Newspaper Page Text
-gmim
hseam
who, 4he
our city by the
ire to our Stole and the oountry
Auoh a pillar of strsogth. Now he is gone,
impartial memory will famish us in our
recollections of W. T. Colquitt, a standard
by which generosity, sublime courage, do*
quenco and patriotism are to be tried, and
which we fear will prove too forcibly that
our loss is irreparable, and that his likegneed
not be looked for among us. In some of his
intellectual and in many of his personal
traits we have long regarded Judge Colquitt
the foremost among all the public men we
ever met
If the merit of the orator consists Intfae
certainty of his control of his audience—in
charming them into complete self-forgetfol-
ness while be excites the intonsest sympathy
with his argument—if it is a true mark of
art to dwarf the individuality of any man
or set of men, of whatever degree, high or
low, who come to listen to the orator, while
his subject and its connections were the all
engrossing concern, then was Judge Colquitt
by far the greatest public speaker we ever
listened to.
But to those who were his friends, and
who shared his affectionate confidence,
and knew the man, these high and admirable
characteristics were the least thought of, or
valued, when they dwelt upon liis chief ex«*
cellencies. They have no heart to discuss
or criticise his claims to intellectual distinc
tion, when they think that death has re
moved in his prime, the most devoted, relia
ble, and unselfish of friends. May Heaven
return to those he has left behind him, who
were so near and dear to his great heart,
that measure of generous and kind care that
all his life long he evinced for others.
Sltart of Hands.
Senator Dawson has gone to Tennessee to
help Gentry. We suppose that the Admi
ral fears that if he only sits by sympathis
ing this will not be enough, to use Mr. Jen
kins’ phrase, to “ commend him to every
American heart.” Well, Mr. Dawson will
need all the training thatthe Tennessee race
will give him to enter with a very elevated
hope into our fall campaign. May be that
if he studies the model of a stumper that
the Tennessee blacksmith will furnish him
he may save his distance.
But we are thinking that before the con
test in Georgia is over, or Mr. Dawson suc
ceeds in’eommending his high claims to our
favor, that the people will come to believe
that in 7m case, more is wanting than any
one friend can eke out or supply. The Ad
miral is among the best of men in all the
private walks of life, but for certain stations
if he will answer, then “has Sparta many
son’s like him”—very many.
The tateit Discovery.
The very latest grand discovery is that
which the London Times has made regard
ing the “only real, original, genuine” cause
of the failure of the British in the present
war. It is the division of race—the want
of homogeneousness in that singular struc
ture of class and caste to which Parliamen
tary debaters and conservative writers give
the somewhat indefinite designation of
“British People.” Norman and Saxon
have not fused sufficiently, though the work
of fusion has been going on some eight
hundred years; and because the fusion is
not complete, English arms cannot succeed
in the Crimea.
Norman and Saxon battled about the in
troduction of railroads—tlieNorman, irregu
lar, impetuous, inconsistent and disposed
to bully and plunder; the Saxon, a steady,
determined, cautious, apprehensive, but
submissive, overtasked, cheated, robbed and
humbugged, but patent, credulous and
hopeful.
By the book, we prove our lineage—not
Anglo-Saxon, as after-dinner orators prate
to us—but Norman-Saxons, “not sufficient
ly coalesced,” or fused. Our Schuylersand
Kyles must belong to the Norman branch,
and the duped stockholders of New Haven
and Ifarlem, and the hapless speculators in
Parker Vein, are, without doubt, all Sax
ons. The third Avenue Railroad musthave
got into the hands of remorseless Normans.
That explains why the stock sells now at
about twenty-six cents on the dollar.—New
York Sun.
Tile Battle Ground.
Every day brings evidence that the Kan
sas question is an issue that will not be eefc-
tlod without a great struggle. Kansas lies
to the West of Missouri, with a boundary
not so far North as that of the latter. The
question then is, whether Missouri shall be
harrassed on her Western boundary, as she
is on her Northern and Eastern, by a slave
stealing community. The North says, with
one voieo, she shall. What says the South ?
The last news from New England, brings
the following piece of information:
Boston, May 1.—In the Houso to-day, Mr.
Black submitted a preamble and resolutions
concerning the invasion of Kansas Territory
by armed Missourians, calling upon the
executive of Missouri to prevent a repetition
of the outrages; and also calling upon the
President to take instant and effective mea
sures for sustaining the sovereignty of Kan
sas against, further violence; and pledging
the commonwealth of Massachusetts, if ne
cessary, to aid with its whole power the
Governor and people of Kansas in the main
tenance of constitutional rights.
What the “whole power” of Massachu
setts may lie, it is hard to say. In the war
of 1812, that patriotic State decided that
her militia could not be employed outside of
her limits, and in the Mexican War, she was
represented by a regiment of Irishmen.—
As the latter are now forbidden to bear
arms in that model American State, we are
somewhat at loss to discover the means by
which Mr. Black will bring the “whole
power” of Massachuscets to bear on the set
tlement of Kansas. We presume he means
moral power—that is, the force of bluster.
We doubt its effect on the Missourians. If
it was a mere trial of bluster, Missouri
would put down Massachusetts, as easily as
a storm puts out a candle. The Western
people have a peculiar gift that way. But
whereas the warfare of Massachusetts
would end where it begun—with noise—that
of Missouri would end with something vast
ly more solid.
In this contest between Missouri and
Massachusetts, the South is not to be an idle
spectator. It is our battle that is contested
on that distant frontier. If it is lost, Mis
souri is also lost, for she cannot maintain a
lasting contest with robber States on three
sides of her, and these backed and urged on
by the influence of the whole North.
Mr. Reeder, Governor of Kansas, has re
cently returned to the bosom of “his con
stituents” in Pennsylvania, and has deliv
ered a mournful oration on the state of the
country he was sent to govern. If there
were any proof wanting that he had been
acting all the time as the partisan of
Abolitionism, it would be furnished by this
speech. He, a Governor, appointed by the
President, deserts his charge, and runs to
make a pitiful appeal to the seetional preju
dices of a country district in Pennsylvania,
instead of first approaching-the power that
appointed him, ana making his «h*w>« in a
legal manner. He is evidently seeking to
get up a ferment with the North, by way of
forcing the Administration to liis wishes.—
They are not likely to be caught by such
poor chaff as he can spread.—Charleston
Mercury. ,
In the Supreme Court of New Yack on
Friday, tbs jury rendered a verfflot of $1,0®®
against a conductor on the New Jersey Tail-
road, for ejecting a passenger with such
force as to break bis leg. The amount of
damage claimed was five thousand dollars.
LATER FROM EUROPE.
ARRIVAL OF THE
*Vhip
a flair opportunity of counting
the number of students who have already
oorue to attend the course of lectures; but
from all we ean learn a elassef at least fif
ty is expected to be in attendance in a few
days.
Taking into consideration the drought
and general depression in the monetary
world, the faculty may well feel proud of so
favorable a commencement. “The brillian<
cy of its dawn gives token of a brighther
future.”
