not only not granted to mon colonizat ion from all the States, and ; Congress, but are in express terms denied that when met with the dogma of territori- I an “ al power to exclude her, confident in the i . !' re forbidden to exercise them. Congress itself cannot do this const it ut ionalstrengtii of lwr‘position' she i k >-? '' e .vf nd tl,e power conferred on tlie Fwb i J^usStut tonal ri-di't^ UlCl1 U ma) <1estro - v a - - - - - - - - ’ - 1 — rnment—it will he admitted, we ‘ou^uunionai ngiit. L tliat it could not authorize a terri- . That looks almost as much like higher ; No, It is not for a statesman to point. | and to maintain them i out to a subordinate legislative tribunal some | grow into sufficient it. device, whether it be non-action or unfriend- J population, to be admit offered to test it by the opinion of tlie Su preme Court, and that offer was solemnly mild have been even to he published, the case much. better to write it for the public than as a confidential letter. Don’t you think so ?— [A voice, “Yes.” But. I have other things to consume my time to-day than such “confidential” letters people, hut was content, and more than con-1 as that. [Laughter.] I come to the fact.— letter. Judge Robertson, when called upon to regard to the authent icity of the letter, re- _ . _ plied that it was genuine, but that it was a ion, and all patties were to abide by the de- accepted- 'Ifol tlie acreemen “confidential letter.” [A voice, “Confidential ewion of that august tribunal as a final set- ra . ort ] s of tlie country iid."| I don’t think that mends tlemeijt of the constitutional question. For | Aml ,tow, having Y'imjica eral gov presume ment placed on the tent, with the honors which have been heap ed upon me by my State and country.” And I looked forward with pltasure to the pros pect of serving Kentucky in to the United States for the next six years. (Cries of “Good.") My name, however, was presented, and 1 felt’ that 1 could not retuse to accept the nomination under the circumstances, without abandoning vital principles and betraving my friends. ( Ap plause.) It is said that 1 was not regularly nomina ted, and that an eminent citizen of Illinois was regularly nominated for the Presidency. ........ ,...... » _ „ But this is a question which I have not time against him, [cheers,] because we were re- States; opposite principles ; and just so Tlie only time that the question of emanci pation has been raised in Kentucky, in my day, was in 1849, when we were electing Senate of I delegates to tlie convention to form a new - ' constitution. Then Dr. Breckinridge and ; Mr. Shy were emancipation candidates. I, as a candidate for the legislature, canvassed the county to tlie best of my ability in op position to emancipation, believing the in terests of both races in the Commonwealth would be promoted by the continuance of their present relations, and on that issue, as you know, I was elected. At tlie polls Dr. iiujicated myself and the constitutional democracy Iroip toe j charge of having abandoned the position we j held in 1854—56, I turn upon my accuser and undertake to show that he himself I abandoned toe ligreenjent he solemnly made ■ at the tinje the Kansig:-Nebraska hill passed : the Congress of the United States, [great i applause;] and I do not make myself a wit ! ness against bin) to do it. J will prove it by , . ... , him-- self f\ T oipe, “Good good,” and ap- Now, during the period between the pas- i n ].,„ Pe ] fin. ! * I this purpose, whilst ordinarily an appeal cannot he taken from a U>iTitorhl court to the Supreme Court of the United Statpsj un less the matter in controversy amounts to a thousand dollars, a clause was inserted in the Kansas hill providing that in any case involving the title to a slave an appeal might be taken to the Supremo Court without re gard to tlie value of the amount in contro versy. torial government to exercise them. It could confer nolpower on ant’ local government es- tablishelfby its authority to violate tlie pro visions If the Constitution." Again* ft'ft saints, however, to be supposed that there faa THfference hglwppn property in a law” as some other “higher law” we heard ot further East. [Laughter and applause.] And now, if I was disposed to imitate an the protection their persons and the. security of their property are all regularly provided for, ... u o,„ 0i i n f/ ta f state until they importance., in point oj admitted into the Union as a State upon the same footing with the. origin al States." Do you suppose that Daniel Webster, af ter the opinion of the Supreme Court which 1 have read to you, would have considered it becoming in him, as an American -dates- eminent, but baci example, I might