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Addicm to tlie People of the United States. We Lave been appointed by a convention of citizens of Missouri, mainly representing that por tion of tlio State lying contiguous to the Territo ry of Kansas, to lay before you some suggestions upou atopic which vitally concerns our State, and ‘ •which it is believed, may, to a serious extent, af- I feet the geueral welfare of our country. We propose to discharge this duty by a concise j and candid exposition of facts touching our con- j dition and its bearing upon Kansas, accompanied I with such rejections as the facts naturally sug gest. That portion of Missouri which borders on Kansas contains, as nearly as cau now bo ascer tained, a population of fifty thousand slaves, and J their estimated value, at the prices prevailing i here, is about twenty-five millions of dollars. As j the whole .State contains but about one huudred j thousand slaves, it will be seen that one-half off tin* entire slave population of Missouri is located | in the eighteen counties bordering on Kansas, tiie greater portion of which is separated from that Territory by no natural boundary, and is within a day's ride of the line. This part of our State is distinguished by a uuilorm fertility of soil, a temperate and healthful climate, and a population progressing rapidly iu all tho elements that constitute a prosperous community. Agri culture is in a most flourishing condition, and the towns and villages which have sprung up indicate steady progress towards wealth, refine ment, and commercial importance. Nor have the higher interests of education, religion, and science been neglected; but common schools and respecta ble institutions of a higher grade, and churches of every Chrlstiau denomination, are found in every county. The great staple of this district is hemp, although tobacco and corn, and wheat, are also largely produced. The culture of hemp has been found profitable—more so thau cotton in the South ; and this fact, with the additional ones that almost evory foot of iland within the couu ties alluded to, is wonderfully adapted by nature to its production, in greater quantities and finer qualities, and at smaller cost, than in any other State in the Union ; and that tho climate is such as to permit the growers of this article to reside on their estates, will readily explain and account for the unexampled growth of the country. Al ready it constitutes tho most densely populated portion of our State: audits remarkable fertility of soil and general salubrity ot climate, with the facilities for outlet furnished by a noble river running through its midst, and two great rail roads, destiued soon to traverse its upper and lower borders, will render it, at no distant period, if left undisturbed, ns desirable and flourishing a district as cau be found in the Mississippi val ley. An idea has, to some extent, prevailed abroad, that Missouri contained but a very small slave population, and that the permauence of this insti tution here was threatened by the existence of at least a respectiblo minority of her citizens, ready and anxious to abolish it, and that only a slight external pressure was necessary to accomplish this purpose. We regrot that this opinion has, to some extent, received countenance from the publication and patronage of journals in our commercial me tropolis, evidently aiming at such a result. With out, however, going into any explanation of politi cal parties here, which would be entirely foreign to our purpose, We think it proper to state that tho idea above alluded to is unfounded, and that no respectable party can be found in this State out side of St. Louis, prepared to embark iu any such schemes. Id that city, constituting the great out let of our commerce, us well as that of several other States and Territories, it will not seem sur prising, that its heterogenous population should furnish a foothold for the wildest and most vision ary projects. St. Louis was, however, represented in our conventiou ; and it is not thought unwar rantable to assume that the resolutions adopted by this body have received theco'd’u! approbation of a large and influential porth nos ur citizens.— Other counties besides St. Louis, outside of the dis trict to which our observations have oeen princi pally directed, were also represented by delegates ; and had not the season of the year, the short no tice of its intended session, and tho locality where the convention was held—remote from the centre of the State,—prevented, we doubt not that dele gates from every county in the State would have been iu altoudauee. Indeed, a portion of the Up per Mississippi and Lower Mississippi counties are .as deeply, though less directly, interested in this -question, as any-part of this Mate; aud their citi zens are known toaccord most heartily in the sen timents and actions of Western Missouri. Even in the Southwest part of our State, from the Osage to tiie borders of Arkansas, where there are but few slaves, tiie proceedings of public meetings indi cate the entire aud active sympathy of their peo ple. From the general tone of the public press throughout the State, a similar inference is dedu cible: and. we feel warranted iu asserting, a very general, if not unanimous concurrence in the prin ciples adopted by the Lexington Convention.— Those principles are embodied in a series of reso lutions appended to this address, and which, we are happy to say, were adopted with entire unaui inity by a body representing every shade of politi cal opinion to be found in the interior of our State. These facts are conclusive of the condition of pub lic sentiment in Missouri. The probabilities of change here in reference to the question of slavery are not essentially different from what they are in Tennessee or Virginia, or Kentucky. In relation to numbers, a reference to tho census shows that Missouri contains double the number of Arkansas, nearly double the number of Texas, and about an equal number with Maryland. These facts are stated with a view to a proper understanding of our position in referenco to the settlement of Kansas, and the legitimate and ne cessary interest felt in the progress aud character of that settlement. Previous to the repeal of the Congressional restriction of 1820, by which Missouri was thrown into au isolated position in reference to the question of slavery, and made a solitary ex ception to a general rule, her condition in regard to the territory west of her border, and yet north of the geographical line which Congress had fixed as the terminus of southern institutions, was truly unenviable. With two States on her nothern and eastern border, in many portions of which the Con stitution of the United States, and the fugitive slave law passed in pursuance thereof, were known to be as inefficacious for the protection of our rights iis they would have been iu London or Canada, it was left to the will of Congress, by enforcing the restriction of 1820, to cut Missouri off almost en tirely from all territorial connexion with States having institutions congenial to her own, and with populations ready aud willing to protect and defend them. No alternative was left to that body but to repeal the restriction, and thus leave to the Consti tution and the laws of nature the settlement of our Territories, or, by retaining the restriction, indi rect ly abolish to slavery iu Missouri. If the latter alternative had to be selected, it would lmvo been au ace of charity aud mercy to tho slaveholders ot Missouri to warn them in time of the necessity ol abandoning their homes, or manumitting or selling their slaves—to give them ample time to determine between the sacrifice of fifty niillious of slave prop erty and seventy millions of lauded estate. Direct legislation would have been preferrabie to indirect legislation teuding to the same result; aud the en forcement of the restriction in the settlement ot Kansas was virtually the abolition of slavery in Missouri. But Congress acted more wisely, as wo think, anil with greater fidelity to the Constitution and tho Union. The history of the Kansas-Nebiaska bill is known to the country. It abolished tho geographical line of 39 deg. 30 min., by which the limits of slaverj| ■were restricted, and substituted a constitutional aim just principle, which left to the settlers of the-Ter ritories to adopt such domestic iusitutions as suited themselves. If over there was a principle calculated to commend itseli to all reasonablo[nien,and recom pile all conflicting interests, this would seem to have beou the one. It was the principle ol popular overeignty—the bases upon which our independ ence had been achieved —and it wns*thercfere sup posed to be justly dear to all Americans, of every latitude and every creed. But fanaticism was not satisfied. The abolitionists and their allies moved Heaven aud earth to accomplish its defeat, and al though unsuccessful they did not there despair.