But as to the lecture. It was delivered
yesterday morning in the City Hall. A
large audience was in attendance. That
fine rain which fell about nine o’clock kept
back, in a great degree, the ladies—(strange
it is that we cannot have two good things at
once.)
Having omitted to take any notes of the
lecture, yourself and readers will pardon us
for not giving you a synopsis of it. An at
tempt to do so from memory would, we fear,
do the Doctor injustice. Of course he be
lieved Atlanta to be “ the very place ” for a
Medical College. The facility of intercom
munication between this and every section
of the State, its pleasant society, its health
ful air and its growing importance as a
large city, renders such a school necessary
at this point.
Just here, parenthetically: we believe
it was Richlieu who said he judged of
the bent of men's minds by noticing at
what things they applauded while in a the
atre. Judging by the same rule the audi
ence this morning, we would say that be
sides an easy flow of speech and well turn
ed periods, they possess no inordinate de
gree of pride in their young city. Raise
Atlanta to the skies, if you would bring
her citizens’ sticks to the floor.
In speaking of the neighboring Colleges
of like character, ee simply desired to have
a fair race, and would not complain if they
would only “ give unto Caesar the things
which are Caesar’s.”
We were glad to hear the Doctor speak
in such confident tones of the success of the
undertaking. The enterprise has had and
may yet have severe enemies. But we be
lieve -the opposition manifested generally
arises from personal pique or envy, and can
do no harm.
Adopting the figure of the lecturer, “ the
ship has been launched,” and we bid her
good speed on her journey.
Let the Doctor wear the same bold front
as he did this morning, so long as he is one
of the crew, and his co-laborers may laugh
at the storms of opposition with the proud
quere. Quid times Ccesarum vehis.
As citizens of Atlanta, wetender an hearty
welcome to these young men who have come
to our city to attend lectures of the College.
True, we read in the Old Testament that
when King Asa was sick, he called not upon
the Lord, but upon the Physicians, and
died, and in the New Testament of the
woman who “had suffered many thing^ of
many Physicians, “but rather grew worse,”
yet we believe that theirs is an useful, and
highly honorable profession, and one well
worthy their whole attention.
May they keep ever in mind the declara
tion of yesterday morning’s lecturer, that
“the "honors of the institution will be
weighed in the scalej of justice,and balance
upon the climax of merit.” Y.
The steamer Atlantic hna arrived at New
York «ith Liverpool dates to the24th April.
Commercial Intelligence.
Liverpool, April 24.—Cotton.—The mar
ket is steady and unchanged, bat buyers de
mand a redaction. Sales for the nine days,
70,000 bales, of which 10,000 were to spec
ulators and 9,000 to exporters. Quotations
are unchanged. Fair Orleans, 5{d.; Mid
dling, 5Jd.; Fair Uplands, 5jd.; Middling,
5 1-lGd. to 5$d. The market closed on
Monday steady.
Canal Fkrar, 39s. to 41s.; Ohio, 42s. to
43s.; White Wheat, lls. 6d. to 12s. 6d.—
White Corn, 42s. to 42s. 2d. Yellow, 43s.
to 43s. 9d. Iron steady and unchanged.
Brown & Shipley quote Cotton injfair de
mand and more steadiness for the last two
days. The sales on Friday and Saturday
were 20,000 bales, including 13,000 bales
to the trade.
Flour had declined one shilling, Wheat
three pence. Corn was in more demand,
and had advanced six pence. Provisions
more active and firmer. Bacou advanced
one shilling and six pence. ***'
Consols, 89J.
Political Intelligence.
The Conference at Vienna is broken off
after the 13th session. Russia rejected the
allies demand.
The bombardment of Sevastopol was con
tinued from the 9th to the 15th April with
500 guns without any result. An assault
is believed not to be practicable, but an at
tempt to storm will probably be mode.
Napoleon and Eugenia spent a week in
England.
It is reported, hut doubtful, that England
has consented that Napoleon should take
the command of the allied army in the
Crimea.
There are strong indications that Austria
will refuse to act against Russia.
Lord Russell and M. DeHuys have left
Vienna.
The British loan of 16 millions pounds
sterling, was taken by the Rothschilds, in
one hundred pound Consols, at fourteen and
sixpence, in the shape of an annuity, ter
minable in 30 years. The taxes are increas
ed on incomes, and a stamp duty is to be
imposed on spirits, tea, coffee and sugar.
All hope of Austria operating against
Russia is at an end for the present.
Canrobert says on the first two days bom
bardment, the allied fire was superior, and
the Russian works were damaged. The
French got possession of a position of great
importance. Gortschakoff says matters are
favorable for the besieged.
WEDNESDAY MAY 9.
#4
Onv In
The new fangled
that was
the!
coming <
We notice that a
eaters.
Iced to j
ab'litioa
* VCPJ
of rite subterra-
[Frorn the Savannah Georgian, May 6th.]
What la Brow to be Done 1
The foreign news which we publish this
morning is calculated to destroy the last
vestiges of hope in peace, which the few
sanguine may hitherto have indulged. The
Vienna conference has broken in confusion
and discord, the miserable patchwork of the
treaties of 1815, for the last three months
held up before the world as a possible basis
of agreement, is torn to shreds, hollow di
plomacy gives place to sincerer arms, and
the nations are again, without hope and in
fiercer hostility pitted against each other.—
The result is, indeed, none other than we
have expected. With elements of discord
and discontent so numerous and wide spread,
it is folly in the present state of things to
attempt to preserve the old statu quo. The
time has come when it must be decided
A Marriage Under Proteat.
Miss Luct Stone, the young lady who
has frequently made her appearance upon
the Anti-Slavery rostrums in this City, was
married on May Day, at “a farm house
among the hills at West Brookfield,” to
Henry B. Blackwell, a leader in the west
ern Anti-Slaverymovement. The marriage
ceremony was performed by Mr. F, W. Hig-
cinson of Worcester, the parties to the hup-
tials formally protesting against the laws of
the Commonwealth concerning marriage.—
Mr. Higginson communicates the protest to
the Worcester Spy, as follows:
“I never perform the marriage ceremony
without a renewed sense of the iniquity of
our present system of laws, in respect to
marriage;—a system by which ‘man and
wife are one ana that one is the husband.’
It was with my hearty concurrence, there
fore, that the following protest was read
and signed, as a part or the nuptual ceremo
ny, and I send it to yon, that others may be
induced to do likewise. T. W. H.”
Protest.
While we acknowledge our mutual affec
tion, by publicly assuming the sacred rela
tionship of husband and wife, yet in justice
to ourselves and a great principle, we deem
it a duty to declare that this act on our part
implies no sanction cf, nor promise of vol
untary obedience to, such of the present
laws of marriage as refuse to recognize the
wife as an independent rational being, while
they confer upon the husband an injurious
and unnatural superiority, investing him
with legal powers which no honorable man
would exercise, and which no man should
possess.
