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TUESDAY, JUNK 19. Qtrermor Letter. We call .attention to thia strong and oc clusive paper 'which appears in our morn ings issue. We think that nothing remains to be said in favor of theunion of all parties now existing in tho Southern States, upon the platform, as laid down by the late Dem ocratic Convention held by the party in Georgia. ^ . A disintegration of our strength is a de plorable thing, and is not demanded and cannot bo justified by any necessity, that is upon us. If any man in the Sonth can place his finger upon a principle included in that exposition of faith that is not sound and safe, and to which a reasonable objec tion could be made by any partisan, we will then agree that our present political estrangements are not as criminal as we are constrained to think now. Let it be shown if it can be, what is unconstitutional, dan gerous, inexpedient, unjust, or illiberal, in the published platform of the party. Who is proscribed by it that has any affinities for our cause, or who is excluded from the fullest and freest participation in the labors or in the successes of that cause by anything that is demanded by our creed.— Wc fear that those who say that they are excluded and unbidden are malcontents at heart and would not see the South a unit upon terms that left us upon impregnable ground. “The New York papers are calling pub lic attention to the great increase of opium in that city, and suggests that, as its effects are no less deleterious than those resulting from the use of ardent spirits, its sale ought to be repressed by law. In Europe laud anum and the like dangerous drugs can on ly be procured by handing to the druggist nu order from a physician " So we go. We predicted from the start of the Prohibition crusade that tho spirit of the movement would saddle us, after awile, with the whole code of Blue-laws. After opium is done for, then look out for your quids, ye slaves of the weed. The re-action from al! this sumptuary tyranny will proba bly not begin till after the pulpit has been superseded, and the little nost of tyrants and man-haters who will make up the oligarchy of tbe majority party, lia^placed burthens on the masses too intolerant to be borne, and which our guardinns arc not willing to touch with their little fingers. Neal Dow, though, is beginning to turn men’s noses to the right point of the compass. [For the Atlnuta Daily Intelligencer.] A Remarkable Phenomenon. Messrs. Editors: In your issue of the 15th inst. you seem to invite communications in relation to the vorv remarkable phenomenon that was seen in this place on Wednesday wight last, l?th inst. As much for your own gratification and that of your readers ns that of calling the attention of scientific men abroad io this curious spectacle, I give you tho following imperfect description of it, made up of the writer’s own observations in part, assisted by the more extended ob servations of one or two friends who were watching with him For its general cor rectness I can safely touch, hut owing to the iiunatural character of the thing de scribed, 1 fear that it will not convey a very exact or intelligible idea to those who were not eye witnesses. It was a bright—unusually bright—star light night, with not a speck of a cloud visible in all ihc heavens, and with a tem perature very cool for the season—indeed so chilly as to render one or two blankets necessary for comfortable sleeping. At about 11} o’clock the appearance began, with two faint streaks starting in the East and West, at points upon the horizon nearly identical with the points of sunrise and Letter Croat Gov. Johnson. - Executive Chamber, 1 Milledgeville, Geo., June 11th. } Maji John H. Howard, Columbus, Geo. Dear SirI received your favor, enclos ing me a copy of the “ Meeting at Tempe rance Hall" on the 26th of May, in which you beg me “not to oppose this movement.’’ I also received your communication of the will vote for her admission. But will they do it. if they find that the South has cut on all party alliance with them ? Is it to be expected ? And suppose Kansas, with such a constitution, should be rejected, as she probably will, and an appeal should be made to the non-slaveholding States to re turn members to the following Congress who will vote for her admission, what hope should __ _ „ we then have of a successful appeal, if we 1st inst., written at Montgomery, Ala., sup- .shall have dissolved our party alliance with porting, by an elaborate argument, the pol- them ? Absolutely none. If the South — ’ - J —‘ J *—= sectionalizes herself, the North will take a similar position; and being in the minority, icy foreshadowed in the resolutions adopted by the meeting referred to. My nomina tion, and acceptance of the candidacy for the office of Governor, by the late Demo cratic Convention, apprise you more forci bly than I could express, in words, of my utter and entire dissent from the line of pol icy which you urge. Not desiring to be conspicuous, I should not have obtruded my views upon the public, but my great respect for you would not permit me to be silent, and justice to myself, in view of the posi tion I occupy before the people of Georgia, requires that I should bo fully understood, in order that I may not seem captiously to oppose a movement 60 specious, and eman ating from a source so respectable. Without arrogance, I believe I am as true a Southern Rights man as any you can find —as firmly attached tar Southern interests— we must either submit to dishonor and deg radation, or dissolve the Union. There is no avoiding one of these alternatives, and, therefore, I am standing by our Northern friends, for the present, as the best course to maintain our rights in the Union. In 1850, as before remarked, I was an ardent but humble member of the Southern Rights party. It was a sectional organisa tion, from the very nature of the circum stances and questions which brought it into being. I belonged to that party, because the compromise measures, in my judgment, were of such a character as to demand firm and united action on the part of tbe South* ern States. We had presented to us aprac- tical, tangible, exciting and solemn issue, involving the interests of our Democratic institutions. The two parties that then as prompt to unite in their energetic vindica- tion and support, I fully evinced all this in sprung up, grew naturally from the charac- 1850, which grew out of the acts of Con- ter of the question to be decided. But is gress, known as the “Compromise Mea- j there any such issue now ? Has Congress sures.” Upon that issue I acted with tbe j committed any over act hostile to the slave- Southern Rights party. In common with j ry interest? So far from thi^being true, them, I was in favor of a temporary sever- ! the measures of the last Congress evince iance of party alliance with the North— j more justice to the South than has been temporarily until that issue should be set- awarded to her for many years; and what . r -r, ... t -— -ii js more important, those measures were sustained by a large number of Northern and Western Democratic members. What, then, is to be gained by sectional organiza tion ? Show me the necessity for it, and I shall advocate It with earnest zeal. The “Columbus Movement,” as it is call ed, is put forward under the specious sug gestion for us to be “one people and one party.” This indeed sounds beautifully. It smacks of a political millenium. But, how ever desirable, we cannot be “one people tied. For this purpose I desired to see all the .slaveholding States ceq$titute “one peo ple and one party,” and that they should meet in Southern--Convention, not . to dis solve the Union, but to adopt a platform upon which Southern Rights might be main tained and the Union preserved. I pre ferred this course to separate action by the State, because I believed that its moral ef fect upon the North would be potent for the accomplishment of our patriotic purposes.