— Out voted in Congress, receiving no countenance from tii executive, they retired to another theatre of action, aud strange to say, they prostituted an ancient aud respectable Common wealth—one ot tho old Thirteen—to commence, in her sovereign capaci ty as a State, with tho means and imposing atti tude iucideut to such a position, a crusade against slavery, novel in its character, more alarming in its features, and likely to be more fatal iu its con sequences, than all the* fanatical movements hither to attempted since the appearance of abolitionism as a political party in 1835. They originated and matured a scheme, never before heard of or thought of n this country, the object and effect of which was to evade the principle of the Kansas-Nebraska hill, and, in lieu of non-intervention by Congress, to substitute active intervention by the States. An act of incorporation was passed; a company with a capital of five millions was chartered, and this company was authorized to enlist an army of mer cenary fanatics and transport them to Kansas. Re cruiting officers were stationed in places most like ly to furnish the proper material; premiums were offered for recruits ; the public mind was stimula ted by glowing aud false descriptions of the coun try proposed to.be occupied, and a Hessian band ol mercenaries was thus prepared and forwarded to commence and carry on a war of extermination Against slavery. To cull these people emigrants is a sheer perver sion of language. They are not sent to cultivate the soil, to better their social condition, to add to their individual comforts, or the aggregate wealth of the nation. They do not move from choice or taste, or from any motive affecting, or supposed to affect, themselves or their families. They have none of the marks of tho old pioneers, who cut down the forests of Keutucky.Ohio, aud ludiaua, or levelled the nanebrakes of Tennessee and Missis* kippi, or broke up the plains of Illinois and Mis souri. They are mostly ignorant of agriculture; picked up iu cities or villages, they of course have no experience as framers, and it loft to their unaid ed resources—if not clothed aud fed by the same power which has affected their transportation— they would starve or freeze. They are hirelings an army of hirelings, recruited and shipped iudi rectly by a sovereigu State of thiiftUnion, to make war upou au institution now existing iu tho ter ritory to which they are transplanted, and thence to iuliict a fatal blow upou the resources, the pros perity, and the peace of a neighboring .State.— They are military colonies, planted by a State government to subdue a territory opened to settle ment by Congress, and take exclusive possession thereof. In additiou to that esprit du corps, which of necessity pervades such an organization, they have, iu common, a reckless aud desperate fanatic ism which teaches them that slavery is a sin, and that they are doiug God’s service iu hastening its destruction. They have beou picked aud culled from the ignorant masses, which Old and New England negro philanthropy lims stirred up aud aroused to madness on this topic, aud have beou selected with refereuco to their views on this topic alone. They are men with a single Idea; aud to carry out this they have been instructed aud taught to disregard tho laws of Clod aud man; to consider bloodshed, and arson, aud insurrec tion, destruction of property, or servile war, as the merest trifles, compared with the glory and honor of seducing a single slave from his master, or harboring and protecting the thief who has car ried him off. That such a population would le fatal to the peace and security of the neighboring State of Missouri, aud immediate destruction of such SAVANNAH DOLLAR NEWS owners of slaves as had already moved to the Ter retory of Kansas, is too clear to admit of argument. A horde of our western savages, with avowed pur poses of destruction to the white race, would be less formidable neighbors. Tho colonization of Kansas with a population of this character was a circumstance which aroused I attention and excited alarm among our citizens | here and those who had already emigrated to Kan sas. Gould any other result have been expected '( I Did sensible men at the North —did the Aboll j tionist.s themselves—expect any other ? | Missouri contained, as wo Dave already seen, one hundred thousand slaves, aud their value amount ed to fifty millions of dollars. Had thoso fanatics, J who pronounced slavery an individual siu and a I national curse, ever yet pointed out any decently plausible scheme l>y which it could be removed? j Tho entire revenue of our State, for the ordinary fiscal purposes, scarcely reaches five hundred thou sand dollars, and the abolition of slavery here would involve the the destruction ot productive j capital estimated at fifty millions of dollars, or taxation upou tho people of five niillious of dol lars annually, which Is the legalized interest upon Ibis amount of capital, besides the additional tax which would be necessary to raise a fund to pay oil the debt created. The constitution of Missouri prohibits tho legislature from parsing laws etnau- I cipating slaves witho it i full compensation to their owners; and it is therefore apparent that tenfold tho entire roveuuu of the State would bo I barely sufficient to pay tho interest upon a sum equivalent to the actual in.mey value of the slaves, without providing auy means to extinguish tiie principal which such a del: 1 would create. Weomit, altogether, iu this calculation, the impracticability, aud impolicy, and cruelty, to both races, of lib erating t he slaves here, wito no provision lor their removal, and the additional debt which such re moval would create, equal in all probility to that occasioned by their mere emancipation. It would seem, then, that the merest glance at tho statis tical tabies of our .State, showing its population and revenue, must bavo satisfied the most san guine abolitionist of the futility of bis schemes. — If. tiie iuvestigatiou was pursued further, and our estimate was made to embrace the three millions and a half or slaves now in tho. .southern and southwestern States, and the billions io which our computation must ascend, in order to ascertain their value in isouey, this anti-slavery crusade, which presents itself in a form of open aggression agaiust the white race, without the semblance or pretext of good to that raco for which the aboli tionist professes so much regard, and which stands so much higher iu his affections than his own, is seen to be one of mere folly and wickedness, or, what is perhaps worse, a selfish and sectional strug gle for political power. It is a singular lact, and one worthy of notice In this connection, that va tho history of African slavery up to this time, no government has over yet been known to abolish it which fairly repre sented tho interests aud opinions of the governed. Great Britain, it is true, abolished slavery in Ja maica, but the planteis of Jamaica hsd no poten tial voice in tho British Parliament. The abolition of slavery in New Englaud and iu tbo Middle States can hardly be cited as an exception, since that abrogation was not so much the result of posi tive legislution as it was of natural causes, the uufitness of ciiuiate and product ions to slave labor. It is well known to those familiar with the juris prudence of this couutry and of England, that slavery has been in no’instance created by positive statutory enactment, uor has it been thus abol ished in auy couutry when the popular will was paramount in legislated action. Its existence and mm-cxisteuco appears to depend entirely upon causes beyond lhe reach of governmental action ; and this fact should teach some dependence upon the will of an over-ruling Providence, which works out its ends in a mode and at a time nut always apparent to finite morcale. The history of some of our slaveholding States in relation to efforts of this character, it would seem, ought to be conclusive, at least against those who have no actual interest involved; and whom a proper sense of self-respect, if not of con stitutional obligation, should restrain from pertinent interference. Virginia in 1831, and Ken tucky more recently. were agitated from centre to circumference by a bold and unrestricted discus sion of the subject of emancipation. Upou tiie hustings and in legislative, assemblies, the subject was thoroughly examined, and every project which genius and philanthropy could suggest was inves tigated. Brought forward in the Old Dominion, under the sanction of names venerated and re spected throughout the limits of tiie Common wealth —well known to have been a cherished pro ject of her most distinguished statesmen —favored by tho happening of a then recent servile disturb ance, and patronized by some of the most patriotic and enlightened citizens —the scheme, neverthe less, failed, without a shew of strength or a step in advance towards the object contemplated. The magnitude of the difficulties to be overcome was so great and so obvious as to strike alike the eman cipationists and their adversaries. The result lias been, both iu Virginia and Kentucky, that slavery (to use the language of Ofte of Kentucky's eloquent aud distinguished sous, aud one, too, of the tore most in the work of emancipation) “ has been ac cepted as a permanent part of their social system. Cau st be that there is a destitution of honesty, of intelligence, of patriotism, and piety in slavehold ing States, and that these qualities are alone to be found in Great Britain aud tbe Northern Free States? If not. the conclusion must be, that tho difficulties in the way of such an enterprise exceed all the calculations.