say man, to point out some contrivance or “there is not an honest man in all America, who can deny that when the friends of tlie Kansas bill differed upon the question of the slave and other property,’and ’that, different P^b'C 1 ' Of Congress or a Territory to exclude rules niav be applied to it in expoundin'." the ; pt’qpejity (toying t.fja tei wtoeial eondi- a— -•*. a. ”- nr 7tiie i ,lt to’ “to-' agreed to refer tins constitutional question to the Supreme Court; that Mr. Douglas was a party to this agreement; Constitution ofMip United States. And the laws a id usages of nations, and flic writings of eminent jurists upon the relation of nia sage of that bill and the decision of the Hu preme Court, all persons on each side enter tained their own opinions. We, in the South, held that tin* territorial legislature diq not possess the power. Mr. Douglas and his friend* held that the territorial legisla ture. did possess the “power. Buf In a debate in the Senate of the United States, on the 2d July, 1856, upon a bill to authorize tlie people' of Kansas fo form a j constitution and State government, prepar atory to admission into the Union as a State, when a question arose as to the of tlie Ivansas-Nebraska bil these opinions all were agreed; fst, that the ] agitation on ‘ tlie power ot the action ot the territorial legislature nuisf be Mr. Trumbull offe to discuss to-day, and it lias already been thoroughly exhausted before the people. I refer you to the able letter < f vour’dele- gates from this congressional district; 1 re fer you to the masterly and exhausted speech recently delivered by my noble friend in whose grounds we met. 1 can only say that the convention which assembled at Front Street Theatre, nt Baltimore, in my judg ment, was devoid not only of tin* spirit of justice, but even of the forms of regularity. (Cheers.) Tin* gentleman \\ horn it nomina ted never received the vote required by the rules of the democratic organization. Whole States were excluded and disfranchised in that Convention, not to speak of individuals. The most flagrant acts of injustice were per- ,_ , . ““Ill no* , “c j government. Breckinridge voted against me, and I voted “subject to the ( oustltution of t|)e United {owing amendment, as au additions -• • ■ Y ' States; Vd, that the limitations imposed by j to t i, e i.jjj. the Constitution should be determined by 1 can enlarge the powers of this Government, presenting would it be agaiu under similar circumstan ces. So much for that charge. 1 have seen pamphlets published and cir culated all over the Union for the purpose of proving that I was a know-nothing in the year 1855, in the State of Kentucky. [Laugh ter.] I have no doubt that a very consider able proportion of those listening to me were members of that order; and if there is a man among you who belonged to the order, who ever saw me in one ot your lodges, or who does not know that I was recognized from the beginning as one of the most uncompro mising opponents, let him he good enough to say so now. [A voice, “He ain’t here.”] Wliv ffpntlcmpn T IipIifvp T \v;k gup nfilip “And be it further ergiptcd, 'fhal tlje pro- i or ta tefromthe citizens the rights they have the Mipreme Court; ana,3d, that aU should j v i s * l0 n in the act to — ~ ^—-* r - ~ 4 .. , . , ... organize the acquiesce in the decision when rendered, j of Nebraska and Kansas,''wlijch declares it [Cheers.] ...... to be the true intent and meaning of said Vr* 1 . r. { rrsrnyiii Territories Tfauy say: Lnd if the C.institntion vice by which the territorial legislature ; could violate the constitutional rights of the i States. Not lie ! Nor would Mr. Clay, nor j any of the great and good men who’ illus- | trated the earlier days of vour history.— , [Cheers.] | Why, how is it with these territorial gov ernments? From the beginning they have as subordinate and tempora- attribute of sovereignty.— nd governors, find most of t he 1 pommon fjonujin: and, final- ! other "officers.t re appointed by the Presi- Douglas, notwithstanding the ! dent and Senate, and paid out of the pub- i, -‘Treasury; and even toe daily expenses oi the legislature which they invoke to ex- itories >ney to by tax- of the new doctrine. Take an illustration which has always seemed to me to be conclusive. The theory is, that in the common domain ol the United States tlie States and their citi zens are on a footing of equality and enti tled to the protection of their persons and x - . . - , . . . property. This sounds like a national aud | pass cm to a View of this subject in another constitutional doctrine. Now suppose that aspect of it • * • ’ 11 ' - and let the public draw sions. Fellow-citizens, the serious illness under which I