— But the people of this State, by an over- whelming majority adjudged otherwise.— and one party,” until we shall all think They decided that Georgia should act for ; alike. In a government like ours, where herself, take her own position, and lay down ! freedom of thought and debate is tolerated, her own platform. In sovereign Conven- i diversity of sentiment must needs exist.— tion, she gave expression to her final deter- j Now, right or wrong, experience shows this mination in the bold, fearless, and solemn ; to be true. In 1832, it was considered that language of the 4th resolution, to wit: patriotism should prompt us to be “one peo- That the State of Georgia, in the judg- | pie and one party” on the Tariff question, ment of this Convention, will and ought to < In 1850 many of us thought we should be resist, even (as & last resort) to a disruption j “one people and one party,” on theCompro- of every tie which binds her to the Union, : mise question. On each of these occasions any act of Congress upon the subject of j there was a great exciting issue, deeply af- Slavery in the District of Columbia, or in fecting the rights and interests of the South, places* subject to the jurisdiction of Con- But bow egregiously were we divided; gress, incompatible with the safety, domes- you have no such' issue now—indeeed, no tic tranquility, the rights and honor of the present pending issue. Then, if we could siaveholding States ; or any act suppressing j not be “one people and one party” in 1832 the slave trade between the slaveholding i and 1850, when there were great subjects States ; or any refusal to admit as a State j of excitement, is it not utopian to expect it any territory hereafter applying, because of tbe existence of slavery therin : or any act prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the territories of Utah and New Mexi co ; or any act repealing or materially modi fying the laws in force for the recovery of fugitive slaves. When Georgia had thus authoritatively decided to acquiesce in the Compromise Measures—to act for herself, irrespective of our sister Southern States, by announcing solemnly tbe future conditions on which she would remain in the Union. 1 regarded the question which gave rise to the formation > _ of the Southern Rights and Union parties ‘ regard the “Columbus Movement as very as settled, and that, consequently, the lie- j singular. Congress has been adjourned cessity for their continuance as political or- j ever since the 4th of March ; the Northern oauizations ceased. I was satisfied with j and Western elections have transpired the platform, and if a Southern Convention j several weeks ago; no very recent develop- had been held, I could not have asked it to j ment, hostile to Southern Rights has occurr- take higher and stronger ground. I would | ed, and yet not a syllable is suggested, as to have been better pleased with the same j the formation of a Southern party, until two platform adopted by such a body, for the ; of the most prominent leaders of the Whig reason only, of its greater moral weight ! party, in Georgia, have thrown bomb shells with the Northern portion of our Con- into the ranks of Know Nothingism, and the now, in the absence of any condensing ele ment in the popular mind ? In action, the masses of freemen are harmonious ; in dis cussion, rarely ever. We shall differ in Georgia, and be arranged into party organi zations until The time for action shall come. Then we shall be “one people and one par ty.” Let the 4th Resolution of the Georgia Convention of 1850, be trampled under foot by Congress, and then our people with one accord, without tho suggestion of prelimi nary meetings, will rush together, like the gathering elements of the brewing tempest. Looking at the circumstances, I can but federacy. The Southern Rights and Union parties of 1850 and ’51 being thus disbanded by the cessation of causes which brought them Democratic party of Georgia, has been aroused and organised, and are about to meet in Convention. Why is this ? Why has patriotism slumbered so long ? Why *' until ‘ raentieai wnn roe po.uu, o. B u U .«e uu U . included, seeing that among the Northern • , v i „„,;i I Democracy were sound men—ready to stand sunset, and running up the heavens until , ^ s 0 bth_ready to execute the Fugi- they met and united in the zenith, lhis 1 - ~ ■ ~ r formed an arch or belt spanning the heav ens. This belt iiad the appearance of a dark thick smoke near the horizon and for about 25 degrees above; beyond that and about the zenith it was not so dense or dark, but still clearly perceptible, and thick enough to obscure entirely the stars which into being, it became a question with us all i *™t until the position of certain Whig —Wlties^and Democrats—whither should j leaders was known ? Why wait until just we go” The Democrats of Georgia, myself on the Democratic Convention ? Was it to . , 6 V , xra-tiL,.., be supposed that the Democratic party of it covered. Near the horizon it resembled very much iu color and density the black smoke which issues from the chimney of a machine shop using bituminous coal for fuel. This belt—narrow at first—imper- tive Slave law. and consider the passage of the “Compromise Measures” as the final settlement of the slavery agitation—deter mined to be represented in the then ap proaching Baltimore Convention, to sup port its nominees, and bide its action, pro vided that they would come squarely up to our position. That body did so. They de- be supposed that the Democratic party Georgia, with its seventy-four counties, rep resented by one hundred and seventy-five delegation assembled in Milledgeville, ready for action, flushed with ardent hopes of suc cess, in a patriotic cause, would disband, go home and repudiate their organization, at the bidding of the Temperance Hall meet ing ? How could it reasonably be expected, that such a request would be complied with ? So far from making us “one people termined to stand by the Compromise meas- j ?nd one party,” nothing hasi ever: occurred urcs: to enforce the Fugitive Slave Law, jn our State, so calculated to divide and dis and to resist its repeal or modification.— i tract P U ^J 1C sentiment. They nominated General Pierce, and with j the known patriotism and character of him as our leader, and those principles in-j those who lead in this movement did scribed on our banner, the National Demo- j not rise a presumption against such a mo- eratic party was thoroughly reorganized, ! ti'e, 1 would conclude, mat schism, and , I orwi tr.nn.hMl tn viciorv Now I re-Dect- heart burning and angry strite, were the ceptibly increased m width, and in about , JJJ 1 “ ^ not Gen / ral p ierc ’ e faithfully ! effects they desired to produce. For these, fifteen minutes it covered an extent in the j can : jed out ti) - pJ i n «iples of that Baltimore j to the minds oi the dispassionate, will be heavens of from 5* to 10 degrees. It then ! platform? lias he not enforced the execu- ; its legitimate fruits. In the spirit ul sober, — - but earnest appeal, I would *»arn the people against it. It is fraught with misetuet, and mischief only. 1 consider the people of Georgia pledged to the provisions of the 4th Resolution of the Ge 0l 'g* a Platform. It speaks the sov ereign voice of the State, and we owe it the homage allegiance. The Democratic Party of Georgia re-united with their Na tional Democratic brethren in the Baltimore Convention upon the understanding, that they would, ou their part, adhere to the principles of Compromise. Xney have done so; and bo long as they continue to do so we are, in honor, bound to stand by them —certainly bo un d to stand by them until it shall be*demonstrated, that our alliance with them is unavailing lor the protection of our rights under tbe Constitution.