*)!’ statesmanship and philo sophy ; and their removal must await the will of that Being whose prerogative it is to make crooked paths straight, aud justify the ways of God to m \Ve have no thought of discussiug the subject of slavery. Viewed in its social, moral, or economical aspect, it is regarded, as tho resolutions of the conventiou declare, as solely and exclusively a matter of State jurisdiction, and, therefore, one which docs nut ooticern the Federal Government, or the States where it dues not exist. YVo have merely adverted to the fact in connection with the recent abolition movements upon Kansas, that amidst all their fierce denunciations of slavery for twenty j'ears past, these fanatics have never yet been able to suggest a plan for its removal, con sistent with the safety ot the white race—saying nothing of constitutional guarantees, Federal aud NStatc. The colonization scheme of Massachusetts, as wo have said, excited alarm in Missouri. Its obvious design was to operate further than the mere pre vention of tho natural expansion of slavery. It was intended to narrow its existiug limits— to destroy all equilibrium of power between the Nor tii aud South, aud leave the slaveholder at the will of a majority, ready to disregard constitu tional obligations, and carry out to their bitter end the mandates of iguoraucc, prejudice, aud bigotry. Its success manifestly involved a radical change in our Federal Government, or its total overthrow. If Kansas could be thus aboiilionized, every additional part of the present public domain hereafter opened to settlement, and every future accession of territory, would bo the subject of sim ilar experiments; and an exploded YVilmot proviso thus virtually enforced throughout an oxteuded domain still claimed as national, aud still bearing on its military ensigns the stars aud stripes of tho Union. Ls the plan was constitutional and legal, it must be conceded that it was skilfully contrived and admirably adapted to its ends. It was also eminently practicable, if no resistance was encoun tered, since the States adopting it contained a surplus population, winch could bo bought up and shipped, whilst the South, whicli had au interest | in resisting, had no such people among her white 1 population. The Rrnsas-Nobraska law, too, which was so extremely hateful to tho fanatics, aud has constituted the principal theme of their recent denunciations, would be a dead letter, both as it regard.- the territories for which it was particularly framed, and us a precedent to Congress tor the opening of other districts for settlement. The old Missouri restriction could have done no more : and thejwholo purpose of tho anti-slavery agitators, both iu and out of Congress, was quietly accom plished. But the scheme foiled, as it deserved to fail; and as the peace, prosperity, aud union of our country, required it should fail. It was a scheme totally at variance with tho genius of our govern ment, both State and Federal, aud with the social institutions which these governments were de signed to protect; and its success would have been as fatal to those who contrived it as it would have been to those intended to be tho victims. The circumstance of novelty is entitled to Its weight in politics as well as law. The abolition ir ruption upon Kausas is without precedent in our history. Seventy-niue years of our national ise have rolled by ; Territory after Territory has beau annexed, or settled, aud added to the galaxy ot States, until from thirteen we have increased to thirty-two; yet it never before entered into the head of any statesman, North or South, to devise a plau of acquiring exclusive occupation to a Ter ritory by State colonization. To Massachusetts belong the honor of its invention, aud we trust she will survive its defeat. But she is not the Mas sachusetts, we must do justice to her past history to say, that she was in the times of her Adamses, her Hancocks, and her YVarrens; nor yet is she where she stood in more receut times, when her YY'ebsters and Choates and Winthrops led the van of her statesmen. Her legislative halls are filled with ruthless fanatics, dead to the past and reck less to the future ; her statute books are polluted with enaetmeuts purporting to annul the laws of Congress, passed iu pursuance aud by reason ot the special requirements of the constitution ; aud her senatorial chairs at YVashington are filled by a rhetorician and a bigot, one ol whom studies to disguise in the drapery of a classic elocution of the most hideous aud treasonable forms of fanaticism, whilst his colleague is pleased to harangue a city rabble witli open aud unadulterated disuuionism, associated with oracles of abolitionism and infidel ity—a melancholy spectacle to the descendants of the compatriots of Benjamin Franklin ! No Southern or slaveholding State has ever at tempted to colonize a Territory. Our public lauds have been left to the occupancy cf such settlers as soil aud climate invited. The South has sent no armies to lore* slave labor upon those who pre-> terred free labor- Kentucky spruug from Virginia as did Tennessee from North Carolina, and Kausas will from Missouri—from contiguity of territory and similarioy of climate. Emigration lias fol lowed tho parallels of latitude, aud will continue to do so unless diverted by such organizations as Emigrant Aid Societies and Kausas Leagues. It has heed said that the citizous ot Massachu setts have an undoubted right to emigrate to Kan-- sas; that this right may bo uxercised individually* or in families, or in larger private associations; and that associated enterprist, uuder the sanction of legislative enactments, is but another and equal lyjustlliable form of emigration. Political actions, like those of Individuals, must be judged by their motives aud effects. Unquestionably, emigration, both individual and collective, from tho free .States to the South, aud cicc versa, train the slave States to tho North, liar’ been progressing troni the foundation of our government to the present day, without comment and without objection. It is not pretended that such emigration, even if fos tered by .State patronage, would be . I legal, or in auy res poet objectionable.. The. wide expanse of the fertile YVest, aud the deserted wastes ,of the sunny South, Invito occupation; and no man,from the southern extremity of Florida to the northern boundary of Missouri, has exer objected to an army grant simply because he was from -he North, aud preferred free labor to Uut of slaves. Upon this subject he is allowed to consult his own taste, convenience, and conscience; aud it is expected that he will permit his neighbors to exercise tbe same privilege But no one can fail to distinguish J between au honest, bonaJidt emigration, prompted by choice or necessity, aud an organized coloniza- I tion with offensive purposes upou the institution of the country proposed to bo settled. Nor can there be any doubt iu which class to place the movemeuts of the Massachusetts Kmigraut Aid Societies uud Kausas Leagues. Their motives have been candidly avowed, and their objects boldly pro claimed throughout the length and breadth of the laud. Were this not the case, it would still bo impossible to mistake them. Why. wo might well iuquirc, if simple emigration was in view, arc these extraordinary efforts confined to tho Terri sory of Kansas’ Is Nebraska, which was opened to settlement by tbe same law, less desireablc,less inviting to northern adveuturers thau Kansas? Are lowa, and YVashington, and Origin, aud Min nesota, and Illinois, and Michigan, filled up with population, their lands all occupied, and furnish ing no room for Massachusetts emigrants? Ik Massachusetts herself overrun with population— obliged to rid herself of paupers whom sbo cannot feed at home ? Ur Is Kansas, as eastern orators have insinuated, a newly discovered paradise—a modern K 1 Dorado, where gold and precious stone cau bo gathered at pleasuro ? or an Arcadia, whr<* naturo is so bountiful os not to need the aid of man, aud fruits and vegetables of every desirable description spontaneously sprung up There can be but oue answer to these questions, and that answer shows conclusively tho spirit and intent of this miscalled and pretended emigration It is an anti-slavery movement. As such, it was or ganized and put in motion by au anti-slavery leg islature; as such, the organized army was equipped in Massachusetts and transported to Kansas; aud as such it was met there and defeated. If furl her illustrations were needed of the ille gality of these movements upon Kansas, we might extend our observations to the probable reception ~l ;l -iuiilar movements upou a State, ll the Mas sachusetts legislature, or that of any other State, have the right to send au