We protest especially against the laws
which give to the husband.
1. The custody of his wife’s person.
2. The exclusive control and guardian
ship of their children.
3. The sole ownership of her personal,
and uso of her real estate, unless previously
settled upon her, or placed in the hands of
trustees, as in the case of minors, lunatics,
and idiots.
4. The absolute right to the product of
her industry.
5. Also against laws which give to the
widower so much larger and more perma
nent on interest in the property of his de
ceased wife than they give the widow in
neans, lately appearing in the Louisville
Journal, has been copied by almost every.
K. N. presetn the country, and the burthen
of the JourmFs article, is an attempt to
prove that the Church and State party has
not been abolitioaized at the North.—
This attempt an the part of Prentice to
ride down, a notorious fact is characteristic
of his moral hardihood. The more obvious
and certain the troth the more defiant and
perverse would be the Journal?s contradic
tion. ' The naked truth is, that late
events prove that the most destructive and
reckless abolition party that ever took root
in our soil now flourishes under Know-
Nothing auspices. As bad as things were
under the free soil regime' in Massachusetts,
and as rapid as the tendency of things there
was towards lawlessness and bad faith, yet the
Whig free soiler would have recoiled from
the excesses and disgraces of the present K.
N. misrule in Massachusetts. As a proof
that the Louisville Journal and kindred
prints ore misrepresenting the state of the
case that history and truth are making out
against the factionists, we see that at Con
cord and Boston the subterraneans met oh
the 3d ult., in convention, and adopted
strong abolition resolutions and advocated
them in most inflamatory speeches. Then
the Governor elect, speaking for Know-
Nothing Connecticut not only adopts the
usual religious slang of the party about Pa
pists, but recommends what Know-Nothing
New York and Massachusetts did before
him—that negroes be admitted to the elect
ive franchise. But the gravest charge
against this Union and Soutnem Rights
party, par excellence, is yet to be made.—
We now charge and call upon the Know-
Nothings to stand upon their defence, that
so far from their large assumptionsof hostil
ity tothe free soil and abolition party being
justified by the facts, that in this very State
they are preparing to desert the supporters
of the Georgia platform, and that through
out the South these underground pat
riots designedly are taking lower ground
in defence of Southern Rights, than
any party ever dared to take in the pre
vious history of Georgia. Does any man
doubt this ?—if he does, let him read wbat
we subjoin from the Savannah Republican:
The American Party in Georgia and
the Slavery Question.
It is generally understood that the Amer
ican party in Georgia assembled in State
Council at Macon, Wednesday last. It was
ordered that the following resolution, adop
ted by Council and handed us by the Presi
dent, should be published.
Resolved, That slavery and slave institu
tions are protected by tne Constitution of
the U. S. and the obligation to maintain
them is not sectional but national; that the
right to establish them in the organization
of State governments blongs to roc native
and naturalized citizens; and that Congress
has no constitutional power to intervene, by
excluding a new State applying for admis
sion into the Union, upon the ground that
the constitution of such State recognises
slavery.
Now Southern men of every party, except
that party that values the defeat of Democ
racy before every other consummation, wc
appeal to you to prepart 1 your minds to see
the Georgia Platform disavowed and “spit
upon,” by this great party that was inaugu
rated amid such mystery and mummery as
the agency, that before all others, was to
redeem the drooping oause of the Southern
States. Let Democrats mark well our words,
that eight out of every ten of those once
valorous Whigs, who flaunted the “bloody
fourth” of the Georgia Platform, in the faces
of our foes, mean by this new political de
vice, called the American party, to skulk
and dodge the issue of their own making.—
If this poor, faint-hearted, emasculated, slip
slop resolution—the first thing that Know
Nothings ever were willing to own, except
the offices they crept into in the dark—does
not prove our charge, then it is of no earth
ly account for anything else.
whether Kings or the people shall rule, old f _. iir u
boundaries must give place to new, treaties that of her'deceased'husband.
must be revised, Europe in fact must be re- j q Finally, against the whole system by
mapped. which “the legal existence of the wife is
What now is to be the policy of the con
tending parties and the course of events,
none can tell. So for as wo can see, a long
and bloody future lies before. It is certain
that the end is not yet and that the farthest
sighted human wisdom cannot discern it.—
The two hundred thousand men and five
hundred cannon before Sebastopol have but
begun the war, not ended it. Double the
number, and the Allies, for aught we know,
might find their equals to contend with. And
yet there is no retreat. Destruction and
dishonor abroad, anarchy and revolution
await them at home. What then is now to
be done ? What new element can now be
introduced? What power shall guide the
storm?
Having sounded the depths of all other
resources, it is probable that the Allies will
now appeal to the people, to whom, as to a
never failing source of strength, .had they
been wise, they would have appealed at first,
and to the down trodden nationalties. It
may be too late, and may ultimately prove
ineffectual. It will be difficult for those
who have fought for despotism to win at
once the confidence of the oppressed; nev
ertheless, there are unmistakable signs that
the experiment is to be tried. Austria,
having falsely played, now sides with Rus
sia ; the national standard is to he raised in
Hungary and Lombardy. Prussia, faithful
to her natural sympathies; Poland will be
declared independent and free. The minor
German powers, too, will have extended to
them the patronage of those, who, in a
struggle of life and death, now humbly seek
their aid. How far this scheme will suc
ceed, remains to be seen. In their despair
the Allied nations may raise a power which
they cannot control. The Revolution is a
dangerous war-horse to ride.
Anything, however, may be better than
the fate which now stares them in the face.
Exhausted treasuries, decimated legions, a
foreign war, muttering discontent at home
and dishonor abroad, must produce a bitter
fruit. Already England treads on coals
scarce concealed, a revolution may break
out any moment in France; there is apoint
beyond which a proud people will not en
dure. To mount the revolution in Europe
may save one at home. At all events, some
thing must be done, and that quickly.—
Peace, to obtain which they have humiliated
themselves, sufficiently, is hopeless—destruc
tion awaits two armies in a foreign land,
and the down-trodden nationalities are now
their only resource. It is possible that jn
the inscrutable ways of Providence, justice
and right will now be done, and the people
regain their long-lost rights.
A Ww« Pxicactiom.— 1 The proprietors of
The St Nicholas Hotel, have caused to be
connected with the large steam boilers in
nee for the general purposeses of the Hotel,
a steam fire engine, capable of throwing a
powerful stream to any part of the house,
and of fimang four streams to a considera
ble height. It is only neoessary to stretch
the hoee and turn on the steam to render
the feigns affective; and when the reader
understands that the steam is always up in
at least one of the boilers, he will at once
see how reliable thia precaution against the
spread of firs raally is.
suspended during marriage,” so that in moBt
States she neither has a legal part in the
choice of her residence, nor can she mako a
will, nor sue or be sued in her own name,
nor inherit property.