— Therefore,°to re soive ourselves into a sec tional organization, in advance of any ot the contingencies enumerated in that 4tn Resolution is virtual disloyalty to it, and a practical repudiation oi tue terms on which the Georgia Democracy weut into the Balti more Convention. T° do either is incom patible with good faith an( i sound policy- In a popular government like ours, two parties will exist, based severally upon a strict and latitudinous construction of the Federal Constitution. Call them by what names you will, this great touchstone will indicate their identy. Such parties, in this country, are co-eval with the formation of our political system. The one is the Dem ocratic or Republican, and the other ia the Whig or Federal party. Their struggle for supremacy has been continued, with earnest zeal, throughout our entire history. The Democratic party has generally been in the ascendancy. It has originated near ly all the great measures which have shaped the policy of the government. Indeed, it has always, with two or three exceptions, been emphatically the party of the adminis tration, and, guided by the rule of strict construction, has regulated the Tariff, op posed a system of Internal Improvements, supplanted a National Bank, conducted our w ars with foreign powers, and enlarged platfor remained stationary for some time in size i tion of the Fugitive Slave law? Has he not and position, with outlines clearly defined j given evidence of great firmness and sound- . ‘ , 1 uesss of constitutional construction, in Ins against the sky. i able and admirable vetoes ? Aye, more— In a few minutes, a second belt, similar i j n tbe j agt Gon g resS) when one great princi- to the first, except that it was of less width ! p i e 0 f tl ie Compromise measures, that new and density, was seen forming—connected j States should be admitted into the Union with tbe first of the points on the horizon i with or without slavery, as their people ,, „ , ‘ : might determine for themselves, cams to be and spanning the heavens a little South of 6 applied on the passage of the the one just uescribed—leaving the space oi . K anaas .Nebraska bill, did not a large por- a few degrees ali around between the two. i t j t)n 0 f Northern and Western Democratic Fifteen minutes sufficed io form this one, j members faithfully redeem their pledges? when a third began to appear in the same ' Did they not aid the South in repealing the manner-then a fourth, and so on, until Missouri restriction, under which she had , .,. . . - . P , t | writhed tnirfcv years, as degrading to her about 11* o’clock, six of these belts were an d violative of the Constitution ? visible—all joined at the points of conec-1 jf these things be true, why should Geor- vion on the horizon, and together with the j „i a dissolve her alliance with the sound intervals between them occupying all tho j Democrats of the North ? What have they space in the heavens from the zenith to the | done since we marched with them to victo- '. . ry in the late Presidential election to forfeit . oiithern horizon. .... , our confidence» I know that all Northern They diminished gradually in width from ! j) emocrat8 are no t sound, necessarily, upon tho first to the sixth, the last being but a i the slavery quostion—many of them are faint narrow streak ; yet all possessed out- | rotten to the heart’s centre. But I do be- iines clearly defined. The phenomenon re-1 lieve the sound men among them govein mained in this position for about thirty the Democratic party North ao as topre- 1 . , , , 1 vent a permanent course of policy hostile minutes. These six belts then began to t , )C interests 0 f the South. They are, at separate from each other in the following j ; ca9 t ( the exponents of a powerful substra- mannor;—retaining their connection at the : turn and constitutional conservatism among two points iu the horizon, they turned upon j the masses of the people of the North, which these points as upon pivots, until the one * 511 crop out in'times of peril and sta nd . . * , . , * .X . a j , like a wall of granite against the tide of fa- originally in the zenith had passed over to ; nat j e j enl Therefore, I think we are bound the Northern horizon—the others occupying i to stand by them, so long as they are true to at regular intervals, tbe whole space of the i the pledges to which I have alluded. Let j heavens to the Southern horizon. In this us preserve the brotherhood of party alli- . . , , . ....1 ancc between the North and the South, so position they remained a short time, then , ^ ^ . f affords a hope for the mai ’ nte . all the belts, still turning upon the original j nauce 0 f our rights in the Union, points in the horizon, moved over to tho ; Gie preamble to your resolution as- Nortli, and arranged themselves there, one j ser te “ tnat rhe gallant band of patriots above the other, in the same order that they j within those States who are friends to the had assumed when first seen iu the South- \ South and faithful to the constitution, and tx • i i whom we remember with gratitude, have ern Hemisphere, or, as one of the watcheis j be£m routcd disbandod and o a i ni0St annibi- expressed it, “thoy folded themselves up j ] a ted,” and theretore, the Tcunierance like the ribs of a buggy top!” At this j Hall meeting solemnly resolve “to repudi- __ _ stago, however, the highest belt was only j ate all fellowship with the present national ! our borderejiy territorial acquisitions. - It Cortli-1 political organizations.” It is even, true ; is a that these, our friends, have fallen ancient, fixed and unchanging. Its prin- But ciples find a response iu the deep intentions ne party of largest free- „ , ndustry and that the people of new States shall deter- capital, that is compatible with the general abought forty-five degrees above the North orn horizon. In this position they were seen for over an hour, until li o,clock, M., when wearied with watching, we left them. . , . u Now Messrs. Editors, who will ;» ant mine for themselves the question of slavery, j weal. Hence, whoever oppose Rounder for this'extraordinary phenomenon t front j tZSlfgg. Tt at the hands of the enemies of the South, the rapidity of their charges and move ments, these belts could not have been very high above the earth. They wore of course, this side of the stars, and we take it for grantod they were within the earth’s atmos phere. That it was possible for them to have been composed of cL ud or smoke, any man of common understanding who witness, ed them, would deny. But what they were- was a question that puzzles more thnn one Observer. Some Oats. Gen. Brisbane sends to the Mercury office j banded together in infernal alliance under the sable flag of Know Nothingism, whipb, at the North, is hut another name for Free- soil and Abolitionism. Is it for such a reason o,s this, wc should abandon them ?— Southern chivalry revolts at the proposition. Southern gratitude will not permit it to be entertained. Ours are not the people to leave the wounded and dying on the field when they have received the blows for fight ing by their side.. They will rather admin ister to them—succor, aid and encourage them, that wc may have their services in the next apd rapidly approaching struggle. In the next Congress there will bn, per- party. spectfully ask you, whether it is desirable for a sample of oats grown upon Ashley, eight j . a scorc of ' niclubers f rom the free !1._ C n.. « Lnir Awn* t — * this party to be overthrown? Is it judicious to encourage and strengthen the opposition to it ? Rooking at the great fundamental principles on which it rests—tiip principles of popular rights and popular sovereignty —would not its annihilation lie a public calamity ? Strike out its history from our national annals; erase its measures from our Stale and Federal legislative records, and what would you have left ? Scarcely anything to awaken the pride of an Ameri can, or command the respect of foreign powers. Yet by the 4th Resolution of the “ Columbus Movement,” you distinctly seek to annul the great national party. |s this wise ? Is pot tlie experiment fraught with ance Hall meeting,” “that the time has ar rived when our feilow-citizenj should cease their dissensions, and forget tbe differences which have separated them: and that a common danger anda common enemy should unite us for our common defence and safety." So thought the late Democratic Convention, and for the purpose of effecting this object as nearly as possible, they did not bring in to prominence the characteristic measures ana principles of the Democratic party, as issues in the present cauvass. But consid ering them to have “become the fixed and settled policy of the country/’ they declare that they, “no longer afford grounds for continued separation and conflict,” be tween Southern Whigs and Democrats.