army of abolitionists iu to Kausas. they iiavo the same rlgfjt to transport them to Missouri. YVe are not apprised of any pro visions in the constitution or laws of the Slates which, in this respect, distinguish their condition from that of a Territory. YVe have no laws, and wc presume no slaveholding State has, which for bid tho emigration of non-slaveholders. Such laws, If passed, would clearly conflict with the fed eral constitution. The southern and southwestern slaveholdiug .States arc as open to emigration from non-slaveholdinir States as Kausas. They differ only iu the price of land aud the density of popu lation. Lot us suppose, then, that Massachusetts should turn her attention to Texas, and jshould ascertain that the population of that State was nearly divided between those who favored and tho ho who opposed slavery, and that one thousand votes would turn the scale iu favor of emancipa tion, and, acting in accordance with her world wide philanthropy, she should resolve to trans port tho thousand voters necessary to abolish sla very in Texas; how would such a movement be re ceived there ? <r, to reverse the proposition, let it bo supposed that South Carolina, with her large slaveholdiug populatioh, should undertake to transport a . thousand slaveholders to Delaware, with the vi*'W to turn the scale in that State,now uuder stood to be rapidly passing over to the list ot free States: would thegallaut sons of that an cient .State, small as slio is territorially, submit to such interference? Now, the iustitutious us Kau sas arc so much fixed, and as solemnly guaranteed by statute, as those of Delaware or Texas. The laws ol Kansas Territory may be abrogated by suc ceeding legislatures; but so, also, may the laws,and eveu the constitutiouiof Delaware.— Kansas only differs from their condition in her limited resources her small population and her large aniouut of marketable lands. There Is no difference iu principle between tbe cases supposed aud legal iu the one, It is equally so iu the other. They differ only iu point oi practi cability and expediency: tbe one would beau out rage, easily perceived, promptly met, and speedily repelled; the other is disguised uuder the forms of emigration, aud meets with no populous and or ganized community to resent it. YVe are apprised that it is said that the Kansas Legislature were elected by fraud, and constitute no fair represen tation of the opinions of the people of the Terri to ry. This is evidently the excuse of the losing party, to stimulate renewed efforts among their friends at home; but even this is refuted by the record. The Territorial Governor of Kansas, a gen tleman not suspected of or charged with partiality to slavery or its advocates, has solemnly certified, under his official seal, that the statement is false; that a large majority of the legislature were duly and legally elected. Even inlthe districts where. Gov. Reeder set aside the elections tor illegality, the subsequent ret urns of the special elections ordered by him produced the same result, except in a sin gle district. There is, then, no pretext left; and it is apparent that, to send au army ofabolitiouists to Kansas to destroy slavery existing there, and recoguized by her laws, is uo wore to be justified on the part of the Massachusetts Legislature thau it would be to send a like force to Missouri with the like purposes. Tho object might b more easily and safely accomplished in the one case thau other, but in.both cases it Is equally repuguant to every principle of comity, and likely to provepsqually tatai to the harmony and peace of the Union. YY'e conclude, then, that this irruption upen Kansas by Emigrant Aid Societies and Kansas Leagues, under the patronage of the Massachu setts Legislature, is to be regarded in no other light than anew phase of abolitionism, more prac tical in its aims, and therefore ;more dangerous than any form it has yet assumed. Wo have shown itto beat variance with the true tutont of the act of Congress, by which the territory wa3 opened to settlement; at variance with tbe spirit ol the Constitution of the United States, aud with the iustitutious of the territory, already recognized by law; totally destructive of that fellowship and good feeling which should exist among citizens ol confederated States; ruinous to the security, peace,. and prosperity ol a neighboring State; unprece dented in our political annals up to this date, and pregnant w ith the most disastrous conseqAen- os to ibe harmony and stability of the Union. Thus far its purposes have beou defeated; but renewed efforts are threatened: Political conventions at the North and Northwest have declared for the re peal of the Kansas-Nebroska law, and, anticipating a failure iu this direction, are stinulating the an ti-slavery senlimeuts to fresh exertions for abo litionizing Kausas after the Massachusetts fashion YVe havo discharged our duty in declaring the light iu which such demonstration arc viewed here, aud our firm belief of the spirit by which thev will be met. ls civil war and ultimate dis union are desired, a renewal of these efforts will be admirably adapted to such purposes. Missouri has taken her positiou in the resolutions adopted by tlio Loxingtou convention, and from that posi tion she will not be likely to recede. It it> based upon the Constitution; upon justice and equality of rights among the States. YY hat has she done, and what she is still prepared to do, is in self-de fence awl for self-preservation. and trom these du. tics shew ill Hardly be expected to shrink. YVith her everything is at stake—the security of a large slave property, tiie prosperty of her citizens, and their exemption from porpotual agitation and bor der feuds; whilst the emissaries cf abolitiou are pursuing a phantom—au abstraction which, if real ized, coull add nothing to their possession or hap piness, aud would bn productive of decided injury to the race tar whose benefit thity profess to labor. If slavery is an evil, and it is conceded that Congress cannot interfere with it in the States, it is most manifest that its diffusion through anew territory where laud is valueless and labor produc tive, tends greatly to ameliorate the condition of the slaves. Opposition to the extension of slavery is not, then, founded upon any philanthropic views, or upou any love for the slave. It is a mere grasp for political power b eyoftd what the consti tution of the United Staces concedes- and it is so understood by the loaders of the movement. And this additional power is not desired for constitu tional purposes,for the advancement of thegeneral welfare, or the national reputation. For such pur poses tlio majority in the North is already suffi cient. and no future events are likely to diminish it. The slavcbolding States are in a minority, but. so far, a minority which has commanded re spect in the national councils. It has answered, and wo hope will continue to subserve the purpose ol self-protection. Conservative men from other quarters have come up to the rescue when the rights of the South have beeu seriously threat*ned But it is essential to tho purposegftf self-preserva tion that this minority should not be materially weakened; it is essential to the preservation of our present form of government that the slave States should’retaiu sufficient power to rnaße effectual resistance against outward aggression upou au in stitution peculiar to them alonge. Parchment guarantees, as all history shows, avail nothing against an overwhelming public clamor. The fate of the fugitive slave law affords au instructive warning on tho subject, and shows that the most solemn constitutional obligations will be evaded and scorned where popular prejudice resists their execution. The South must rely on herself for protection, and to this end her strength in the Federal Government cannat be safely diminished. If, indeed, it bo true, as public men at the North have declared, and political assemblages hare en dorsed, that a determination has beeu reached in that quarter, to refuse admission to any more slave -States, there is au end to all argument on the sub ject. To reject Kausas or any other Territory from the Union, simply and solely because slavery is re cognised within her limits, would be regarded here, and we presume throughout the South and South west, as an open repudiation of the Constitution—a distinct and unequivocal stop towards a dissolution of the Union. YVe presume it would be so regard ed every where, North and South. Taken iu con nection with the abrogation ot that provision of the Constitution which enforces the rights of the owners of slaves in all the States of the Uniou into which they might escape, which has effected prac ticaly throughout nearly all tho free States, and more formally by solemn legislative actwento iu a portion of them, the rejection of Kansas out account of slavery would he disuuion iu a form of grossest insult to tho sixteen slave .States now compreheud in tho nation. It would boa declaration that slavery was incompatible with republican govern ment, in the fueo of at least two formal recogni tions of its legality, in terms, by the Federal Con stitution. YVe trust that such counsels have not the re motest prospect. o| prevailing in our national legislature, and will not dwell upon the couse mlienee of their adoption. YVo prefer to antici pate a returning fidelity to national obligations, a faithful adherence to the constitutional guaran tees, aud tho consequent prospect- cheering to tho patriot of this and other lauds—of a con tinued and perpetual Union. YVM. B. NAPTON, Chairman. STERLING PRICE, M. OLIVER, S. £l. WOODSON. Unconsciously Lucky.