We believe the personal independence and
equal human rights can never be forfeited,
except for crime; that marriage should be
an equal and permanent partnership, and
so recognized by law; that until it is so re
cognized, married partners should provide
against the radical injustice of present laws,
by every means in their power.
We believe that where domestic difficul
ties arise, no appeal should be made to legal
tribunals under existing laws, but that all
difficulties should be submitted to the equit
able adjustment of arbitrators mutually
chosen.
Thus reverencing Law, we enter our earn
est protest against rules and customs which
are unworthy of the name, since they vio
late justice, the essence of all Law.
(Signed) H. B. BLACKWELL.
LUCY STONE.
The Fleas in California.—In the course
of my experiance I have been tortured by
sand flies in the Eastern Archipelago, and
have made acquaintance with every kind of
mosquito from Malta to Acapulco, including
of course, the famous “tiger” breed, against
which there is no resource but flight. I re
member that, when sick at Hong-Kong, I
was crammed into the cabin of an old store-
ship, so full of cockroches, and these so ra
venous, that they kept my toe-nails quite
close every night, and would try the flavor of
the top of my head, and when they found
that to be all bone, they ate my hair and
whiskers, the last circumstance being very
annoying, from the fact that whiskers were
scarce with me in those days. But I would
have prefered any of those annoyances to
the attack of those Nanta Rosa fleas. On
lighting a candle we found the place alive
with them. Unlike, both in appearance and
manner, the modest flea of ordinary life,
that seeks concealment as soon as by acci
dent it is unearthed, these insects, reared
in the rough school of a bullock’s hide, bold
ly faced as they attacked us. We discov
ered the next day that the room, the floor
and the walls of which were of earth, had
contained hides, and had been cleared out
for our accommodation. Fleas not only
abound in the skins of every beast you kill,
but even live on the ground, like little herds
of wild cattle; and ants are of all shapes
and sizes, and stand up savagely on their
hind legs, and open their fnoutbs, if you
onlylookatthem. The waspsattackany meat
that may be hanging up, and commence at
once outting out small pieces, which they
carry home; and it is astonishing the quan
tity they will carry away with them. What-
they do with it when they get home, I never
ascertained; but I presumed that they “jer
ked” it for winter use, as the Spaniards do.
Washington, May 4.
Judge Lumpkin has peremptorily declined
the appointment of Judge of the Court of
Claims.
Arthur D. Neville has been appointed
Poet Master at New Orleans.
Mr. Lamar’i Better.
If the facts are as they seem to be under
stood by Mr. Lamar and CoL Bailey’s friends
intend pressing his name in the Con
vention, we think he has acted wisely, and
we are glad that he witholds his name. We
say it frankly, however, that in some of our
Congressional Districts the party will have
to settle this point, how for one term of ser
vice entitles a member to a life tenure to
his seat. Had it devolved upon the Demo
crats of the 3d District to select a candidate
in the next Convention, we feel very certain
no man could have been put forward by the
party that would have given a better account
of himself or have reflected greater honor
on the District, or the party than Mr. La
mar.
We extract his letter from the last Tele
graph.
Macon, May 5, 1855.
Mr. Editor: My name has been present
ed to the Democracy of this District as a
suitable candidate for Congress. This I
presume has been done under the impres
sion that our present Representative would
decline a re-election.
Being satisfied that Col. Bailey will ac
cept the nomination of his party, I desire
that my claims should not be urged on the
approaching Convention in opposition to his.
I make this announcement to avoid confu
sion in our ranks; and to promote that union
and harmony which can alone secure the
success of our party and its principles. I
avail myself of this public opportunity of
returning my sincere thanks to my friends
throughout the District, for the very kind
and flattering manner in which they have
presented my name to the public.
L. Q. C. LAMAR.
Charity tor Mormons.
The ism of the latter day Saints, seems to
be a rich quarry for every other creed and
sect to pounce upon. There are many
heretics in this land who are as wide of the
mark in their theories and who exercise
practically a more baleful influence on our
society. But let this b9 as it may, the old
Turk who leads the Mormons is in a hope
ful state as regards the negro question.—
Brigham Young, in his pastoral charge says:
“Formerly the rumor was that ‘they were
agoing to tamper with the slaves,’ when we
had never thought of such a thing. The
seed of Ham, which is the seed of Cain, de
scending through Ham, will, according to
the curse put upon him, serve his brethem,
and be a servo it of servants’ to his follow-
creatures, until God removes the corse,
and no power can hinder it. These are my
views upon slavery. I will here say a little
more upon this point. The conduct of the
whites towards the slaves, will, in many
cases, send both slave and master to hell.—
This statement comprises much in a few
words. The blacks should he used like ser
vants, and not like brutes, but they must
serve. It is their privelege to live so as to
enjoy many of the blessings which attend
obedience to the first principles of the gos
pel, though they are not entitled to the
priesthoood.”
•SuThe Macon Citizen, noticing the Bibb
County Democratic Convention, says that
the delegates to the Gubernatorial Conven
tion are Johnaon men, and those to the Con*
gressional Convention are friends of L. Q.
0. Lunar, Esq.
Tit* Wkut Crop.
The abundant showers which fell in
Upper Georgia''for more than a hundred
miles above ijfo point, on Thursday and
Friday last, and agmi i on Monday insure an
average crop of wheat, unless* some casualty
shall occur after this. We directed partic
ular attention to the small grain crop in
several of the upper counties in a recent
trip in that portion of the State. Upon
their red lands, the crop we think, has been
materially hurt by the late four weeks
drought, and we think the stand a bad one.
But we walked through crops of wheat in
Gordon county, after last Thursday’s rain,
that were the finest we thought We ever
saw. The farmers in that section, of whom
we enquired, seemed highly elated with
their prospect of a heavy yield.
We are sorry to say that we cannot re
port so favorably of the oat crop. Much of
the fall sowing was killed, and the dry
spring has left but little chance for any
thing above an inferior yield. The lateness
of the Spring sowing, however, will be fa
vorable to the oat crop, provided the sea
sons iu May shall prove good. Upon the
whole, we are very sanguine that bread-
stuffs must decline, and that all kinds of
grain kept back by the recent panic, will
now come forward to our relief.
D*lcg*t*s to the State Democratic Con*
ventlon.
Baldwin—Wm. McKinley, M. D. McComb, D P
Brown.
Bibb—N. Baps, J. B. Lamar, E. L. Stroheeker,
S. B. Hunter, W. K. DeGraffenried.
Batts—E. Varner, J. R. Lyons, R. G. Byars.
Campbell—L. B. Watts, T. A. Latham, W. Camp.
Oass-'-C. A. Hamilton, R. A. Milnor, J. A. Craw
ford.
Cherokee—I. R. Foster, Lawson Field, M. J.
Camden.
Clarke—W. L. Mitchell, H. Cobb, B. Shcate, A.
A. F. Hill.
Decatur—F. G. Arnett, A. A. Allen, J. R. Butler,
W. F, Easterling. J. W. Evans, C. J. Mun-
nerlyn.