— Hence, leaving them, as it were, in the background, they asked “the co-operation of all the citizens of Georgia, regardless of all party distinctions” upon the “questions of paramount importance,” which are forced upon us by recent political developments, and which involve our common defence and safety.” Now, if yon and the friends of the Columbus movement approve of that plat form, why not stand upon it? If sound, why should any man oppose it, or oppose t)io6e who advocate it ? I put these ques tions to every calm and • dispassionate man in Georgia. Shall pride of opinion, shall party prejudice, shall even personal dislike to men stand between patriotic duty and our country’s good ? I mean no disparagement by any of my remarks, to the patriotism and soundness of Southern “Know Nothings.” I am in exorably opposed to the order, opposed to its secrecy and principles of religious and political proscription. I would not insin uate, however, that Southern gentlemen, be cause they belong to that party, are, there fore unworthy of confidence, in reference to the great questions which are now pressing upon us for action and decission. But I do think that the suggestion of the “Colum bus movement” would have appeared more plausible, and certainly not less modest, if it had not ventured to put forward a plat form. If it had been made immediately af ter Northern Know Nothingism had a- chieved those victories, so hostile to South ern rights, and had simply made a call for all the friends of the South in Georgia, with out distinction of party, to meet and organ ize as “one people and one party,” for the maintenance of the Constitution, it would have seemed appropriate, even if not re sponded to. The agents of that “move ment” took no alarm, however, while Know Nothingism was cutting its triumphant march through and over the friends of the South; but it was after its hosts became dis mayed in this State by the open denuncia tions of the Whig leaders. Not only this, but they lay down their platform to snit themselves, and ask all Georgia to.rally to that, and to do so with unanimity. But it may be asked, is not the platform very good ? Grant it. So is the platform of the late Democratic Convention, just as good—I think far better. Certainly, then, it is quite reasonable for our Columbus friends to come to ours, as for all tbe State to go to theirs. It is easier for Mahomet to go to the mountain, than for the mountain to go to Mahomet. But why promulgate a platform at all, if they wanted to lay aside all former causes of difference, and bring about fraternal union among the people of the State ? Did they not know that it would engender discussion ? and that discussion would engender schism ? and that schism would defeat themilleniums ? In response, therefore, to their call, I earnestly invite you and all the friends of the “Columbus Movement,” and all constitutional national men, without distinction of party, to rally to our platform. It is eminently Southern— eminently national; and if it be impractica ble for us all to stand upon it, as “one peo ple and one party,” let us endeavor to ap proximate it, as nearly as possible. I have the honor to remain, Your ob’t serv’t and friend, Herschel V. Johnson. [For the Atlanta Daily Intelligencer.] Mr. Editor:—I observe in your paper of this morning, June 19th, a full description of the serial phenominon which occurred on last Wednesday night. The writer, satisfied with a full and accurate account of its posi tion in the heavens, does not give his opinion as to its cause, but invites specula tion on the subject. Being strongly im pressed with the plausibility of certain ideas which have suggested themselves to my mind, in reference to it, I cannot for bear communicating them to the public.— My opinion is, that those dark belts or streaks, which appeared across the heavens on last Wednesday night were produced by starlight; the rays of which came in con tact with each other in such a manner as to have produced darkness, the particular aerial tracks through which they passed, being in such a state as to favor their devel opment. I think it possible also, that the light of the moon, which, at that time, was a little below the horizon, may have had something to do with it, though that fact does not alter the theory of light upon which the phenomenon depended. Two waves of the sea, the one being convex, the other concave, may come in contact with each other in such a manner as to destroy their motion—the convexity of the one fill ing up the concavity of the other, stillness is produced. So, also, two sounds may come together as to produce silence, sound being nothing more than a vibratory motion imparted to the air, which motion is in wavelets, or wave-like, and falling upon the auditory nerve in the ear, communicates certain ideas to the brain. These wavelets may so come together as to greatly modify and even destroy their motion and conse quently produce no effect upon the ear.— Silence results. The leave theory of light which is now considered by all the learned chemists of the world to be the correct one, places light upon the very same ground. If you take a piece of string or small rope several feet long, and fastening one end of it to some object at a distance, and holding the other end in your hand you suddenly strike it with the finger, there are two differ ent motions at the same time given to it— the one a vibratory, the other an undula ting or wave-like motion; and this is pre cisely what takes place with rays of light, or waveletts of light. Now as in the cases cited above, these waveletts may so cross and interlap each other as to produce any color, or even to produce no color at all, which is darkness. It is upon this beauti ful principle of light that all the gay and gorgeous colors of our earth are produced. The blushing rose, the pale-blue pink, and those beautifully delicate and changing tints upon the breast of the wild pigeon—all pro ceed from the same cause. These plastic fingers of light, while they are and have been since the creation ceas- lossly engaged in building the grand and complete structure of our globe, are also en gaged in the more delicate work of orna menting this beautiful temple with the di vine mosaic of beauty and variety, and ma king it a glorious world, N- R- Flemming, M. D. Fulton House, June 19, ’55. Alabama Politics.—T. H. Watts has been nominated as the candidate of the Know Nothings for Congress in the Monti gomery District. Thos far be has no oppo nent. In the Eufaula District, Eli Shorter runs as the Democratic Southern Rights Candi date, and Julius C. Alford, (“The War Horse of Troupe,”) as an Independent. Both were “fire eaters” in 1850. WEDNESDAY JUNE 20. . . Tbe Crops For the last week, we hnve been visited almost daily with' the most: refreshing rains. Never, in our observation, have vre seen a more cheering prospect for the fanner.