have suffered lor some days makes ree j >t almost impossible forme to address this ' ” ' vast assemblage so as to be fully heard, and renders it necessary that I should be brief. the view taken by myself, I proceed to read two or three extracts from a speech deliver ed by me in the House of Representatives, in 1854, before the bill passed Congress: "We demand that all the citizens of the United States be allowed to enter the eola tions in their own way, subject only to the j . f a H- u . ,--V Constitution of the United States,’’ «us in-; ll . , tei-slatjyc-, tended to, and does, i “ “ “to the people of the full power, at any rial legislature, to mon territory, with tlje Constitution alone j saia Terrto.rv, or to recognize and regulate in their hands. It that instrument protects | p therein.’” * the authority nf the United Sfatps, whether a vessel were going out of tlie port ot Nor- the title the master to his slave in this i earlier part of this opinion, upon a different , v, v, . -- v - 5 * - * point, the right of property in a slave is dis- adjudicated by the Court, qnd do nqt we ex Now gentiemeu, lioq is this question . folk for another port, laden with frefoht and met ? Ifo not tlie constitutional deniocracy having on board also a number of slaves! It property in slaves under our ail, and cannot get beyond State ut special legislation. This ship league from shore, andis in i • * syond the limits of any State. Go've not stgqd upon the Constitution as Can a British pruium' come up and take these slaves froip the dgpk of tlje vessel and sav tout Convention, declaring that it was not National Convention of the real democratic organization. Nearly tlie entire delegations from fifteen Southern States, and the entire delegations from California and Oregon, and large and imposing minorities from other States of the Union, making in whole or in This statement may not be very acceptable idea of the equality of the States under the to some gentlemen within tlie sound of my Constitution, and their common property in voice; hut I do not want to deceive any man. I stand upon my principles, and am willing to avow them without the slightest regard to consequences. [Applause.] Gentlemen, I am represented to this day part delegations from almost two thirds of • as having declared that I would make a pol the States of the Confederacy, denounced ' ’ ‘ ' r an J separated themselves from that ill-star- red body. The result furnishes a striking Warning that the arts of political manage ment an* not always perfect substitutes for truth] and justice. * But after all. the great question is wlial are the principles which ought to commend themselves to the American people, at issue in this canvass. ticu! discrimination between one of my own religious belief and another, and between a native and naturalized citizen. 1 never utter ed such a sentiment. [Loud cheers.] The underlying principle with me was tills—that the condition of citizenship being trace obtained, no question, either of birth or religion, should lie allowed to mingle with political considerations. [Applause.] I deem it only necessary to make these tlie Territories, that, the citizens ot the slav holding States may remove to them with their slaves, ami Ui.it the local legislature cannot rightfully exclude slavery'while in territorial condition; but it is conceded that tlie people may establish or prohibit it when they conn* to exercise the power ot a sovereign State. Oil tlie other hand it is said toc't slavery being in derogation of Common rjgbt. can exist only by foro<* «.{ positive law; aq<J if is denied that the Con te quei j ly, which they had agreed to leave Court. General (’ass says: “The South consider that the C'onstitu- . tion gives them the right of carrying their slaves anywhere in the Territories. Ifthey are right, you can give no power to the ter ritorial legislature to interfere with them. The major part of the North believe that the Constitution secures no such right to the S uil!i. They iwTeve, of course, that tliis power is given to the legislature. I re peat that there is nothing equivocal in the act. Tin* different constructions of it result io the I the duty of guardin owner in his rights.’ Now, lily fellow-' . - . the anxiqns attention anil protecting the best men, engaging the attention of your highest judicial tribunal, debated in the Hen* ' . . . o • i “v-citizens, l eminot conceive ate, in the House ot Representatives, before I see to a speech made by the senator ot a simpler or clearer judicial exposition.