DeKalb—-Jas. W. Crockett, Daniel Johnson, Geo.
K. Smith.
Floyd—O. A. Myers, M. H. H&ynie, Wm. Wat
ters.
Forsyth—H. Strickland, G. N. Lester, A. G.
Hutchins.
Fulton—Thos. C. Howard, L. J. Glenn, John
Collier.
Gordon—J. C. Longstreet, R. B. Young, G. J.
Fain.
Gwinnett—H. P. Thomas, J. C. Whitworth, K.
T. Terrell, I. M. Young.
Habersham—O. D. Phillips, R. McMillan, A. K,
Patton, Y. Davis, J. B. Whitehead.
Houston—E. J. McGchee, J. W. Hardison, M.
Marshall, J. B. Campbell.
Jasper—J. W. Burney, Flemming Jordan, W. C.
Lovejoy, J. L. Standifer.
Jones—Jos. Day, W. A. Lane, Robert Brown, W.
L. Flemister.
Munroe—R. Rutland, N. Phillips. Z. E. Harman,
N. W. Newnan, V. Lassiter.
Pike—T D King, H Green, W P Irvin.
Talbot—L B Smith, JesBe Carter, W A Daniel,
Dan’l Weathers.
Union—Andrew Young, J P Welboro.
Walton—W Kilgore, S G Loeklin, Geo. Hurst,
Junius Hillyer.
Wilkinson—Dr. B W Finney, E Gumming, R F
Rozar, James Pittman.
Worth—W A Harris, A J Shine, Samuel Jones.
“America for the Americans.'’
Putnam’s Monthly for May contains the
ablest and most philosophical article against
the “Nnow Nothings' that we have yet en
countered. It is said to be from the pen of
the auther of ‘Our New President.’ ‘Who
ever he may be, he wields a vigorous pen,
and has made some points against ‘Sam’
which he will find hard to answer. We
have not room for the whole article, but give
below its principal points:—
An individual, masked under the vulgar
name of Sam, furnishes just now a good
deal more than half the pabulum wherewith
certain legislators and Journalists are fed.
Whether ne is a mythical or real personage
—a Magus or a monkey—nobody seems to
know, but we are inclined to regard him as
real, because of his general acceptance
among Dalgetty politicians, and becanse of
the irresistible merriment liis occasional,
coming down, on something or Gther affords
the newspapers.
*******
But whether real or mythical, it has been
impossible for us to rais our admiration of
Sam to the popular pitch. After due and
diligent inquiry, we have arrived at only a
moderate estimate of his qualities. In fact,
considering the mystery in which he
shrouds his ways, we are disposed to believe
that he is more of a Jerry Sneak than a
hero. The assumption of secrecy on the
part of any one, naturally starts our suspi
cions. We cannot see why he should resort
to it, if he harbors only just or generous
designs. We associate darkness and night
with things that are foul, and we admire
the saying, that twilight even, though a fa
vorite with lovers, is also favorable to
thieves. Schemes which shrink from the
day, which skull behind corners, and wrig
gle themselves into obscure and crooked
places, are not the schemes we love at a ven
ture. And all the veiled prophets, we ap
prehend, are very much like that one we
read of in the palace of of Merou, who bid
his face, as he pretended to his admirers,
because its brightness would strike them
dead, but in reality because it was of an ug
liness so monstrous, that no one could look
upon it and live.
There is an utterance, however, imputed
to this impervious and oracular Sam, which
we cordially accept. He is said to have said
that ‘America belongs to Americans’—just
as his immortal namesake, Sam Patch, said
that ‘some things could be done as well as
others’—and we thank him for tho conces
sion. It is good, very good, very excellent
good—as the logical Touchstone would have
exclaimed—provided you put a proper mean
ing to it.
What is America, and who are Ameri
cans ? It all depends upon that, and, ac
cordingly as you answer, will the phrase
appar very wise or very foolish. If you are
determined to*consider America as nothing
more than the two or three million square
miles of dirt, included between the Granite
Hills and the Pacific, and Americans as
those men exclusively, whose bodies hap
pened to be fashioned from it 1 —we fear that
you have not penetrated to the real beauty
and significance of the terms. The soul cf
a muck worm may very naturally be con
tented with identifying itself with the mould
from which it is bred, and into which it
will soon be resolved, but the soul of a man,
unless we are hugely misinformed, claims a
loftier origin and looks forward to a nobler
destiny.
America, in our sense of the word, em
braces a complex idea. It means, not sim
ply, the soil with its coal, cotton and corn,
bat the nationality by which that soil is oc
cupied, and the political system in which
such occupants are organized. The soil
existed long before Vespucci gave it a name
—as long back, it may be, as when the
morning stars sang together—but the true
America, dates from the last few years of
the eighteenth century. It picked its shell
for the first time amid the cannon volleys of
Banker Hill, and gave its first peep when
the old State House Bell at Philadelphia,
rang out ‘liberty to all the land.’ Before
that period, the straggling and dependent
colonies which were here, were the mere
spawn of the older nations—the eggs and
embryos of America, but not the full fledged
bird. It was not until the political consti
tution of '89 had been accepted by the peo
ple, that America nttnined a complete and
distinctive « that she was able
—continue,." • • • h which we be
gan—tospTeaci ■ • .tvi\ vans/and shout
a cock-a-doodle co the suu.*
his sacred right of i
United States
On the other hand, it is a fixed conviction
of ours, in respect to this whole subject of
aliens—that there is much less danger in
accepting them, under almost any circum
stances, than there would be in attempting
to keep them out. In the latter case, by
separating them from the common life of the
community—making them amenable to laws
for which they are yet not responsible—
taxing them for the support of a government
in which they are not represented—calling
upon them for purposes of defence when
they have no read country to defend—we
should in effect erect them' into a distinct
and subordinate class, on which we had fas
tened a very positive stigma, or degradation.
How lamentable and inevitable the conse
quences of such a social contrast!
(which the j w , like a foolish and
first of nations to kicks the stone over
sanction) or been expatriated by his too ar
dent love of the cause which the United
States represents; feed, he ; *
to the anoint fold. It 5 “
more incontinently **»««
fire. He must become, 1
.derer and » nondescript oi
earth, or be received into feur generous re
publican arms. Itis our habit to say that
we know of no race nor creed, but the race
of man and the creed of Democimey, and if
he appeals to us, as a man and a Democrat,
there is no alternative in the premises.
who
sensible
finite,
of probation
make them, by
u ions of the law—
aiTinterval of real preparation for citizen
ship—and the present term will be found occasli
long enough. But whether long enough or j were j
not, the question of time, that is, whether it • owd byji
shall be five years or ten, is a simple ques- j
" ... - ln.at.incr nr in- !
tion of internal poliey, not of
eqflee, to be determined by the facta of ex
perience, and by no means justifying the
virulent and wholesale denunciations of for
eigners it is the fashion with some io fulmi-
newly fitted up
? nd *7° thro “«
date, and overshad.