— The wheat crops are now about in, or rath er we should better say they are harvested, for here as elsewhere our farmers are im provident in the trust they have in their grain shocks, and suffer wheat that is made often to be lost or seriously damaged by ex posure in the fields after harvest. Save what is made is the sure rule. But we started to say that all are agreed that such wheat as we have reaped this year has not been seen in these parts for five years past, and some say never before. While the corn is small and in a great ma ny instances, young for the month of June, its color and appearance are as good as can be. The present prospect is that we shall soon begin to count corn here by the barrel, as we once did, and not by the peck, as too many of us do now. A J, Donalaon. This mushroom that sprung out of the grave of General Jackson is in a monstrous miff. He is mad with the President, mad with Governor Johnson of Tennessee, with nullifiers and* the “dangerous factions,” (meauing Southern Rights’ men,) and in short, is in that itchy state of feeling that nothing suits him. Donalson is about such another patriot as Kenneth Rayner of N. C., a traitor of that paltry stripe that does not presume to ask gold for his treason, but would be glad to sell his country for “old clothes/” miles from Charleston, six and a half feet | States, who stood by the South on the Kan-1 incalculable danger? high! This upon tide water and myrtle- aas-Nebraska bill; and if Kansas applies i I subscribe cordially to the sentiment of Uud gives us a new idea about oats. with a pro-slavery Constitution, these men ‘ the 3d Resolution adopted by the “Temper- The Walkeb Fill] busts as.—It is said the United States ship §t. Ylary, has been ordered to the port of Rcalqjo, Nicaragua, t to intercept tue expedition from San F?au- i to be gored by this” young mad bull, I had cisco, under Walker, M well take ii by tbe borne »t once. Let [From the Augusta Constitutionalist.] Letter from tlie Hon. A. B. Longstreet on Know Nothingism. We find in the last number of the Nash ville Union & American a letter on this absorbing question, from this distinguished native Georgian, now President of the Uni versity of Mississippi. The name of Au gustus B. Longstreet is endeared to the peo ple of Georgia by many ties in the history of the past. It is a name we were taught to revere in early youth, as synonymous with all that is bold or fearless in the char acter of the advocate, with all that was pa rental and dignified in the sage instructor, and with all that was pure and honest and upright in the minister of the gospel. The old men of Georgia have been accustomed to love him as a brother; the young men scattered throughout the State, who from his lips have heard the lessons of wisdom, continue to revere him as a father. There is no man in Georgia who will dare stand up and say thai A. B. Longstreet speaks from impuremotives. Theindignantfrowns of an honest people would paralyse the sa crilegious effort. Judge Longstreet has been forced from his retirement to come out and speak upon this question; but having come out, he has met the issue wtth that boldness and honesty which characterizes the man. He speaks to the people in the voice of warning wisdom, and tells them to beware of an organization which must lead to intolerance and religious persecution. The circumstances which led to the pub lication of this letter arose from an attack made upon the Judge by the Memphis Ea gle and Enquirer, charging him with prea ching anti-Know Nothing doctrines. After alluding to the editors of that pa per, who have atsailed him as the bead of the Mississippi University, he proceeds to condemn the order in the terms to be found below. Let every Georgian read them care fully, and ponder over them well, whether he be Know Nothing or anti-Know Noth ing. “In July last, I had just heard of a uew organization in this country—secret in its movements, and going under the name of Know Nothings. Its principles, I under stood to be, opposition to Catholics and for eigners, to be planed in the dark, strength enedby oaths, and manifested at the baliot- box.” It filled me with alarms. “I saw in it the elements of rapid expan sion and awful explosion. I exhibited them to the class that graduated in that month, and forewarned them to have nothin" to do with it. Had I been inspired, I could hardly have foreshadowed its history more accurately than I did. Of my prediction nothing remains to be fulfilled but the effu. sion of more blood. My forecast in relation to it ought to ensure respect for my judge ment in and about Oxford at least; but it is this very forecast which is raising a buz of discontent against me in this vicinity now. “This is the sin which brought out against me the recondite presses which I have named above. It is called ‘dabling in poli tics,” but, its true name is ‘Unpalatable Truth.” This is the sin for which I am soon, prechance, to be sacrificed. They that stoned the Prophets of old are yet alive and why should I expect a better fate than theirs? Well, I do not know that a better use could be made of my old carcass than the offering of it up on the altar of this American Baal. An incense might arise from it that would do more to purify the Church and the State from this modern abomination, than anything which can em anate from my poor frostcovered brain.— The public has now the sum total of my political sins, public and private. I shall speak at large of the new order in an appeal to my Church at some future day, if I may be allowed to do so. I am committed against it and I shall oppose it forever—not in the class room, but every where else— not as a partisan, but as a Christain. This the patrons of the University should know. For all the honors and emoluments of earth I could not be induced to assume a position of neutrality in regard to it. If all expe rience be not a falsehood, and all history a fable, it will throw this country into cease less convulsions, if it be not crushed, and that speedily. “In my view, every man who has a scru ple’s influence, should rise against it—now —immediately, ere it be forever too late.— Indeed, it allows no neuarality. With all its professed Americanism, it assumes an absolute dictatorship' It will allow no man to question its purity or its policy. It gathers within its pale, men of dignity, talent and piety, preachers and teachers, and with them the most depraved, aban- donedd, desperate, God-defying sinner upon earth; binds them by oaths in the bonds of fellowship and sets them all at work in pol itics, and nothing but politics. I find a christain brother among them—I read to him II Cor. vi.14, and on, and I implore him to come out from such connections; and in addresses me in tones of despotic author ity in this wise: ‘Sir, my name is Politics— you are a Clergyman, and Clergymen ahould have nothing to do with Politics!’ ‘Right,’ crise my brother; ‘old man you’ll ruin your self if you meddle with politics 1’ I say to him 'your oaths are against the laws of God and your Church.’ ‘Sir,’ it responds, ‘do you thus denounce the pious of my order —have you no respect for the Church or your place?’ I denounce the sinners of the band, and tbe saints reprove me. I reprove the saints, and the sinners denounce me!