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♦ M- mm _ c«kk Ckuty n For Senator— THOS. H. MOORE Rgnreteniatiaet— ALFRED MANER, S. M. BRADFORD. Ordinary— B. T0LLK80N. 8heri£- J. B. BLACKWELL. john^aStJerson . Clerk of Superior Court— JAMES M. BARNWELL. Clerk of Inferior Court— W. W. CARROLL, lfaz Collector— 6. JOHNSON. Receiver of Returns— J. F. MfeCLESKY. Coroner— JOHN WHITE. County Surveyor— J. B. FAIR. fo; uod i nalf’f’ope Hen*? W (men op 8t«9>ETlfinec^ duly saiummted aud now-Nothings Irihti- DrSdillefi Gen. Clemfoi* presidio! was wWitir." On sru'h forms, I venture to say. lie «*• .it Id even convince a Prussian, though all his countrymen disenabled him. The country has for yean (when foreign- . ,^‘To '•W* “wild hunt after.-- er- were and the Prussian’s stomach ! aB^afull and impartial hearing, , wa< t vearilin g for a « p ; 9ce 0 f msat ”) .nothing couhr he found or proven against ' , J “ .. . . f , , them, when “A Prussian" stepping for- j acknowledged by its decisions at the halmt *“ id turntegsfittltes-Kvid«Ke. the for- | hox thaf the Democratic principles were were conffimned ami axotannimiica* I best qualified to preserve the dearest inter- tests of this great Republic, until the Demo- (Tarticle which appear* in the Auer- cratie principles are the settled policy of cX'if' CTTTWl.f Griffin] turn!'was - fagteciible to ! the country. And yet the Prussian thinks contract) copied in the American Discipline i.otherwise, and surely he ought to know : is paraded before the public with the same j for if a man that knows what takes plade pomp, and t-roly with-the-same effect; as was the treachery of Arnold to revive the sunken spirits of the tones, and to induce . other Americans to follow the glowing foot- j steps of that arch-traitor. ! It requires little thought or reflection to I discover the mainspring or prime motive ! which prompted this Prussian to turn States- in the Cabinet of the Czar of Russia, and his “ friend Rouge,” one who has discussed politics with au Hungarian count, (the Bi ography does not state whether the Prus sian had “ sense enough to convince him,”) I say if a man that has done all this, and that is to be Secretary of Legation, if he don’t know what is good for the country, evidence—to gain a notoriety denied him at j who should ? ! home. Nearly all or the greater portion of The Prussiau must either consider hiin- I foreigners—more especially those from Ger- self anything but an intelligent foreigner, I many and Prussia— r ollow the same voca- or it seems strange that, although he thinks 1 tion as this Prussian : professional jealousy ' “ the intelligent foreigner will not consider p| T tT j therefore the bend and front of his offend- j it an oppression to deprive him of his vote;” Popish plots are no new things. The i ing.” His countrymen, two, are generally | yet lie takes advantage of the naturalization same terrible agency now so unscrupulous- - engaged in the manufacture of trinkets and law, and though he has been here but sev- Iv exercised by the leaders of the Know- ' ornaments, without the use of the precious ’ on years, is an adopted citizen, perhaps has Nothing party, has been brought into oper ation in other times and with like effect, Whenever’a bugbear of more than usual enormity has been neoessary to effect the designs of unprincipled men, there has been nothing so convenient as the same Popish plots. Religious bigotry stops not tn reason, and bow easy it is to frame a tale which, by its very absurdity, defies re futation. One who reads the newspapers of the present day may almost fancy himself rehearsing the terrible tale of Titus Oates and the bloody period of 1679. The same charges then &b now were brought against the Catholics, the same miraculous tales were rehearsed and found the same credu lous listeners. England had enjoyed peace, if not prosperity for many years. The peo ple had become wearied of it and craved an excitement which no foreign disturbance afforded them. Taking advantage of the state of the public mind, unscrupulous and designing men conceived the idea of reviv ing the long settled feud between the Cath olics and the Protestants, and in the disturb ances which would ensue raise themselves to fortune. The most unnatural romance was constructed “ resembling,” says Macauley, « rather the dream of a sick man than any transaction which ever took place in the real world.” The Pope had entrusted the government of England to the Jesuits. Catholics hod been appointed by the church to all the high offices in the kingdom. The Royal family were to be murdered, London set on fire, at which junotion a French army would laud in England. The report spread like wildfire and was received alike by the crafty and the ignorant. The paucity of their numbers, the peaceful demeanor of their lives, and their strong protestation of Innocence proved of no avail to the Catho lics. They were dragged from their homes before a legal tribunal, and upon the evi dence of Oates, or. one of hiB confederates, were consigned to ihe stake. The thing went on for months, many of the most esti mable men in England suffered death. The confederates gloried in the suooess of their plot. The people were intoxicated with ex citement while the government was unwil ling to risk its existence by opposing the popular current. But a terrible retribution was in store. The nation at length