— A gentleman of this city, in looking through his pocket book yesteraay, discovered a lottery ticket, which upon examination proved to be a quarter of the capital prize of $50,000 drawn in Havana in July last. Thinking it had laid dormant long enough, he at once procecdod to oue of our mercantile houses connected with tho Ha vana trade, aud hod it cashed at a moderate discount.- CEirUsUm Mercury. If From the New Orleans Picayune, Sept.29.l JXexv Orleans and the Tribune. We huve had frequent occasion to allude to the almost morbid delight which the people engaged in concocting the New York Tribune newspaper manifested in publishing detrac tory accounts of the moral aud sanitarv char acter and condition of New Orleans. But we do not know that wc have ever met with a more flagrant demonstration 61 this kind on the part of that journal thau that which it made last week, in an article of two columns, under the heading, “New Orleans and its Unwholesomeuess. ’ To attempt the task of arresting the torrent of such persistent fanaticism as that which characterizes the course of ihe New York Tribune, in the pursuit of whatever eud it, for the time has in view, were a vain effort, in deed. Our object at present, is simply to point out some of the errors in fact and iu logic with which 1 the particular article YVe have alluded to auygrabouuds; for surely more of such errors were never compressed within the same space. • The object of of the writer appears to be to discourage immigration to and settlement in this city. The style of his argument corres ponds fitly with its palpable motive. Stripped of its bold assumptions and plausible theories, tested by the rules ol'logic aud common sense, (his audacious production collapses into a miserable effusion of ignorant spite and jea lousy, in which the author does not hesitate to find in the misfortunes of those to whom he happeus to be politically aud socially op posed, the means of gratifying those unworthy motives. There is no topic upon which there lias beeu displayed more stupid speculation than that of the sanitary character of New Orleans. They who, from loug residence, close obser vation and experience, have a right to give au opinion on the subject, are compelled to find themselves contradicted by conceited speculators at a distance, aud. occasionally, by inexperienced aud uninformed theorists, at home. Aud these persons undertake to settle, a priori, questions which have perplex ed the most patient iuvestigatiou of those who have studied the subject, practically, and observantly. This matter of the yellow fever in New Orleans is the pans asinorwn of all ambitious medical theorists and scientific speculators ; aud noue has ever made a more ridiculous baulk in the attempt to cross it than the Tribune editor, in the article before He assumes, as “a conceded fact,” that this city is “ unhealthy, not only at this, but a l seasons j” aud then goes on, singular logican as he is, to undertake the proof of what he calls a “coneeded fact.” Iu this undertaking he has signally failed, for mere assertion is not proof, and it so happens that the facts are all the other way. New Orleans, even with its yellow fever, has been,for several seasons together, as heal thy as.uuy other large commercial city in tbe Union. We refer to the years 1844, ‘45 and ’46, aud the years ol 1848, ’49, ’<.>•>,\ r >l and ’52, during Yvhich periods we feel justified in averring that the ratio ot deaths to the population was not as great us has been that of the cities of New York, Boston and St. Louis. Passing over the unfairness of selecting one locality as containing the elements ot a dis ease which is common under the same cir cumstances, of material lor its operation, &c., to all other localities in the same section of the map, we come to the false assumption of the Tribune, that the geographical position and local construction of New Orleans are such as to superinduce unhealthiness. It tells of our city being surrouuded Yvith swamps, having no sewers and no drainage; of the strangers who visit it being housed in tenements built among swamps, to which it is suggested that they, coming in the winter season, are induced to add dYVellings for themselves to find their own coffins when the summer conies iu ; and a great deal more of such lamentable stufl as this. Now if this were not, as it certainly is, all the grossest assumption on the part of our cotemporary, yyc do not see that it would prove his “conceded fact.” But on this we will not dwell fait her than to say that, so far as we are informed, aud we have paid some attention to the question, exper ience is against the assumptions of the tri bune. The extension of the city towards the swamp has not proved fatal or deleterious,but the reverse ; that section being among the healthiest, and the last to be visited by a prevailing disease. Another position taken by tha writer of the article Yve are noticing, (pimps more particularly than there is auy needs) is in ef fect that New Orleans is rendered ftnhealthy by beiug surrounded by fresh flowing water, and by swamp* of clear aud sYveet water; and by being built on a lower level than the surface of the river, Ac. Now we would like to have the writer tell us and the world * how it is that in the very opposite conditions m other places, presenting different physical aspects and qualities, the “unhealthmeas” the Tribune attributes as specially incidental to New Orleans prevails with even greater virulence than in this city V VV by is it that on the lofty bluffqof Natchez and Vicksburg, or the dry banko on which Mobile is located or the sandy island of Galveston, and in the high aud dry localities of Cuba, the disease the Tribune alludes tc* is always so violent and destructive when it visits either V And Yvhile pondering upon the mode, il there be auy possible, in which to reconcile these facts with the assumptions he has so ignorantly made and so il logically defended, we would ask our cotemporay to examine another and a cognate point. If the locality of New Orleans be such au unhealthy local ity, how does it happen that there is uo local, indigenous diseases here, such as marks and characterises other unhealthy localities throughout the world? Swampy sites in the North and West, we believe he will admit, are usually regarded as being very unwhole some, producing a great variety of fevers, influenzas, consumption, <fcc. We think Yve could name some such that are situated not many miles from the Tribune office. But the the SYvampand low portions of New Orleans produce no such effects as these, uor are any such complaints indigenous here.— The yelloYv fever, Yvhich, as we have already said, and is very well kuoivn, is not a local disease, we of course consider, in this argu ment with the Tribune, au exceptional case; and that excluded we have no such thing as a local disease in New Orleans. But enough for the present on this subject, though time aud spuce would both fail us before we should have said all we might m confutation of the unwarranted position with which we have been dealing; positions of which, iu conclusion, wd are constrained to say that we hardly know whether most to smile over them for the ignorance they dis play, or to despise them in consideration of themotives in which they originated. Agricultural Division of the Patent Office.— Imperial Rice.— A correspondent of the State Department furnishes the folloYV ing extract from Mr. Hue’s journey through the Chinese empire, which was transmitted from that department to the United States Patent office. The correspondent suggests that this rice could readily be obtained by government through its representative in Chiua, and would be a most valuable acquis ition, as it requires* less irrigation than the common article ; “The celebrated Emperor Khang-hi has thus rendered an important service to his country. We find in the curious memoirs written bv that nriruje the following passage ; ‘I was walking/ says the Emperor Khang-hi, ‘on the first day of the sixth moon in some fields where rice Yvits sown, which was not expected to yield its harvest till the ninth.