•Id. One of tfie thrones bore the^Lw
. the other E. Napoleon, Eugenie fc
a ... seats
were reserved for the Cabinet
For, it is a universal truth, that whatever
thing enjoys but a partial participation of
the life to whioh it generically belongs, gets,
to the extent of the deprivation, diseased.—
It is also a universal truth, that the spread
of that disease will, sooner or later affect
the more living members. Make any class
of men, for instance an exception in socie
ty; set them apart in a way which shall ex
clude them from the more vital circulations
of that society; place them in relations
which shall breed in them a sense of alien
ation and of degradation at the same time
—and they must become either blotches or
parasites, which corrupt it; or else a band
of conspirators, more or less active, making
war upon its integrity. Let us suppose that
some ruler, a Louis Napoleon, or Dr. Fran-
cia, should decree that all the inhabitants of
a certain country, of oblique or defective
vision, should be rigidly confined to one of
the lower mechanical occupations: would
not all the squint eyed and short sighted
people be immediately degraded in the esti
mation of the rest of the community?—
Would not the feeling of that debasement
act as a perpetual irritant to their malice—
lead them to hate the rest, and to prey upon
them—and so feed an incessant fend—open
or sinister as the injured party might he
strong or weak—between the strabismic
families and those of a more legitimate ocu
larity. In the same way, but with even
more certainty and virulence of effect, any
legal distinctions among a people, founded
upon differences of birth or race, must gen
erate unpleasant and pernicious relations,
which, in the end, could only be maintain
ed by force. Say to the quarter million of
foreigners, who annually orriveon our shores,
that, like the metoikoi of the Greeks, they
may subsist here, but nothing more; that
the privileges of the inside of the city, suff
rage, offices, equality, ambition are clos
ed to them; that they may sport for our
amusement in the arenas, look on at our
courts, do our severer labor for us, and rev
erently admire our greatness; but that they
shall have no part nor lot in that political
life which is the central and distinguishing
life of the nation; and, so far forth, you
convert them, infallibly, into enemies—into
the worst kind of enemies, too—because in
ternal enemies, who have already effected a
lodgment in the midst of your citadel.—
Coming as an invading army—these thous
ands—with avowed unfriendly purposes—
they might easily be driven back by our
swords; but coming here, to settle and be
transmuted into a caste—-into political le
pers and vagabonds—they would degene
rate into a moral plague, which no human
weapon can turn away. Proscribed from
the most important functions of the society
in which they lived, they would cherish an
interest separate from the general interest,
and as they grew stronger, form themselves
into an organized and irritable clanship.-—
Their just resentments, or their increasing
arrogance, would sooner or later provoke
some rival faction into conflict; and then
the deep seated, fatal animosities of race
and religion, exasperated by the remem-
brace of injuries given and taken, would
rage over society like the winds over the
sea.
Our statesmen at Washington"are justly
sensible of the dangers of sectional divi
sions; but no sectional divisions which it is
possible to arouse are half so much to be
dreaded as an inflamed and protracted con
test between natives and aliens, or Catholics
and Protestants. The divisions which
spring from territorial interests appeal to
few of the deeper passions of the soul, but
the divisions of race and religion touch a
chord in the human heart which vibrates to
the intensest malignity of bell. Accord
ingly, the pen of the historian registers
many brutal antagonisms—many lasting
and terrible wars; but the most brutal of all
those antagonisms—the most lasting and
terrible of all those wars, are the antago
nisms of race, and the wars of religion.
It will be replied to what we ba7e hither
to urged, that our argument proceeds upon
an assumption, that aliens ore to be totally
excluded from political life; whereas nobody
proposes such a thing, but only a longer
preparatory residence.
We rejoin, that the persons and parties
who are now agitating tne general question,
because they propose the exclusion of adopt
ed citizens from office, do, in effect, propose
a total political disqualification of foreign
ers. All their invectives, all their speeches,
all their secret assemblages, have this end
and no other. They agree to ostracise po
litically every man who is not born on our
soil; they conspire not to nominate to any
preferment, not to vote for any candidate
who is born abroad; and these agreements
and conspiracies are a present disfranchise
ment, so far as they are effective, of every
adopted citizen, and a future anathema of
every alien. Whether the aim be accom
plished by public opinion, by secret con
clave, or by law, the consequences are the
same; and the general objections we have
alleged, to the division of society into castes,
apply with equal force.
We rejoin again—in respect to the dis
tinction made between a total exclusion of
foreigners, and a change in the naturaliza
tion laws—that it is distinction which real
ly amounts to nothing. For, firstly, if the
E robation be extended to a long period, say
1 years, as some recommend, it would be
equivalent to a total exclusion; and, second
ly, if a shorter period, say ten years, be
adopted, the change would be unimportant,
because no valid objection against the pres
ent term of five years would thereby be ob
viated,
* * * * * * . *
It is true, in respect to the present laws of
naturalization, that our Courts have shown
a baneful laxity in enforcing their condi
tions, and that our leading parties, corrupt
everywhere, are now here more corrupt
than in their modes of naturalizing foreign
ers ; but there is no reason to expect that
either Courts or parties will grow more se
vere under more stringent laws. They will
have the same motives, and be just as eager,
to license fraudulent voters then as they are
now ; and the few days before a great Pres
idential election will exhibit the same dis
graceful scenes of venality and foleehood.
No simple change in the time of the law,
at any rate, can work any improvement.—
Nor will such a change render it any more
difficult for the dishonest alien to procure
the franchise. He can jnst as easily swear
to a long residence as a short one; while it
will happen, the more we increase the diffi
culties or access to it, the longer we post
pone the minority, the greater will be his
inducements to evade the law. In propor
tion as a prise becomes more valuable, the
The adopted citizen, no doubt preserves a
keen remembrance of his native land; but
“lives there on earth a soul so dead” as not
to sympathise in that feeling ? Let us ask
you, oh patiriotio Weissinicht, all fresh os
you are nrom the vociferations of the lodge,
whether you do at heart think the less of a
man because he cannot wholly forget the
play place of bis infancy—the friends and
companions of his boyhood—the old cabin
in which he was reared—and the grave in
whioh the bones of his honored mother re
pose? Have you never seen two long sepa
rated friends, from the old world, meet
again in the new, and olasp each other in
a warm embrace, while their conversation
blossomed up from a vein of common memo-
The real American, then, is he—no mat
ter whether his corporal chemistry was ig
nited in Kamsohatka or the moon—who
abandoned every other country and for
swearing every other allegiance, gives his
mind and heart to the grand constituent
ideas of the Republic—to the impulses and _ ___
ends in which and by which alone it sub- temptations to a surreptitious seizure of it
Oiatfl TP flA Viog amnnivl n4 «taam /if Jinn»a imamaaaa ■ kni mLam — J
sists. If he has arrived at years of discre
tion—if he produces evidence of a capacity
to understand the relations be undertakes
—if be has resided in the atmosphere of
freedom long enough to catch its genuine
spirit—then is he an American, in the true
and best sense of the term.