come to its senses, and while confessing its degrada tion in being mode the dupes of unprincipled demagogues, revenged their insult and the wrongs of the Catholics on the instigators of the measure; Oates received seventeen hundred stripes from the hangman, was whipped until tho blood ran down in rivu lets’ until he swooned, and Van borne away insensible to prison. So ended one Popish Plot. A century passed and no complaint was made of the Catholic citizens of England; they were few in numbers aud unobtrusive iu their manners. All at once, without any new revelation to justify such proceedings, tho same cry was raised that the Catholics were attempting to undermine the government. A furious mob filled .the streets of London, altars were torn down, churches destroyed, private houses given to the flames, men, women and children indiscriminately butch ered. The government was for a while powerless, as the soldiery many of them caught the infection, and the magistrates were unwilling to oppose the popular voice. Oathering strength the mob proceeded to work their vengeance upon Protestants who had favored the Catholic cause, some of the finest mansions in the city were de stroyed, including Lord Mansfield’s, in which were contained his books and papers, the result of a lifetime of labor. The Catholics, unable to protect themselves fled the country, or secreted themselves until the Storm should blow over. In the meantime the government rallied, the mob were met by the bayonet of the soldiery, the ring leaders were taken and executed, while Lord Gordon, the instigator of the move ment, was put upon his trial for high trea son against the government of England.— His high position, and the eloquence of his counsel, brought him off with life, but not with character. He lived from that day ex ecrated and despised by every honest man ns the instigator and abettor of measures that had debased the soil of England.— These were terrible lessons to the English people and they have profited by them, and the cry of Popish plot which once excited such terrible emotion is now passed by as the erased ravings of a madman, having no better foundation than the legendary tales of old women. Bat while the country which gave them birth have long since re pudiated snob monstrous absurdities, the American people have gone back to the days of Titos Oates to revive the same ter rible measures with which to re-enact the same scenes of folly and blood. Nothing can justify, in the eyae of posterity, such a course. We have lived ainoe the formation of this government, Catholics and Protes tants, in peaoe and security, while the ef- orts of men of all religious denomina tions are turned to the good of the com mon country. There have been no efforts proven on the part of the Catholics oi my other denomination to gain precedence in an unlawful manner. ■ At once, without a moment's warning, aa on previous occasions, the death cry of Oates and Gordon is raised! against the Catholic citisens of the United States. The same obargas are brought, the same proof to mutaia them, and the aoenes of London are re sneeted in Cineinnati, St. Louis and Louisville. May we not follow the peratyel still fur ther and say that this will end aa all others have ended, in tie humiliation of thatdaso who have aufeed themselves to be so ■bnmeffally duped, and in the ruin and over throw of tha great botigMomof the meas- ore—the Prentioee, Raynezs, BarOetts and Cones, the Oates and Gordons of the nine teenth oentu^t metal; this i« another reason that the Prus sian is “down on ’em,” but he has done like the child who kicked the stump for hav ing tripped him, and iu doing so dislocated his ancle. The Prussiau blinded by profes- been so, -duee the legal term prescribed by law. Let us now dismiss the Prussian, and trust that lie will divest himself of the “Prince Albert” pride, so apparent in his sional jealousy turns States-eyidence against | recent Autobiography—let us hope further his countryman, and thereby confesses his ! that those Know-Nothing friends who re own share of degradation. If foreigners | quested the Prussian “to express his views” are slaves in the land of their birth, was the will not, since he has discharged his duty Prussian exempt. | so creditably to himself and profitably to As to his Munchausen tales, who by the j the bogus American party, treat him as (he by, must have been a countryman of his, ; says) the Democrats serve his countrymen, about the count who was a bodyguard to j “ before and after the election.” Stick to Kossuth, and the confidential relationship j this Prussian ac(junct, gentlemen Know- which existed between them, as also that j Nothings, the prize is certainly worth the which existed ’twixt the Czar of Russsia i slight modification he entreats you to make aud the Prussian—these amusing self-con- | in your platform, and let your motto be in ceits must be taken at what they are worth, | future, “ Protestant Americans shall rule proceeding as they did “from the heat-op- : Amorica, except the office of Secretary of pressed brain.” ! Legation to foreign courts.” Reserve one The Prussian asks, “Did these foreigners j of them for the Prussian ; this surely is hut ever hold office in their country ?” No one a small sacrifice to men who are opposed to but the Prusssan will say that Kossuth, Mitchell. O’Brien, Shields, Soule, and ma ny others I could name, would have been denied office, in the land of their birth.