— I happened to notice a rice plant that had al ready come into ear; It rose above all the rest, aud was already ripe. 1 had it gathered aud brought to me ; the grain was very fine and full, and I was induced to keep it for au experiment, and see whether it would on the following year retain its precocity, and in fact it did. All the plants that proceeded from it came into ear before the ordinary time, aud yielded their harvest in the sixth moon. Every year has multiplied the produce of the preceeding aud now for thirty years it has been the rice served on my table. The grain is long and of a reddish color, but of a sweet perfume, aud very pleasant flavor. It. has been named yami, or imperial rice, because it was in my garden that it was first cultivated. It is the only kind that can ripen north of the great wall, where the cold begins very early and ends very late; but in tbe provinces of the South, where the climate is milder, and the soil more fertile, it is easy to obtain two harvests a year from it and it is a sweet consolation for me to have procured this ad vantage to my people. “ The Emperor Khang-hi did render, in fact, an immense service to the population ot Mantchuria by encouraging tho culture of this new kind of rice, which thrives admira bly in dry countries, and has no need, like the the common sort, of perpetual irrigation. It would certainly prosper in Franco, aud it is not the fault of the missionaries if it has not ’ long since heeu ucclimated 4 there. “ While wc were at the missiou iu the cu virous of Psdia, we several times made it our business to send some of it to tho Miuister of Agriculture and Commerce, but we have never heard that auy experiment was tried Yvith it.’,’, •SATURDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1855 Fa 11 of tiie Main Kofi. In 1828-4, when the Spaniards had just wrested their liberties from the treacherous Ferdinand VIII, and Yvere about to be in - vaded by a French army, a Paris liberal journal was seized for containing a poem, which (as our memory serves) ran nearly thus; A Spaniard to a Frenchman cried, (Twas from a Pyrauoan Brow.) “ Where is your country’s glory now r Ho checked his tale of days goue by, Os vict’ries won, but now forgot: “ There is but one true victory— ’ TV., to be free, and roe are not!’’ There is great rejoicing at present through out France, England, and their dependancies, over the so-called Full of Sebastopol, aud its anticipated consequences ; but we do not per ceive either in the event or among these san guiue anticipations aught over which the French or English people have good reason to exult. For iustaucc — We do not hear that the incubis of aristo cratic and oligarchic rule is likely to be lifted thereby from the breasts of the British mil lions. On the contrary, it seems likely that their prestige will be strengthened and their swav prolonged by the late successes at Se bastopol -that the number of tax-consumers will be augmented, and the slight check upon them possessed by the tax-earners weakened. Nor do we hear that the Imperial Despo tism which crushes Free Speech and Free dom of Action in France is to be shaken by these advantages. On the contrary, yvc pre sume workmen will still be sent to prison for months in France for avoYving themselves Republicans, or for combining in a peaceful demand of wages half so high as are paid for similar labor iu this country,while no thought, no word, displeasing to Napoleonic Autocra cy can be breathed without subjecting the utterer to pecuniary ruin if not to lifelong imprisonment. There arc more perverse and stupid despotisms than that of Louis Bona parte, but certainly noue more absolute, none more jealous, uone more pervading. And this the storming of the Malakoff is not likely to mitigate. Nor is the oaptivitv of the Roman people, under the pressure of French bayonets, to be ended by this triumph. Italy, Hungary, Po land, Germany, will still wear the fetters which they have clank such weary years al ready. Spain must pursue her career of Re form timidly aud fitfudy. braying the Pope, but trembling at the poYver of Louis Napo leon. In short, the shackles of the Euro pean Millions are no Yvise broken—nay, they are everywhere serengthened—by this Allied triumph at Sebastopol. Then Yvhy should Republicans rejoice over it ? JTranslated from the Counter dea Etats Unis.] Romance of the Paris Exhibition. A gentleman was seen making long visits at the Palace of the Champs Elysees, but it was not to examine the productions of uni versal industry, nor to gather up the amusing incidents which are always takiug place in the croYvd. This eccentric person is well known by the frequenters of the Boulevard des Ital iens, as a dandy of five-and-thirty, the inheri tor of a property producing au income of 10,- 000 francs, aud who having nothing to do, aud possessing a sensitive heart, made up his mind to marry. He was smitten with the idea, but he had his fears. Footing the bills Yvas what alarmed him. The enormous expense which women of the present day lavish upon their toilet, caused liim a legitimate terror. Where should he find a young person modest in her tastes who would resist the ruinous temptations to dress V lfow should he dis cover this rare merit ? How judge other sin cerity through the flattering appoarances that marriageable young ladies know so well hoYv to assume when they are in the presence of a bachelor. The exhibition of industry seemed to him to be a good occasion aud an excel hint field to make this trial. To the palace in the Champs Klysees he Yvent then to make his observa tions, which he kept up day after day. lie was seen stationed beside the cases in which were exposed the YY’oudersof the jewel er's art, or posted in the quarter where the cashmeres are exposed. Sometimes he was found near the rich laces, and sometimes in the gallery where the Lyons silks displayed their magnificence. Young ladies who did not know they were watched, expressed frankly their impressions and their wishes before these wonderful and splendid articles. “ Oh, Yvhat beautiful dia monds, and hoYV fortunate one would be yi ho could marry and have such,” they cried.— “Oh, what admirable cashmeres, I will have one like that in my corbeille, and like that!” “ But just look at this one ?” “ Oh, magnifi cent, 1 will have that too!” “That makes throe.” “ Ah, well, yvc have not got half through the list, a husband who knows how to live could he do less than put six cash meres into the corbeille.” Thousands of young ladies expressing themselves thus, showing their covetousness, their vanity, their exaction, their coquetry, came before him, and every evening as he quitted his post, pensive and melancholy, he said, Yvith a sigh : “ They are all the same ; I must still remain a bachelor.” Every day the sad truth became more evi dent to him, which he beYvailed in something like these words: “At the present time in Paris, a gallant man, who has only ten thousand francs in come, is not rich enough to marry. He must elect between celibacy and ruin.” But he Yvas wrong to be so absolute in his despair, and to include all the marriageable ladies in the circle of his reprobation. There are exceptions, at least there was one. After three months’ distressing trial the despairing bachelor saw a young lady pass near the diamond case, Yvho only threw upon the jewelry a disdainful glance. He followed her to the cashmeres, she barely throw upon them a careless look. Laces stretched out like nets did not detain her a single minute. Rich silk stuffs found her indifferent, she did uot honor them with a glance. But, on the other hand, this extraordinary young person stopped a loug time before the household utensils, examined them carefully, and made to her mother, Yvho accompanied her, very sensible observations upon tnc advantages of these various objects, and the economy Yvhich would arise from their use. The bachelor, enchanted and ravished, fol lowed this admirable young lady—he did not breathe freely until lie learned she was un married. 11c asked her hand, offered her his ten thousand —was accepted, and will ever lastingly bless the universal exhibition—at least he hopes so. Newspaper Stories About Hayti.—“A correspondent of the Ncyv York Tribune, writing from Portau Prince under date of the 17th ultimo, informs us that the Emperor Soulouque has founded in that city an insti tution called the “Maison Ceutrafe,’ for the purpose of instructing youth in mechanical occupations, and that it is proving success ful. It is under the direction of Baron Nath •ipiel Montgomery, an intelligent colored man from Baltimore, whose father emigrated to Hayti from the United States during the latter part of the last century. He is des cribed as possessing extensive chemical aud mechanical acquirements. The institution contains a foundry, smith’s shop, and a saw mill .”—Baltimore American. The foregoing story has travelled about far enough. There are hardly ten Yvorcls of truth in the whole of it. A maison centralt was established there before the Empire, and Montgomery is nominally its superintendent but nothing has been done in it for several yours, and nothing ever was done in it of any importance. Montgomery made a little pa per there a fnv years ago, which cost proba bly five dollars a quire, but that whs merely au experiment. There is not a foundry or saw mill on the island of Hayti, and if there is any smith shop in tho maison centndc it does not contain men or tools enough to keep the establishment in repair. No pupils were ever instructed in the establishment in auy thing,and the whole sum expeuded in keeping it up does uot probably amount to one hun dred Spanish dollars a year.