Or, if not an American, pray what is he?
Ah Englishman, a German, an Irishman, he
cannot he; he has cast tho slough of his old
political relations forever; he ha* asserted
increase t but where an end is easily achiev
ed, the trouble of waiting till it be obtained
in the regular way is preferred to the has-
zards of a clandestine or oriminal attempt
tofoarry it off.
Besides, it is a puerile piece of injustice
towards the alien, to inflict him with a dis
ability because of our own laches. We have
failed to administer our laws as they should
be, and experiencing some injury m oonse*
qoenoe, we turn round to nbuae the foreign*
ry in
“Sweet household talk and phrases of the hearth,”
and did you not love them the more, in that
their eyes grew liquid with the dear old
themes? Oris there, in the whole circle of
your large and respectable private acquain
tance, a single Scotchman to whom you re
fuse your hand because his affections melt
under the “Auld lang syne” of Burns, or
because his ideas shake like a falling house
when “Haloween” or “Tam O’Shanter” is
read ? Can you blame even the poor
Frenchman, if his eyes light up into a kind
of deathless glow, when the “Mrrseilaise”
twisted from some wandering hurdy gurdy,
has yet power to recall the glorious days m
whioh bis fetherB and brothers danced for
liberty’s sake, and with gay audacity, to
wards the gillotine ? We venture to say for
you, No! and we believe, if the truth were
told, that often on the lonely western plains
you hav8 dreamed overjigain with tho Ger
man, his sweet dream of the resurrection
and unity of the fatherland ? We have our
selves seen you at the St. George dinners,
on Weissnicht, well with a very evident
pride, when some flagrant Englishman re
counting, not the battles which his ances
tors for ten centuries had won on every field
of Europe—but the better trophies gained
by ShaKespeare, Milton, Bacon or Crom
well—told you that a little of that same
blood coursed in your veins! The blood
itself as it tingled through your body and
suffused your cheeks, confessed the fact if
your words did not! How, then, can you,
who gaze at Bunker Hill with tears in your
eves, and fling up your hat of a Fourth of
July, with a jerk that almost dislocates the
shoulder, retire to your secret conclave, and
chalk it up behind the door, against the
foreigner, that he has a lingering love for
his native country ? Why, he ought to be
despised if he had not, if he could forget his
heritages of old renown—for it is this tradi
tional tenderness, these genial memories of
the immortal words and deeds and places,
that constitute his patronymic glories, which
show that he has a human heart still under
his jacket, and is all the more likely, on ac
count of it to become a worthy American.
*******
But this is a slight digression, and we
return to the main current of our argument,
to say—what we esteem quite fatal to all
schemes for excommunicating foreigners,
or even greatly extending their minority—
that the best way, on the whole, for making
them good citizens, is to make them citizens.
The evils of making them a class by them
selves, we have already alluded to, and we
now speak, on the other hand, of tho bene
fits which must accrue to them and to us
from their absorption into the general life
of the community. It is universally conce
ded by the liberal writers on government
and society, that the signal and beneficent
advantage of republican institutions (by
which we mean an organized series of local
self governments) is, that their practical in
fluences are so strongly eductational. They
train their subjects constantly into an in
creasing capacity for their enjoyment. In
the old despotic nations—as we are all aware
—where the State is ODe thing and the peo
ple another—the State is in reality a mere
machine of poliece, even in its educational
and religious provisions—maintaining a
rigid order, but acting only externally on
the people, whonie it treats either as slaves
or children. It does not directly develope
the sense of responsibility in them, nor ac
custom them to self control and the exercise
of their faculties. But in free common
wealths—which abhor this excessive cen
tralizing tendency, and which distribute
power through subordinate municipalities,
leaving the individual as much discretion as
possible—the people are the State and grow
into each other as a kind of living unity.—
Thrown upon their own resources, they ac
quire quickness, skill, energy and self poise;
yet made responsible for tho general inter
ests, they learn to deliberate, to exercise
judgement, to weigh the bearings of public
questions, and to act in reference to the
public welfare.
THE ATLANTIC’S MAILS.
Napoleon’s Speech in London—His Views on
the Third Point—Particulars of the Bom
bardment— Why the Conference broke up.
The Atlantic’s mails reached us yesterday
afternoon. Wecollate below all intelligence
of interest. It will be remembered dates
are to the 23d ult. from Liverpool, from
Sebastopol to the 17th. The budget of news
is one of the most important since the be-
6 inning of the war. Peace is no longer
oped for; fierce hostilities continue in the
Crimea ; the Emperor Napolean had visited
England, audbeen received with the highest
honors, affairs everywhere were in a most
critical condition.
Napoleon and Eugenie visit Victoria.
The English papers are crowded with ac
counts of the visit of Napoleon III. and his
wife to the Queen of England.
On Monday, the 16th of April, Napoleon
III. and the Empress Eugenia arrivd at
Dover. Napoleon wore the uniforme of a
General of Division, the Empress—for the
benefit of the ladies be it related—a straw
hat, grey cloak, and plaid dress. Leaning
on the arm of Prince Albert, the- Empress,
(the Emperor by her side) walked to the
Warden Hotel, where they had lunch,
besides an address from the Corporation of
Dover.
From Dover the imperial guest proceeded
to London, where the Queen’s carriages and
an escort of troops awaited them. The cor
tege, of close carriages, proceeded at rather
a rapid rate along the principal streets, in
which it was estimated that not fewer than
one million of spectotors were assembled.
Hundreds of flags were hung on the outer
walls,” aita a noticeable proportion bore the
words, “L’empire, e’est la paix 1”
At every point along this distance of five
miles the streets were packed with specta
tors, and every window pane was crowded
with gazers. At the clubs especially, of
whioh Louis Napoleon was formerly an
habitue, the most lively couriosity was man
ifested by the members to catch a glimps of
the altered fortunes of their fomer associate.
In passing the house in King street in which
he formerly resided, the. Emperor was ob
served to point it out to bis wife. Immense
cheering marked the whole course of their
progress through London.
On arrival at Windsor Castle, at 7 o'clock
evening, the visitors were received in the
Grand Hall by the Queen and her family,
with the usual court officials, and the Lords
Palmerston and Clarendon. A “state din
ner” followed. Windsor was ' illuminated
in the evening, and the Lord Mayor of
London gave a oanquet to the Prefect of
the Seine, at which ceremony were
present the consuls-general of several Euro
pen powers, and of Mexico, Chili and Brazil.
We believe the United States was not repre
sented on the occasion.