— The saint shields the sinner, and the sinner the saint. If such a combination is not enough to make the Church and State both shudder, I know not what would. “On me the O.der bears with intol erable pressure f t rises before me like the ghost of Banqm., at my every step in th# pathway of duty. “lama preacher: If I preach upon the sanctity of oaths, it regards itself insulted, and attacks me accordingly. If I preach to Christians to come out from the wicked, it insults me for assailing Know Nothings. If J preach that tho love of Christ is not bounded by State lines, it eharges me with attacking the article of its orced against foreigners. “ I am a teacher: If I teach that unlaw ful promises are not binding, I shall be charged with justifying the' exposure of Know Nothing secrets. If I set the lesson to my pupils wherein J. B. Say says that every accession of a fean tp a couptry is an accession of treasure, I am to be published to'the world as indoctrinating my pupils in anti-Know Nothing politics. As I am ever the order keep ita hands off me, the Church and the Constitution, and I will never dis turb it. ' : “ A word to the good people of Mississip pi and I have done. You have a University of which you may feel proud. For harmo ny and kindly feeling among the faculty, for good order, good morals, gentlemanly demeanor, study and progress among the students, and for ardent attachment between perceptors and pupils, you. may fearlessly challenge a comparison with any other kin dred institution m the world. For its age, it has not its equal in point of patronage and rank in the United States. In these respects, it stands at the head of 103 out of 118 Colleges in the United States; and of those above it, a large majority are over forty years older than itself, and three aver one hundred years older. And this rank it has attained through more adverse fortunes than probably ever beset an institution be fore. Fear not that it will ever be a school of politics. Your sons graduate in politics before they come to tho University. “ It is now in its palmiest days, and this you see is one of Know Nothing vandalism. It has already, I fear, thrown a fire brand into its peaceful halls. 1 appeal to you to come to the rescue. Rise up as one man against, it when it invades the sanctuary of literature, instead of requiring your profes sors to kneel in its presence. I am sure there are yet more than ten thousand Chris tians in and about who have not yet bowed the knee to Baal. I call them to its help. Honest yoemanry and farmers of the land, who always mean right, come ye to its suc cor ! Honest, well meaning Know Noth ings, who in thoughtless moment have been drawn into the order, come out of it, and rally to the support of your University. “ I regret having been constrained to an attitude, which may perchance injure the University for a time; but be the fault on the head of Know Nothings, not mine.— Look at their fruits already scattered through the land, and surely you will approve of my opposition to it. If you do not your chil dren will. ‘By their fruits shall we know them.’ What are they ? Most desperate and dangerous agitatiqp—churches rending assunder—pastors and flocks at variance— Christians losing all confidence in each other—saints and sinners in close embrace; E reachers of the same church getting but alf congregations and half support—one looking on approvingly, while another is abused—teachers tottering—their pupils in FRIDAY; JUNE 22. FOR GOVKRJfOB, HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON, OF BALDWIN, Far Congress.—4tb District. HTRAM WARNER. Sec Third Page. Hon. Howell Cobh, Will address the people of the Sixth Con gressional District, at the following times, and places: Saturday, June 16th, Monroe, Walton Co. Monday, June 18th, Lawrenceville, Gwin nett county. Wednesday, Jane 20th, Cumming, For syth county. Friday, June 22d, Dahlonega, Lumpkin county. Monday, June 25th, Blairsville, Union county. midnight cliques—friendship severing—rage taking the place of love—father against son —brother against brother. These things now are, and they proclaim trumpetitongued what is coming, if the monster be not crush ed at once. And for all what ? In honest truth to get in the outs, and get out the ins This is the true object of the order it must take its course until reason resumes her seat. “Nations like men, run mad at times, and nothing but time and blood-letting can cure them. Still while there is hope, all good men should strive to relieve them.— My course is taken—carefully, thoughtfully taken. I am no Catholic. Put Methodism and Romanism on field of fair argument, and I will stake my all upon the issue ; but I am not such a coward as to flee the field of honorable warfare, for savage ambush fighting; or such a fool as to believe that a man’s religion is to be formed by harassing his person. Nor am I quite so blind as not to see, that when the work of crushing churches is begun in the country, it is not going to stop with the overthrow of one. All Protestanism almost will bo against me —two-thirds of my own church (I judge) will be against me—the Trustees will be alarmed for the interests of the College—my colleagues of the Faculty will be uneasy— my best friends will be pained ; but I have an abiding confidence that nothing will be lost by my course in the end. It will be madness in men to withdraw their sons from the able teaching of my colleagues, for my fault—to attack the College to injure me ; but these are days of madness, and this is the way which obnoxious Professors are commonly attacked. Be it so. I have done my duty, and I leave the consequences with God, and here sign my name to what I deem the best legacy that I could leave to my children ; a record proof that neither place, nor policy, nor temporal incerest, nor church, nor threatening storms from every quarter, could move their father for an insta»it from principle, or awe him into si lence when the cause of God and his coun try required him to speak. Augustus B. Longstreet. [For the Intelligencer 4 Advocate.] Lrbakos, 11th June, 1855. S. Laurence, Esq.—Dear Sir—I have been late ly informed that at a meeting held at Marietta, where the Rev. Mr. Renean delivered a Temper ance speech, that you closed the doors, and forbid any person from replying to him, which is calcu lated to do you a great injury in this part of Cobb. I was very sorry to hear a report of that kind against you. In fact, I have takea the liberty te deny it, knowing that it would kill you politically. Tho report has not only been circulated through our District, but the Gritter [Lost] also, to my knowl edge, an 1 how much further I do not know. Do let mo hear from you as soon as possible, and I think it would be well, if the report is false, to notice it through tho columns of the Advocate. Tours, very truly, JOHN W. DUER. Well, They have Done. Will our Know Nothing friends stop one moment for a little self examination? Duty and good faith to us, the outsiders, challenge you to this wholesome exercise. What did you say to us but a few months since, when addressing to our confidence and trust in you, arguments of persuasion why we should go with you in this “American” move ment ? We remember well, that with great gravity and with a specious plausibil ity that were well calculated to win the hearts of all good “confidence” men, you gave it as your solemn opinion, if the Union of these States and the sancti ty and efficacy of the Constitution, and what was better than all in the eyes of many of us, that if rights and safety of the South were to be preserved, the K. N. party would do it or no power on earth could or would. Did you not say this, dearly beloved dark lanterns ? You well know you said it. You remember, too, that you promised that the “ American ” party were resolved to nation alize the pro-slavery defences. You made a clever argument to show that this at tempt was now, if it had not been, a dead failure in the hands of the old Democratic and Whig parties. You had liked to have made good your ground, at least you widen ed wonderfully the margin of good will and charitable construction of motives between j us in the apparent honesty of your assever ations in the premises. Well, as soon as Well ! ^ ie ^ rst uiunicipal triumphs gave you ’ 1 assurance and your luck went up b}- the run, we began to look upon Sam as no long er a bundle of straw, but a real live man. When one State after another, with a per fect rush and fury, came in with their ad hesion, and Sam swaggered like some In dian with the “big drunk” on him, in the midst of these ponderous responsibilities we stood still awhile and watched Sam to see if he really intended to make an honest use of stolen power. Massachusetts struck out first. She “ nationalized ” the Ameri can platform with a vengeance, now, did she not? So much so that now Daniel Web ster’s defiant boast that “ there she stands and will remain forever ” has become, alas! more a pity than a boast. You were not prepared for the stupendous folly of this [From the’ Baltimore Patriot, Ttae Platform or the The following are the “Platfe^*” 5 '' Principles of the Organization,” as r a ,^ decided by the American National rT na11 J tion at a late hour last night vy l® 0- obtained it with much difficul v ’ at tb hav * Platform and Principle I. The acknowledgements of th mighty Being who rules over the 17V A1 —who presides over the Council. “f Ver , 8e Nations—who conducts the affairs f ta ® and who, in every step which we ha Inen ' vanced to the character of an nation, has distinguished us bv c „J' e , et " of Providential agency. 