— an anxious people who want to know the Illinois, in Petersburg, Va„ he uses the The points of the opinion arc briefly these: truth. ... °’ the Territories have been acquired and are held by_pi lend government as trustee for the St^fe-, aud the citizens of all the States may say they are tin* principles of the (’on stitutiou as determined by the highest judi cial tribunal of the land. The answer is, “disunion!” You may say “we are asserting principles thus sanctioned by means of rea son and the ballot-box, under tlie Coastifo. tion.” And still, the large number of young gentlemen who are engaged ill enlightening the people upon the Qunatitution of the country, by the ringing of hells, with tongues as long and heads as empty as the hulls they ring, shout, “disunion.”' [Prolonged laughter and cheers,] From sources yot more eminent comes the accusation that I, atari! the political organiza tion with which I am connected, are laboring for tlie disruption of the confederacy. I do not reply now to what Mr, Douglas says all over New England, ill Virginia, and wherever he goes, because it may be quite natural for a gentleman who feels as profound a personal interest as be does in pending questions to think that any man who opposes torn must be a disunionist.* [Cheers and laughter.] Indeed by liis declaration, we must be all tlisunion- ists in Kentucky; for be declares that those who assert that the territorial legislature has no power to exclude slave property, aud that Congress should interfere for Its pro tection when necessary, are in effect disun- ionists; and that is what the whole legisla ture and all the people of Kentucky said last. year. [Applause.] Fellow-citizens, even in our oWu §rttc“ J where I certainly thought my chaActer and antecedents were known, one of the oldest and most eminent of our public men has not, indeed, said thill I am a disuuionist, hut in timated that if J am not myself I am con nected with an organization whose hone and body is disunion, I refer to Mr. Crit tenden, and to a speech recently made by him at Louisville. Gentlemen, I have known and admired Mr. Crittenden since I was a boy, He has also known me; towards him and his I have ever cherished, and expect to cherish rela tions of tlie most respectful and cordial esteem. There are reasons I do not care to allude to to public, which, even if 1 had grounds for an opposite course, would prevent any but the most perfect courtesy in reply. After speaking of Mr. Lincoln in terms fully as complimentary as his principles merit, and ol Mr. Douglas in terms of warm eulogy lie conies to speak of his own fellow-citizen in the language fol lowing: “We are no\v left only to compare Mr. Bell with the third candidate who stands in opposition, Mr. Breckinridge. And here again, as in respect to Mr. Douglas, my ob jection is not to the candidate as an individ ual. I should hope that Mr. Breckinridge was not a disunion man. [A voice, “Yes he is.”J He ought not to he. He belongs to a tribe of faithful, devoted Union men—the tribe of Kentuckians. [Great, applause.]— He must have,been seduced away from the path of his duty—far from the path to which all the impulses of his blood ought to carry him if lie lias become a dUu.Uiqurit. But Mr. Breckinridge lias made himself the head of a party, He i> part and parcel of the present purpose of that party* and, as in the case of Mr. Lincoln, we must judge of his public course by the party that lie con sents to represent.” Fellow-citizens, I thank my venerable and distinguished friend fer the lingering hope he yet entertains that I mu not a disuniou- ist. [Laughter and applause.] Like a hu mane lawyer, lie gives me personally the benefit of a doubt, and for tliis, too, J thank him. [Renewed cheers.] As to my con nection with principles or a party which tends in that direction, I may speak of it presently. My object is now to relieve my self, personally, from tlie imputation of being a disunionist, and ill this case.I wouldgreau lr prefer to receive a strong and direct blow than to have it sound as it does, like the re luctant confession of a sorrowful friend. [Applause and laughter.] In passing, I may say in regard to tlie distinguished gentle man associated with me as candidate tor the Vice-Presidency, that his whole life is a re futation oi tlie charge made against him-—- Born in North Carolina, reared in Kentucky long living iu Indiana, more recentiv from far-off Oregon, he lias been in all parts of his country, tried in al], honored iq gif Ha has served his country with high distinction in peace and war, and hears on his person en during memorials of his patriotism and courage. His last act of treason was to add another star to toe galaxy of tlie Union.— [ Loud applause.] When a man is before the people for pub lic trust a great deal depends on his person al character and antecedents. Much then depends on tlie tact whether I am a disun- ionist. (Cries of “You’re not.”