— New York Burning Post. Department New*. ATTORNEY GENERAL’S OFFICE. Reclamation, of Fugitives from /Service in Unorganised Territories. —l. The constitution al right of a citizen of of the United Status to reclaim a fugitive from his lawful service ex tends not only to the States and to tho or ganized Territories, but also to all the unor ganized territorial possessions of the Usflled States. 2. ls in such Territory there be no commis sioners of the United States to act, the claim ant may proceed by recapture without judicial process. 3. Auy such fugitive iroui service iu the Indian couutry, is there unlawfully, and, as au intruder, is subject to arrest by the executive authority of the United States. 4. Such fugitive cannot he protected from extradition by any Indian tribe or nation; for the Indians are themselves the mere sub jects of the United States, and have no power to conflict Yvith the Constitution of the United States. 5. lfy the local laYv of the organized politi cal communities of the Cherokecs, Choctaws, aud Chickasaws, there is ample provision for the delivery up of a fugitive from service in any of the States. commercial. LATEST dates. . Liverpool,Sopt.22 I Ilavro/Sept: 20 ! Havana, Septii Myauiirli Market, Oct. 6. COTTON.—Arrtved since the 29th ult.. 11,830 bales of Upland, aud 19 do. Sea Island. Os the receipts el - Upland 11,201 bales were by railroad and 329 by river. The exports for ihe same period amount to 4114 balea Upland and no Sea Island, as follows, viz: To Philadelphia 552 ba'.es; to New York, 1896 bales . to Charleston. 474 bales; and to. Liverpool, 1188 bales —leaving a stock on hand and on shipboard not cleared, of 15,698 bales of Upland and 413 do. Bea Island, and 2600 bales Upland and 600 do. Be* Island, same time last year. There has been no,iuaterlal change In prices during tho ,pabt week. The sales show a slight increase over the previous week. For the last two days tbe market has been somewhat depressed under the un* favorable advices received by the Pacific. The transactions lor the past week foot up 2,732 bates, at tbe following particulars, viz :—2 at 8. 107 at B>2, 1-25 at s? 4, 39 at BJ, 323 at 9. 185 at 9H. 72 at 9 3-16.477 at 9*4,18 at 9 6-16,269 at 9? a , 3at 9 7 16, 512 >t 9>g, 74 at 9 9 16, 284 at at IU, and 8 at 10>* els. QUOTATIONS : Low Middling *'• Strict Middling Good Middling * Middling Fair 9S nominal. RlCK—During the past week there has been re’ elved 15,180busLels rough rice, and exported 427 casks. We hear of a sale of 2UO casks at $4.66 1 4 ‘fe* hundred pounds, CORN—Two shipments have been received during the week, amounting to 2600 bushels. Sales have been made at prices ranging to 96c to sl.lO. The stock on hand is light, aud held $1.06@1.10. YVIIKAT—The receipts by railroad for the week amount to about 32,103 buslnds, aud the exports to 2\ooo.bushels, ol which 19,000 were to New York and 6000 to Philadelphia. Prices have slightly advanced* quote good to prime Red at $1.66(51.70, aud YY'htto at *1.70(91.75. FLOUR—We quote Georgia ut s4.l2** fA sack, and $8.25(<i>8.50 bbl- Winter’s Double Extra Family Flour sells readily at sl2. BACON—There Is very little Bacon ot any kind In market. We quote Shoulders at lZ.*-a(®l3 t Sides 156i; |6, and Hams 14@16c. IT lb. SUGAR—Tbe steck Is fully equal to the demand* and prices are unchanged. SALT—The stock Is large, another cargo of 10,000 sacks having arrived during the week. \Y T e have heard oi sales from the wharf at sl,lo(^l.ls.and from store at $1.20@1,25 in small lots. In lots ot 1000 sacks and upwards. It Is held at $L1(X<!)115. HAY—One cargo has arrived during the week, which was sold from the wharf at $1,30. In small lots from stoie It Is selling readily ut $1.62}. The stock Is light aud the demand good. Another cargo Is now on the way from New York, which is held at $1375i from the wharf, LIME—One arrival the past week. We quote at $1,25 cask. BAGGING Is unchanged. Gunny Is selling at 15 1 -* (ii, 16 CtS. ROPE—The ssock is ample, without material change in prices. Sales have been made at ‘.'‘4 to —We quote Sterling Exchange at 9‘s per.cent, prern. The Banks are selling Sight Checks on all Northern cities at >6 per cent prern ari purchasing Sight Bills at par; 10 .days at ‘4; 30 days at and 60. days at ijYcent discount. FREIGHTS—Foreign—To Liverpool ?d for Cotton Coastwise—To Boston. %c; to New York, 7-loc. by steamships, and by .'.ailing; vosseis. To Baltimore 7-16 c, and to Philadelphia, nominal. Wheat to New York 10 ctsln sailing vessels, and 13c. In steamships. Copper Ore to New York and Baltimore In sailing Statement of Cotton* 1854- 55. 11 1853-’54. jS. ltd. Upland ! S. Isl. Upl'nd Stock on hand Sept -li 300 700 600 2,000 Kcc’d since .Sept 29...i 19 11,530 ! “ previously , 98 15.713 H Total receipts | 417 27.943;! 600 2.600 Exp’ted this week | ! 4.1141| “ previously... 4| 8 234; Total exports I 4*. 12,348 j 1 ! Being on|hand Oct 6 4l3| 15,595|j 6001 2,600 Exports of Cotton from Savannah. t From Sept, l.i 1 From Sept. 1, ’6O, to Oct. 6 |’.4,to Oct. 6, I * 1355. |j 1854 PORTS EXPORTED TO T's. I. j Upl’d-ll S.l. lUpl’.l. I 1 1,18811 1 Other British Port’ I I || | Tot.j Great Britain! I.IBBU I oiip“ French KrtZ' l Total Krai!..- I I II I Other Foreign fori-...1 1 II I Total Foreign Ihirk.l ... .....I l.lagil I | Boston I 1 l*3Zoi Providence , I New York 5,844 ...’ Philadelphia 1 * 2,61. Baltimore A Ncriolk...| 1 6')9l I Charleston 4j 7C3 OtheY U. S. Ports 1 1 | I Total Coastwise I 4j 1t,160 1 Grand Total j 4| 12,348| { Exports of lilce and Lumber from Sa vannah. I From Sept, 1. n From Sept. 1, 1855. to Oct. 6, 1854, to Oct. 6, 1855- 11 1854. foBTO KXt'OKTEO || jS,| ‘'Kiff."’ Great B:team ii il Hi Johns At Haurx 3a4.00U West indies.’ 427 86.um> Other Foreign P’tsl j So9.sut i Tot it Foreign Pts 427 1.279.3 J J Maine. | 492,50- Massachusetts. [ ...... *.9,000'. I Rhode Islaud, Ac... ! New York 171 233.MJU I'h'ladelphi 50 1 Baltimore & Norfk 50 13,000 1 Charleston -I New Orleans, Ac... UO I Other Ports It Totai L'oastwbe.-l 391 837.6C0j J Grand Toiul. .~| “mß| ~2.1 i7.uu0| | Ex ports of Cotton, ltice and Lumber, PROM SEIT. 29TH, 1855, TO OCT. 6TH. 1855. I'orts. Hea lsl'd. Upland, ltice. Lumber Portland 126.000 Philadelphia. 766 New Fork Uto6 Havana 427 Liverpool ~...1138 Valparaiso 145,000 Charleston 478 Total 4114 4it7 271,000 Stock of Cotton in tbe Interior Towun. NOT 4NCLUDKP IX THE RECEIPTS. TOWNS., j 1856. | 1854 Augusta and Hamburg. Oct. 1 i 3110, 8318 M-con. (Geo.) Sept. 1 1 544 3891 Columbus,,(GCO.J Get. 1 55781 4333 Home, (Gn.) I j Montgomery, (Ala.) Sept-24 2263 4546 Memphis, (Term.)]Sept. 22 3333 6638 Oolumbla.CS.C.) Sept- is I 4?'fi| 6io Exchange. BARK RATES POE SELLING EXCHANGE. Checks on Boston Tfr ct. prem •* “ New York >* V ct. prem *• •’ Philadelphia .'a ct* prem *’ *’ Baltimore > a fi ct. prem BANK RATES FOR PURCHASING EXCHANGE. BUs on England 9‘£ ® ct. prem. j New York, sight par w) 5 days. (£} ct. disc’t.. 10 “ >4 $ -- ¥ “ •’ • “ “ 30 •* -St (3) % ja ‘ GO “ !■•-■<# 1* “ “ *’ 90 “ 2 (a> 2*4 *4 “ ‘* “ Boston. 60 “ l? (<£■ I** f* “ - Philad’a., 60 “ Ha (<6 Da * ‘ ” Baltimore, 60 “ Li (a) 1?b f* Bank Note Table. ‘GEORGIA. 1 Bk State of Georgia par South Carolina... par 1 Planters’Bank New Orleans Sdia ‘ Murine Bank “ I Mobile CK R & Bank’g Cos “ Montgomery 2(g)? “ Bank of Savannah “ |Stnte BkAlabuma 3(g>s 1 Mcchautcs’Sav’gßk “ jNorthernßk,Miss Bank of Augusta “ j North Carolina ... 3(g>s “ Mechanics’Bk. Aug “ Virginia 2(a>4 “ Aug.lns.Aßank’gOO “ West Tennessee 3(g)5 ria.lt K &Ban k’grio “ ] Nashville 2(a>4 Bank of Brunswick “ BkolClutUanoogu 2<g;3 “ City Bank “ ** K Teunes-ee ** Union Bank ** “ Knoxville... ’ Manuf. Bk, Macon “ I “ Tazewell “ Merchants’,Macou 3@;sdis; Farmers’BkKnox “ Mant.<k Mechanics’ .Ocoeeßk.Cleverd “ Bank,Columbus par Exchange Bank-.. 3(g/5 *’ Planters’ A Mech’s Miners’ and Man* Bank. Dalton s(<j.lodlß ufacturers’ Bk Insur’ccßk,Dalton Fanners’ & Mer lnterlorßk,GrlffiQs@lo'lis| chants'Bank.... BankofLa Grange bwJJO “ I Mechanics’ Bank, Atlanta Bank I Memphis ” Hank Shurt > and Slocks. INSTITUTIONS. COST. PRES’T. PRICE.| DIV. Bank State of Georgia 100 116 lionet Planters’ Bank 80 95 14 “ Marlue Bank 50 70 14 O R R and Banking Cos 100 106>£ 8 Bank of Savaunah 100 none offering 10 “ Mechanics’ Savings’ Bank 100 “ 10 Gas Light Company 25 30 8 South Western RK Cos 100 100 8 Muscogee RK Cos 100 nominal 8 Savannah A Alb’y RR Cos Augusta A Waynesboro do 100 -nominal State Bonds - uodo offering 7 * City 7 per cent Bonds 7 i The very Utost ntjrla high and low L!M crown white, ilrab. pearl aud brown soft •■W lIATS, Just received at tbe Hat and Cap Store, ltd Oongrae atreet. K BARNI]M . HAIR Brooms, Dusting, Scrub and Whit* S WU Brushes, hr sa.s bp p SAVANNAH WHOLESALE PRICKS CURRENT. j our country friends will please notice that tha quotations given under this head are the Wholesale Prices, and that rates In ev> ry Instance are higher for Mnail transactions, or such as are ordinarily em braced iu tilling country orders. Article .. M | to BAGGING. Dundee. 