7 8 ° toe to ^r, II. The cultivation and development t sentiment of profoundly intense Ameri ‘ feeling ; of passionate attachments t<i country, its history and its institution, ° D, t admiration for the purer days of our ° tional existence; of veneration for the h ” 4 ' ism that precipitated our Revolution ^ of emulation of tho virtue, wisdom, and ^ riotism that framed our Constitution SS first successfully applied its provisions ” III. The maintenance of the unio these United States as the paramount iy' ^ cal good: or to use the language of ty! 1 ' ington, “the primary object of patriotic 1 sire.” And hence:— us ' 1st. Opposition to all attempts to wp»v or subvert it. Setl 2d. Uncompromising antagonism ^ principle of puliey that endangers it. • 3d. The advocacy of an equitable adiim ment of all political differences * threatens its integrity or perpetuity 4th. The suppression of all tendencies political division, founded on “geotrraph - I discriminations, or on the belief that th is a real difference of interests and view” between the various sections of the rv 3 tu rail n Marietta, June 13, 1855. Dear Sir:—Yours of Ilth inst., advising me of a ridiculously false report, to my injury, in the First and Lost Districts, was received this evening —too late, however, (as I am just informed by the Editor,)for notice in the Advocate of this week. I pronounce the report unqualifiedly false, and thank you for denying it. I never heard the Rev. Hr. Reneau, in Marietta, on any subject. I have not heard any Temperance address; but Mr. Over- bv’s, in two years. I am opposed, and have ever been, on principle, to the doctrine of Prohibition. Temperate myself, I desire to aee all men Temper ate. Temporance is a holy cause, and every good citizen ought to be ready and willing to aid in its advancement. But I have eve! regarded it more a question of personal habit than of legal enact ment ; and extending far beyond the mere ‘liquor question,’ as it is called. The laws very properly deal with public drunkenness, disorderly houses, 4c., and if they were enforced as wa have them, or with slight amendment, are already ample for the legitimate suppression of this vice. The diffi. eulty is not in the law, but in public opiniou. We have indeed fallen upon evil times. Open and honorably and Democratic modes of warfare are abandoned, and trick and stratagem, sapping and underming are the order of the day. It is well known, I have not sought to direct public opinion to myself. I have left it tc the intelligence of my constituency to say when they have been well served. This ia not the first time I have been advised of false reports circulated in remote parts of the County for the purpose of injuring me before the people af tho County. I cannot conceive the ob ject to be only to prejudice me before the Conven tion, (intended to be democratic,) to meet on the first Tuesday in next month, to nominate suitable persons to represent the county in the next Legis lature. Democratic principles it has always been my pride and pleasure to maintain and uphold.— But the county, I am suro, will not endorse this as democrat;;, Tho industrious circulation of these reports among the people, evidently contemplates a wide field and necessityfor the dissemination of unjust prejudice against me, than the limited floor of that Convention, already pre-occupied. I regard it as an invitation to meet and vindicate myself against these aspersions before the people. This invita tion I accept—and authorize and will thank you to announce me in your District, as I shall have done in the other Districts, as a Candidate for re- election to the Senate, in October next. This reply, with your letter, will appear in the Intelligencer & Adyacatco{ next week. Very truly, yours, S. LAWRENCE. Jno.W. Duer, Esq., Lebanon, Cobb Co., Ga. Mew York, June 16.—The firowqrk depot at No. 10, Maiden Lano, was burnt this morning, and one man was killed and an other badly injured by the explosion. The establishment was kept by Messrs. Robins k Duncan, dealers in fireworks and fancy goods- Louisville, June 15.—There is an immense American meeting being held here to-night. There are 8000present. Mr. Morehead, the American candidate for Governor, is speak ing- 6th. The full recognition of the rights ,,r the several States, as expressed and reserved in the Constitution; and a careful avoid ance, by the General Government, of all in terference with their rights by legislative or executive action. IV. Obedience to the Constitution 0 f these United States, as tho supreme law 0 f the land, sacredly obligatory upon all m parts and members ; and steadfast resistance to the spirit of innovation upon its pri nc i' pies, however specious the pretexts. Avow- ing that in all doubtful or disputed point; it may only be legally ascertained and pounded by tho -Judicial power to the Uni- ted States. And, as a corollary to the above 1. A habit of reverential obedience to the laws, whether National, State, or Muni/ pal, until they are either repealed or de clared unconstitional by the proper auth. rity. 2. A tender and sacred regard for those acts of statesmanship, which are to be con tra-distinguished from acts of ordinary legislation, by the fact of their being of the nature of compacts and agreements ; nr,,] so to be considered a fixed and settled na tional policy. V. —A radical revision and modification of the laws regulating immigration, and the settlement of immigrants. Offering to the honest immigrant, who from love of libeitv or hartred of oppression, seeks an ttsylmL in the U. S. a friendly reception and protec tion. But unqualifiedly condemning the transmission to our shores of felons and paupers. VI. —The essential modification of the Naturalization Laws. The repeal by tbe Legislatures of the res pective States, of all State laws allowing foreigners not naturalized, to vote. The repeal, without retractive operation, of all acts of congress, making grants «f land to unnaturalized foreigners, and allow ing them to vote in the Territories. VII. —Hostility to the corrupt means bj which the leaders of party have hitherto forced upon us rulers and our political creeds. Implacable enmity against tho present demnralizing systems of rewards for politi cal subserviency, and of punishments for political independence. Disgust for tho wild hunt after office which characierizes the age. These on the one hand. On the other- imitation of the practice of the purer days of the Republic; and admiration oftl« maxim that “office should seek the man, and not the man, the'ofiice, ’’and of the rule that, the first mode of ascertaining titnes 3 for office is the capability, tbe faithfulness and the honesty of the incumbent or can didate. VIII. —Resistance to the aggressive policy and corrupting tendencies of the Roman Catholic Church in our country by the ad vancement to all political stations—execu tive, legislative, judicial or diplomatic—of those only who do not hold civil