} Born with in sight of this spot where we are met, known to many of you for nearly forty years —your representative to the legislature of Kentucky, in tlie Congress of the United States, and other stations of public trust, I invite any one to point to anything in my character or antecedents which would sanc tion such a charge or such an imputation. . lowihg language to toe people of that State: | I may have on eartn to point out an act, to 4 he question should be discussed on the “You have toe same right, under the : disclose an utterance, to reveal a thought of strictest principles of tlie Constitution, di- Constitution, to go and carry your property j r- : -' ’ • , ,, ..... . vested of all prejudice and passion. Yet into the Territories that I have mine. You i max hold anil enjoy thi-ir property in them this is the style of appeal commonly an- have tl until they take on the functions of sovereign- ployed by Mr. Douglas and the most heated your cn ty and are admitted into the Union. of his followers: carrv a Territories, whipl] are likewise the common domain of the Union. [Loud applause,] __ r One other word on tliis general subject, j (Cheers.) I wilfnot degrade the dignity of r from j my declaration on this subject by epithets; fol- | fi ,u I proudly challenge toe bitterest enemy to of mine hostile to the Constitution and ___ ion of the States. (Laud cheers. A voice, ‘He couldn’t do it.”) No, my frien Is, t.ie mm docs n n the same right to carry your slaves, or •attic, or your horses, that I have to ! The chiton ('liters the common territory xvith ttofUnnstiuttion in his hand, and the “You shall not force slavery down the throats of an unwilling people.”’ * consists of an appeal to the carry any property that I possess. When ! or out of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, you get there, you and I stand on a footing of exact equality under the law. You bring . . your property with you subject to the he section of the L nion against cal law’, and I bring mine with me subject to the Lnion. Mr. Douglas the same local law.” But, before 1 proceed further, 1 will group statements here succinctly and pass on, be- base their respective arguments on opposite both parties appeal to tbe Constitution and j viduals in different sections of the Union together and answer a number of personal accusations, some of which had their .origin in the State of Kentucky, and others elso- cause I aiu speaking to assembled thousands who know the injustice of toe charges. But, feUow-citizeus, to come to more ex- w here, by which, through me. it is attempted tended topics. It has been asserted that I, to strike down the organization with which aud the political organization with which I put their owe constructions on it. We are constructions (it that instrument, the hill j necessarily’ brought to that $tali* Qf things, to tterdJP those pow wisely refuses to make a question for judicial There is no power which the Senator from i on any local goverr.ru Illinois can use—no words which be can put into au act of Congress—that will re- . moyt this constitutional doubt until it is no matter how exalted his station or charac ter, who has power enough to connect my name successfully with tlie slightest taint of of (lislnj’alty to toe Constitution and Union of my country. [Applause. A voice, 'No, you’d die first.’] But, fellow-citizen- it iliere la- nothing in construction the subject of legislative flict and properly refers it to toe tribunal created bv the Constitution itself tor the ~ i <-* . . , .,. sometimes admitted that, under Observe, he savs you have the same rtolit r n ° ’ iUl l,llr s ys ter fo slave property stands upon toe under the’ Constitution, to go Sd S less can it authorize a territorial government same footing with other Dronertv The fin- It. , :.- * —* ers. It e-annot confer preme Court of the United States has as I has to } ie j cIla J’ aCt ec or anreceJenu to justify tuis any local government, established by its have shown, decided that under toe Consti- declared preyiously in the Semte ttou^f the aCCUSiU, . <,n : T bHt ‘^bere m the pnncqto-s uutiiorfy, the power to violate the Constitu- tution it stands upoa toe same footing and Constitution carrie’d it there, no power on D . , . it lias the same right to protection, and that earth could take It away. Now, he says Between slave property and other proper- all property alike must be guarded and pro- when you get there. it*is subject to a local tion. upon whicli X stun i.- ii is not pretended that these resolution, .vuic.i relate to tuc acquisition of Cuba, tlie Pacific Railroad the rights of naturalized citizens, *fcc., con-