44 In , ydj $35 S4O Kentucky yd; 10 j Gunny yd! 15,S 16 Tow yd BALE HOPE Ibj 10 Dfiten's Hope tt>’ BEEF, New York Mess bbij Prime bbl Cargo bbl BACON, Hams lb 15 16 ‘ Shoulders I B>| ISH 13 hides Iti 16 16 BREAD, Navy D) 6 6k Pilot lb! 8 9k BUTTER. Goshen, Prime ! tb 28 36 No. 2 tb 20 24 BRICKS, Bavannah, Ist qual. in) 9 00 Northern nil CANDLES, Spermaceti tbl 33 45 Savannah made Tallow... tt>j 12V 13 Northern do do IL 17 i AJ Ada . ant\n I tb 1 25 j 30 CHEESE, Northern i !*■ 12>$ 16 COFFEK.Cuba tb, RlO n> 12 13 Java tt 15 17 CORDAGE. Tarred 9) 16 10 Manilla lb} 13 19 DOM KSTIU GOODS Shirtings, Brown yd! 4 7 Sheetings, Brown vd 7 10 Brown Drills yd 3 9 Cotton Omiuburgs yd 8 ; 10 DUCK, English bolt; 10 00 14 00 American Cotton vd 14 24 FISH Mac Ware I, No. 1 bbl 20 U 0 21 Uu •• No. 2 bbl! 16 00 M No. 3 bbl; 00 11 00 FLOUR, Canal bbl’ Baltimore, Howard st sup bbh 1 Gejrgla- bbl) 825 860 Georgia double extra bbl 12 GRAIN, Corn. Cargo bush! 324* Corn. Retell bushll 95 I lo Oat-S bush I ] f*s 60 GLASS, American Window 100 U 450 7U GUNPOWDER k.g 6 650 HAY',Prime Northern cwt 162*- 175 “ Eastern cwt; 1 75 200 HIDES, Dry ft. 12 12,S Deerskins.. ft. 1 IRON, Swedes, assorted ton! 95 60 116 0B PIS tor 30 00 Hoop cwt 400 400 Sheet cwt 450 550 Nail rods C wt 6 00 6 00 LARD ft 13 14 LIME. Kocklanu bbl 1 23 LUMBER. 8. Sawed, refuse... mti 600 800 Merchantable ... t ii ft 1 14 00 16 00 River Lumber, refuse ‘ m fr 800 900 Merchantable to Prime J, tn tt 12 00 17 uu Ranging do. for export - m 800 900 Mill Ranging .1 mA 1 460 800 W htteA Water Oak plpestv.| mftso 00 60 00 do do hhd mft 30 00 35 (JO do do bbl i m2O 00 35 00 White Pine, clear.... m 30 00 <0 uo Merchantable mI 18 00 25 uo Cypress Shingles ui 400 460 Sawed Cypress shingles...! tn| 16 u 0 Red Oak Staves m 12 00 16 00 MOLASSES, Cuba - g tt | 30 85 New Orleans sal! 36 S3 NAILS,cut 4-! to 20d ft, 4fe 6 NAVAL STORES. Tar bbll 475 500 Spirits Turpentine ga) 62Y 70 Varnish gap 85 OILS, Sperm, winter strained- gal’ 225 250 ” fall do | gal ” summer do gai Whale. Racked, winter... gal* 95 100 Linseed e i. 90 s fanners t,bi 15 00 16 00 OSN ABUKUS. Flax yd 8S 10H PORK, Mess, Western 1 bbl 20 00 22 uo Prime < bbll 14 00 16 0u Mess, New York bbl 22 00 pOO PORTER, Loudon, quarts | doz 275 237 RAISINS, Malaga box l 350 375 SALT, Liverpool, coarse | sack 110 120 j Cargo, bulk bustal Turk's Islaud bush I 65 70 SOA P, American, yellow. Ibl 6 8 SHOT, all sizes tb 1 9 SEG AKS, Spanish •!’ !6 00 3-5 or American ! mi 510 1500 ■ SPIRITS j ! Brandy, Cognac i gal! 450 10 00 London Dock gait 400 450 Georgia Peach gai! 100 125 Domestic. ‘ galj 40 50 Gin, Holland gal! 120 180 American gai, 45 50 Rum. Jamaica gal 160 176 ” N.E. bbls galj 55 go Whiskey, Phil, and 8a1t... gal 40 42 “ New Orleans gal 42 44 “ Scotch gal 2tO 210 SUGAR. P. RlcO and St. Croix ft. 8 10 Havana, white lb‘ ” brown lb l New Orleans lb B>| 9 l/oaf and Crushed ftv 11 Sg Stuart s A. B AC !t> 10 11 TALLOW, American ft. 12 14 TOBACCO, Manufactured ft. 25 40 TEAS, Souchong tb SO 60 Gunpowder tb 70 85 Hyson ft) 60 75 TWIN E,Seine lb 30 85 Haling tb 20 22 WINES, Mauelra ‘ gal 1 5 350 Sicily Madeira I gal* 100 Teueritfe, L. P gal Malaga, Sweet gal 45 56 Claret, Bordeax, case 475 650 *• ChateauxMai gall x I cask- 10 Champagne, doz ! doz 10 12 WOOL, Southern Unwashed-; tb 17 18 •’ Clean lb WOOL-SKINS, Lamb’s j each; 18 25 Sheep’s J each 18 25 OK, MOKSt’b I N VIGORATING CORDIAL, A PHEN O M ENOX I \ T ME D f CINE, j Health Restored and Life Lengthened by Morse's Invigorating Elixir. IT WILL replace weakness with strength. Incapacity with efficiency, irregularity with Uni term and natural activity, ana tn Is not only without ho ‘ trdof reaction ; bui with a 1 uppy eflect upon tnegi. -ral organization, ttiitr Bear Iu mind mat all unriadles, wh rever they begin, finish with tbe neivous sybtem, aCM that the paraitzaiion of tho nerve ot motion aud seu.>atlon Is physical death • Bear iu mind also, that for every kind nervous dis ease tne Elixir Cordial Is the only reliable prepura- Cure ‘if Nervous Dispute s.— No language can con vey an adequate idea of ihe immediate ana almost miraculous change which it occasions In the ls eased. debilitated amt shattered nervous system, whether broken down by excess, w eak by nature or impaired by sickness—tho unstrung and relaxed organization Is at once braced, revivified aud built up. The mental and physical symptoms of ner vous disease vanish together under its Influ ence Nor la the ettect temporary, ou tho contrary, the relief is permanent; for the Cordial propertta* oi the medicine reach the constitution itself, amt re.-tore It te Its normal condition, j Loss ts Memory.— Contusion, giddiness, rush of bloou to the head, melancholy, debility, hjsterta. wretchedness, thoughts ot self-destruction, fear 01 insanity, tiy-pepsta, general prostratlou, irritability. neivousness. inability to stet-p, diseases Inctdeut to males, dr cay of the propagating tuuctlons, hy-terla. monomania, vague terrors, palpitation 01 the heart, iinpotency, constipation, etc., mmi whatever causes urtaiug, it ts.tt there be auy reliance to be placed on human testimony, absolutely Infallible. .1 Ur nit Medicine for Ftosales.— The unparalleled effects of this grea. restorative, in all complaints in cident to females, mark anew eru In the annals or medicine. Thousands of stimulants have beeu In vented— thousans ofmvlgorants eoucocted—all pur porting to be spec .tied In tho various diseases and derangements to which the delicate lormatlou of woman render her liable. Every woman of sense who sutlets from weak ness, derangement, nervousuess, pains in the back, or any other disorder, whetner peculiar to her sex. or common 10 both sexes—to give the Invigorating Cordial a tria’. Mari ted l\t Or others, will find this Cordial after they have used a bottle or two. a thorough re genator of the system. In all directions are to bi found the happy parents of offspring, who would not have been so but tor this extraordinary prepar allow. Aud it Is equally poteut for the many dis eases for which it is to be recommended. Thousand* 01 ‘ oung men have been restored by using it, and uol in a single instance has failed to beueflu them. Persons of pale complexion, or consumptive habits, are restored by the use of a bottle or two, to bloom and vigor, cliuuging the skin from a pale, yel low, sickly color, to a beautiful florid complexion. 7 o the Mtsguiaed.— l hese are some of the sau and melancholy effects prouuced by early habits ol’ youth, viz : weakness of ihe back anl limbs, pains .In the head,dimness of sight,loss of muscular power, palpitation of the heart, dyspepsia, nervous irrita bility, derangement of the digestive functions, gen eral debility, symptoms of consumption etc. Mentally, the fearful effects on the mind are mueh to Le dreaded. Loss of memory, confuslou of Ideas, depression ot spirits, fearful torekodlQgs. aversion to society, sell-distrust, love of solitude, intimidity, etc., etc..are some of tiie evils produced. All thus afflicted belore contemplating M AKni AGE, should reflect that a sound mind and body arc the most necessary requisites to promote connubial happi ness, indeed without these the Journey through life ; becomes weary pilgrimage, the prospect hourly 1 darkens the view . the mind become* shadowed | with despair, aud tilled with the melancholy reflec tion that the happiness of another becomes blighted with your own. CAUTION.—Dr. Worsoi fnvlgoratfng Cordial haa been counterfeited by some unprincipled p rsous. In future all the genuine Cordial will have propri etor’s fuo simile pasted over the cork ot fleh bottle anl the following words blown on the glass : Dr. Morse's Invigorating Cordial, C. 11- KING, Proprietor, N. Y. The Cordtal U put up highly concentrated in pint bottles—price three dollars per bottle, two for dvo dollars, six tor twelve dollars. C. li. KING, Proprietor, 192 Broadway, N. Y. Soldby Druggists throughout the,United States, Canada, and the West Indies Agents. A. A. SOLOMNS, Savannah. J. H. CARTER, do. W.W- LINCOLN, do. D. D. PLUMB, Augusta. IIAVILAND, BISLLY a Cu., do. liAVILANL) UAKKAL A CO., Charleston. IIAYILAND, UARRAL & BIaLKY,New York '’tvw Liver Complaint. andUyapTpita. Thomas latchpord says: Covington, Ohio. Dec 27,1855. HNci My wife has been affectected with Llvar Complaint and Dyspepsia lor u number of years, during which time I have spent a great deal for doctoring, but she received very little there from, and anally the doctors said she could not be cured. Last spring she concluded to try *’ lioof land’s German Bitters; she took two bottles, and over since taking them she has been able to attend to her business. I have sold quite a number of bot tles through her recommendation, and as far as l can learn, It has given satisfaction to all. See advertlsemen t. aep 21>—3tawdtwAw2w Ur. frlorae’l Invigorating CoidlaTJ The only sure and safe Remedy yet die covered, for General Debllltv, Physic* Prostration, Irritability, and all the various train of Nervous Affections ; it will also remove Depression, Excitement, Dislike of Society, Incapacity for Study or Business, Loss of Memory, Mental Debility, Aq., Ac.—See Advertisement. oct 3—dAw HISKKY —<36o bbls. Whiskey, runout “ W 0 * n<l ‘W&UXUm