allegiance, directly or indirectly, to any foreign power whether civil or ecclesiastcal, ami who ar> Americans by oirth, education and training thus fulfilling the maxim, “Americans oniu SHALL GOVERN AMERICA.” Americanized State. Americans ruled this fraction of Amerieaso insanely that wo pitied you—said little of this afflictive demonstra tion of Sam’s love for the South and agreed to “ watch and wait a little longer.” We did, and saw liovv Connecticut followed this hard sample of K. N., “nationality” and how sheseemed to beonly too sorry that her sister had left no folly uuperpetrated, and that she had run off with all the laurels of abo lition prowess. But the unkindest cut of all was when your Sam drove us with heavy hearts from the Gibraltar of Democracy. Indeed it was a hard blow that robbed us of our own “best bower ” in the North, and we ielt when New Hampshire lost the fight for us that there was no use in trying or in trusting either—any more. So we went, and while these bad fruits came from this tree of knowledge that Sam planted with such care and such hope, we lost all concern about our own course as to the new movement. This was fully decided on, for long since we knew that there was nothing hut death in it, and we were only anxious to see our erring straying friends reclaimed and safe folded jonce more. But after all these bitter disappointments | The protection of all citizens in the l;ga in Sam’s fidelity and honor, we were put off i aa( l proper exercise of their civil and reli and told to wait a little longer—wait till the ' S' ous rights and prixeliges ; the mainten- . . • n , ■%— . • , c . ance ot tho right of every man to the fu l party met in Grand National Council.— , • , „ ”, „ .. ... il J . unrestrained and peaceful enjuvnient ofni- Then we were to see that Sam was Aation-1 awn religious opinions and worship, anda al, that he was true, that Sam, in short, i je] oa s resistance of all attempts by any sect was a gentleman. Well, that Grand Coun- j denomination or church to obtain an ascen- cil met and it exploded, and we know all [ dency over any other in the State, by mean« about it; and what of it; Who now with ! an y special privileges or exemption, by unblushing face can defend all that big 1 P»Iiti? a l combination of its members or °, , v n , TT1 “ | by a division of then* civil allegiance with promise and short performance? Where , a £ y fore ; Kn pi)wer> potentate or ecclesracm is your Nationalist Sam ? We pledge our j IX.—The reformation of the character r, life to make good tlie assertion, if it is ; our National Legislature, by elevating : denied, that never in the history of par-j that dignified apd responsible position dik ties in this country was the action 0 f; of higher qualifications, pure morja, sai the majority so pitifully endorsed by the i m °y e us 1 patriotism. . X ... / . ! A.—— I he restriction of executive p.ifona''- vote of the body that ts responsible for it, especially in the m uter of ap P - .Vo* m entsn as was the platform of the late Know Noth-; office—so far as it m;\y be per<u>\ t ed by the ing Convention. j Constitution, and consistent their put We publish this morning that sorry tis- j l* c g” 0 ^- sue of platitudes called a nlatform, that! CQ * nt ‘, v W“T'** 0 * °. { A t] ? e J 0U , th 1® are as unmeaning as any milk sop could j which schools she.ll ho common to all, with- like them, and as week as tavern coffee.— j out distinction 0 f creed or party, and f rtt What need was there of any set of moral I * roai an y ir.Hu.ence or direction of adenoid- agents, full grown men, having domestic ! na£ * ona ^ ” r partizan character, cares upon their hands, to travel all the I n ^ n V’ ‘. nas niuch as Christianity by th- wav to Phikdelnhin hJwT Constitutions of nearly all the States, by the way to Philadelphia, to make fools or them-1 decisions of the most eminent judicial ao- selies atter this sort, by doing nothing or j thorities, and by the consent of the people w next to nothing, with their faces as grave i America, is considered an element of on: and solemn as a donkey’s? Men may, if they choose—for this, thank God, is yet a free country—make gumps of themselves, but then for mercy’s sake, don’t let tHem make such a parade over the performance. Yet as little as was done by this same Grand Council, and as no account as it was after it was done the platform was carried | cannot be held iu any by a majority of 80 to 59/ We take the j for the obnoxious acts or violated pled?; figures from the N. Y. Tribune, and sup- j of either. And the sympathetic agitani; pose they are right. • of the Slavery question by those parin'; o n xu„ n • ... ... i having elevated sectional hostility into a th f. ’ I 1 ere 1S that .homogene- j positive element of political power, ana ous, national, conservative party that we! brought our institutions in.o peril, it ha.- were promised, while it superseded the j heretofore becomo the imperative duty ;• other “dry-rot” parties of the country, t,1Pl Amwi ™ ''nr or nose, for tw should do justice to all sections, and in an especial manner suppress all agitation of the slavery question. But the record is a long and sickening one that holds up to the country the short comings, the deep political sinning of Sara, and we will not now pursue it further. We ask now of our K. N. friends here, as Southern men, can you iu your consciences say that you have one hope left that your party can do us qny good in a sectional point of vijw? Do you in your hearts believe that the “ American ” party is as sound as political system, and as the Holy Bible 1 once the source of Christianity, and tbe de pository and fountain of all civil and reli gious freedom, we oppose every attempt t exclude it from the Schools thus established in the States. XII.—The American party having arisen upon the ruins, and in spite of tbe opposi tion of the Whig and Democratic part's- manner respon ibis the old Whig party or within one thou sandth part as soqnd ns the Democratic party. Wa have no idea that- you do be lieve that it is, aud having been hasely de ceived yourselves, ontrapped, we honestly think, into a sink of the most mischievous agglomeration of political heresies that ever offended earth or Heaven, we vote that you walk out if you can, or crawl out if you muat, and if you can do no better and will ac- oept of it, your anxious and weeping Jfriends, will venture near enough to the slough to f n t e rfmence byCongroVwith'Slavery, as> lend you a hand to draw you out into tho esiat8 in the District of Columbia, would luolif^t and place you upon land. 1 he a violation of tha »irit aud jatenQMi« the American party to interpose, - purpose of giving peace to the country o' perpetuity to the Union. And as ex P*. r '' ence has shown it impossible to recouci e opinions so extreme as those which separaa the disputants, and as there can lie n° “ l! ‘ honor in submitting to the laws, the Nation al Council has deemed it the best guaraaw- of common justice and future peace, team by and maintain the existing laws upo the subject of Slavery as a C .°-J elusive settlement of that subject, in sp*r and in substance. And regarding the highest duty to avo their opinions upon a subject so import&’V in distinct and unequivocal terms, >t ’’ hereby declared as the sense of this Nan- 111 - Council, that Congress possesses no p°' v under the Constitution, to legislate U P°. the subject of Slavery in the States, ' vliere does or may exist, or to exclude any n State from admission into the Union, - ,eca .' its Constitution does, or does not recogn the inst!)ution of slavery as a part m social system; and especially pernut B. any expression of opinion upon the pow®* Congress to establish or prohibit Sluvei) ^ any Territory, it is the sense of the 1 al Council that Congress ought not to j e g late upon the subject of Slavery within Territory of the United States, and that an) • y i r, eiovorv. as It