On Wedenesday the 18th, the Queen con
ferred on the Emperor the investiture of the
garter. A grand chapter of the order was
held at Windsor, and the formalities which
acooeapony the presentation of the piece of
riband were duly gone through,
The Queen buckled the gerter around the
, and the corps diplomatic™*
Clustered around the wall were devic*.
draped, with the flags of the allied nation.,
and bearing the legends “BalaUava,” ‘«al
ma,” “Inkeman, Medalions by Queen
Victoria and Napoleon III, plentifully h*
studded the walls.
Lords Palmerston, Clarendon, Landsdowne
and Panmure, with numerous lesser lights
of the administration, were present, as tras
also the United States Minister.
The Emperor wore, as usual, the uniform
of a general of Division. Eugene’s costume
was of white and green brocade silk. When
the Recorder proceeded to read the address
to the Emperor, the Empress arose and stood
by the side of her husband.
Emperor Napoleon’s Speech.
In his answer, the.Emperor thanked th e
city for the cordial reception of himself and
Empress, believing however, that their prai 8 -
es were addressed much more to France than
to himslef.
They are addressed to an army and navv
united to yours by a heroic companionship
in danger and in glory. [Renewed an-
plause.j They are addressed to the policy
of the two Governments which is based on
truth, on moderation and on justice.
For myself I have retained on the throne
the same sentiment of sympathy and esteem
for the English people which I professed as
an exile—(loud and prolonged cheering)—
while I enjoyed here the hospitality of y 0ur
Queen; and if I have accordance with mv
convictions, it is that the interest of the na-
tion.which has chosen me, no less than that
of universal civilization, has made it a duty.
Indeed, England and France are natural
ly united on all the great questions of poli
tics and of human progress that agitate the
world. From the shores of the Atlantic to
those of the Mediterranean—from the Bal
tic to the Black Sea—from the desire to abol
ish slavery, to our hopes for the ameliora
tion of all the countries of Europe—I see
in the moral as in the political world for
our two nations, but one course and one end.
[Applause.]
It is then only by unworthy considera
tions and pitiful rivalries that our union
could be dissevered. If we follow the dic
tates of common sense alone, we shall be
sure of the future. [Loud applause.]
You are right in interpreting my pres
ence among you as a fresh and convincing
proof of my energetic co-operation in the
prosecution of the war, if we fail in obtain
ing an honorable peace. [Applause. ]
fehould we so fail, although our difficul
ties may be great, we may surely count on
a successful result; for not only are our sol
diers and sailors of tried valor—not only
do our two countries possess within them
selves unrivalled resources—but above all—
and here lies their superiority—it 13 because
they are in the van of all generous and en
lightened ideas.
Opera Boxes 500 Guinea* each.
In the evening Queen Victoria and Prince
Albert, Napoleon and Eugenie visited the
Italian opera. 500 guineas were given as
the quotations for boxes, and 30 guineas for
single stalls in the favored parts of the house
where the light of the royal countenances
might fall on the occupants. London, west
of Templebar, was illuminated.
On Friday the Emperor and Empress, ac
companied by the Queen and Prince Albert,
visited the Crystal Palace at Sydenham,
where 20,000 persons were assembled to re
ceive them. In the evening the Queen gave
a supper and concert, and the American
Minister was present. On Saturday their
majesties returned home.
Bombardment of Sevastopol.
News from Sevastopol is to the 17th, by
way of Balaklava. The immense allied
batteries had all been opened on the town
since the 9th. The Freuch left batteries
had made a breach in the indented wall, the
two fronts of the last erected Russian bat
tery were much injured, and one of the
Russian works of counter-approach near the
careening harbor was silenced. During the
first two days the besiegers’ fire was supe
rior to that of the city.
During the night of the 13th the left at
tack of the allies obtained considerable ad
vantage over the Russians. The Russians
were twice dislodged from a strongly forti
fied position, which remained in the hands
of the French. The possesion of this posi
tion enables the allies to fortify the summit
of the ravines, which is of great import
ance.
The fleets were in line of battle before
Sevastopol.
Omar Pacha was reported to have landed
at Kamiesch with 15,000 men to participate
in the assault. Correspondence direct from
Eupatoria, of date the 2d states that six
French steam-frigates were in waiting to
embark Turks, and that Omar had inform
ed his men he himself would accompany
them in an enterprise, in which “the eyes
of Europe would be upon them.”
Vienna Peace Conference.
Prince Gortschakoff’s instructions arrived
at Vienna on Sunday the 15th, and the 10th
conference was held on Tuesday, the 17th.
After 4 hours’ conference, the Russian plen
ipotentiaries left, and the representatives of
the allies remained in session an hour longer.
Russia declined to accept the conditions of
the allies on the third point, but makes
counter propositions.
At the 10th conference on Tuesday, the
17th April, Prince Gortschakoff announced
that Russia would not assent to reduce her
power in the Black Sea, nor to have the see
open to all fleets.
Russia would, however, propose that the
Black Sea be a closed sea to all fleets ex
cepting those of Russia and Turkey,—these
two powers to maintain armaments of equal
strength on its waters. These proposals
were viewed by the plenipotentiaries as
“worthy of consideration.”
The 11th—and supposed final—conference
met on the afternoon of 'I hursday the 19th.
Dismissing a thousand and one rumors, we
believe that the only circumstance the pub
lic knows is, that France and England drew
up their demands as to tho third point in a
specific form, and communicated them to
tne plenipotentiaries of the other Powers.
It rests there.
It is said that all hopes of Austria taking
the field against Russia appear to be at an
end for the present. Among the conflict
ing rumors that which appeared to bear the
most consistency was, that Austria refuses
to demand from Russia any concessions fun
ther than these three:—
1. The Russian fleet in the Black See to
remain in statu quo. It is said at present
to consist of three ships of the line and four
steam frigates.
2. The Western Powers to have consuls
at Sevastopol, who are to be under the inr
rqpdiate protection of their Ministers resid
ing at St. Petersburg.
3. The allies to have tho right to con
struct war ports on some parts of the Turk
ish coast.
By Telegraph from Vienna.—The 12th
conference was held on Saturday the 21st
April. It lasted four hours and a half,
concluded by adjourning sine die—Russia
having absolutely rejected the demands of
France and England.
Lord John Russell and M. Drouyn de
Lhuys immediately took leave of the £mn«*
ror, and wore to leave on Sunday the £-<!•
It now remains to be seen what course Aus
tria will pursue.
Attempted Violence on the Emperor
Napoleon. .
A little before 7 o’clock on the evening 01
the 19th, a report was circulated through
the metropolis; which was spread with elec
trical rapidity, and caused the greatest ex*-
citement, to the effect that a French refuge*!
had been arrested for attempting to at -
the Emperor Napoleon, on bis retort. ‘ r0IU ‘
the Guild Hall to Buokingham Palace.
Upon inquiry at the Gardeners-lane Po
lice station, it was ascertained that a French
man had beep arrested for attempting w
throw a letter Into the Emperor's oarnage,
and otherwise offering violence. Around
the station were assembled a large number
of Frenchmen, and the deliaqaent was held
in oustoefy.