— There are many others that I have heard of, who have held minor offices iu their native land. I would ask the Prussian if there are any offices in foreign countries? If so, who fills them ? Were it even admitted that office is denied to all who come to this country, is that a criterion.? Should that preclude them from office here? Were such shallow arguments admissahle, the issue of sophistry and errors, to say the least of them, which the Prussiau wrote, should have been excluded: he would not have dared, nor have been permit ted to publish such (hie biography) in Prus sia. If he desired but the same privileges iu America which he enjoyed in Prussia, why ‘ the wild hunt for office.” JOHN QUOD. To Subscribers. A subscriber from Corinth and one from i Wauhatchie complain that they do not re- i ccive our paper: we can only assure them j that their papers are mailed regularly from j this office. German Newspapers. According to the Columbus Statesman there are fifteen German newspapers in Ohio, religious, political and neutral. Of these, three are religious, and have said nothing about the present canvass; three support Chase and Freesoilism, and three are neutral. Six support the Democratic ticket, headed by Gov. Medill, and based upon Nebraska principles. The circulation of one of these latter {The Westbote) is much larger than all the Chose papers com- ishe here? Freedem of conscience, of the i hined, and possessed of ten-fold their influ- press and of speech, liberty and equality, the right to participate in all these privileges by xiie Chronicle becoming a citizen of the United States and abjuring all allegiance to Prussia, and to other lands of bigotry and despotism— these induced the Prussiau to come, and this was the beacon which lighted others to this great republic. Tho poor aud excluded foreigner, who is opposed by the titled rich in the land of his birth, in spite ol talent and integrity, seeks the land of Washington, to move iu encc aud standing among the people of Ohio. and Major a Sentinel Cooper. The Chronicle d- Sentinel wishes to know : why we did not comment on the letter of I Maj. M. A. Cooper, recently published in . this and other Democratic papers. With i more reason, it seems to us, we might ask, | why the Chronicle did comment on it.— i Rather why not do as we did, publish tho ! letter, and let it speak for itself. Major | Cooper is a writer not wanting in perspieui- the ranks, not where wealth or state, but | ** aud thc art ‘ cle 18 certainly sufficient iu where worth aud merit shall place him.- i len K th to 0X P lam mmutel y thc afftur be ' Such was the bright incentive which urged ; tweou hl,nself and the State Road. This the patriots, “to pledge their lives, their j we lll,uk he dld clearl y and satisfactorily, fortunes and their sacred honors,” iu that J completely refuting the outrageous charges stirring time which “tried mens’ souls.”— ; which had been made against his honor and This was the incentive, and with the assis- \ Gov. Johnson’s. Under such circumstan- tauoe of the God of battles, the political and 1 ces - we deenl comment unnecessary, un moral change was effected—equal rights to j * esii > indeed, it be such as the Chronicle all! And the doors of the republic, (once ' has llsed for the purpose of distorting and closely sealed by the hand of tyrany) were i mystifying so plain a matter, thrown open tu the oppressed countrymen j Any candid man who will read Major of Lafayette, Pulaski, Kosciusco, Hamilton j Cooper’s letter will unmistakably perceive ! the simple truth as he has set it forth.— This we knew, and for this reason we pub lished the letter alone. This the Chronicle also knew, and for this reason commented on it. We were willing that the plain reci tal should go forth to the people; not so with our contemporary: the facts which served our cause were ruin to his, and hence his efforts to refute and conceal them. Is the Chronicle satisfied? We by no means expect an affirmative answer. and De Kalb. Thc Prussian is not alone down on for eigners, hut, with European prejudices still clinging to his un-Americanized character, he opposes Catholics, and mainly because they persecuted and massacred the Hugue nots nearly three hundred years ago. This religious bigotry is so apparent in the long unmeaning tirade against Catholics, that it is a matter of surprise the Prussian came hero seven years ago. Such bigotry suits, Pennsylvania Democracy. Prussia best; Virginia, Ieunessee. North j Every day brings fresh evidences to us of Carolina and Alabama prove, beyond a | t j ie soundness of the Northern Democracy, doubt, that religious intolerance cannot flour- ; on the question of slavery. Not long since, ish in a Republic. | vve published the resolutions of the Demo- The Prussian says, “ that foreigners, who I crats in Vermont and Iowa, in which the knew-nothing and had nothing in their ua- j party sustained the Administration, and tive land, and knew meat but. on extraocca- i based itself on the Kansas Nebraska hill.— sions, think themselves here as great as j The question of slavery in the Territories, Prince Albert.’’ Few foreigners in Prussia, i appears now to he the test of papties in the save peddlers, mendicants, or strolling mu- j North. The Democracy have everywhere sicians, are deprived <>f the necessaries of implanted in their platform the principles life. I speak of those in Prussia, (for his tory, nor the Prussian's autobiography prove the inference, tiiai lie has visited other Eu ropean countries.) I am almost inclined to believe that the Prussian’s statements are correct, viz: “that foreigners, after suffer ing privations, hardships and poverty in their native country, think themselves as great as Prince Albert, after getting some thing to eat and broad cloths to wear iu this country.” He is a worthy example, for nothing but the greatest hardships at home and the most ludicrous self-conceit attendant on a change of circumstances could have made the Prussian so cognizant of the de gradations of Prussia, and to have urged a foreigner to make himself as conspicuous as he has done. Though tiie bogus American Know-Noth ings have ceased in,the “ wild hunt foe. of fice," (who would doubt the veracity of the Philadelphia platform ?) yet this new acces sion {foreign vote) a veritable foreign Prus sian Know-Nothing thinks the Philadelphia platform should be so far amended as to of popular sovereignty. Below we present our readers with the concluding portion of the address of the Democratic Stato Central Committee of Pennsylvania. Compare this with the promulged doctrines of the North ern Know Nothings, and no doubt can re main that the safety of the South as we have often before expressed it, depends on the National Democratic party. “ Before we conclude this appeal to your patriotism, we must invite your attention to the subject of domestic slavery. With that institution Pennsylvanians have noth ing to do. In the exercise of a wise philan thropy, we have, long since abolished it.— But because we have exerted our sovereign power over it, we must not endeavor to con trol sister States in the regulation of the subject. If we entertain sentiments ad verse to its introduction, we must not prop agate those opinions at the cost of the do mestic tranquility of other States, or at the risk of periling our common Union. It would not become freemen to be involved in inappeasahle discord, for the sake of a small number of slaves, whose condition we can not change. The constitution was the re sult of many adjustments and compromises, and with it we have secured domestic tran quility, private posterity and public liberty. Tiinew"* “select adopted citizens (natives of the country to which they are sent) for secreta- j Timewil'i reveal the end and purpose of this ries of legation. * * * Thus far, (con- j institution of slavery existing in some of the tinues the Prussian, in his “ wild hunt for | States of this Union ; but while we live un- j , TV j der the constitution, we must abide by its office. ( ana to conserve the interests ot mv 1 _ . . .,, ,. . . J , , “ ’ ’ T _ J | solemn compacts. All attempts to regulate adopted country, 1 would bestow office on this action by congressional action must foreigners.” Thinking himself only quali- j prove abortive and end in tumult and dis- fied for such an office, he, (the Prussian,) in | order. With us the constitution ispara- a spirit of unexampled patriotism and 6elf-1 m0 J 1 ? t t° the laws, and it is disobedience , i .i • i it A • i in j and insubordination of the worst kind, to denial, thinks that foreigners should be ex- etrive# b y political agitation, to subvert the Eluded from all the rest. j one, and encroach with the other. The embryo Prussian Secretary of Lega- I “ Like ^ otbe , r questions of strictiy local ‘tinn «;n Ami -i . i . : .. r; , concern, that of slavery should be submitted tion wtiLfwl somewhat proud to visit the | to the e ’ xcIa8ive jurisdiction of the people lane}, winch, perhaps, knew him as one that j of the territory or place in which it is pro- had and knew nothing, aud to whom meat i posed, to establish or reject it. This prin- was a luxury, which (should such be the j c *pIo of local self-government is the basis of ease,) confess him to be a peddler, mendi- i . , oar institutions, and is essential to polit- i.„ _ llof /v„i .. | ical freedom. It may far a tune he abused cant or organ-gnnder, he must feel proud to | and trampled on, as other rights have been, return ( in his mind s eye ) to that ooun- ; but men should not, because of that, be do tty (Prussia) invested with all the power as , prived of it. It is for the common interest Secretary of Legation. : of all that each and every citizen should He further says, “ I at least have never j freelyand. peacefully exercise the right; Jt - Wit** -ho w.. .0. willing j KX to yield to my advice, if I had sense enough j founders of our government, will be firmly (the italics are mine) to convince him he I maintained by the Democratic party,” Judge liongstreets letter to Site Know VolUng Preachers ot the Methodist Church South. ltn:thren:—I have concluded to divide iny promised appeal to the Methodist Ohurch into two p:irts, aud to address the first t*» } >u, and the last tn the Oh" "ih at large. And herr. in the language ..I Mr. W. -lay, let mo say toy< n, “I beseech yon, iireiiirea, by the mercies of God. by whatever love you bear to God, to your country, to your own 8uuii-, do not consider who speaks, but whnt is spoken. If it be possible, for <me honr lay preju dice aside; give what is adv r <. d a fair hearing. Consider simply on eucli head,—Is it true, or is it false? Is it reasonable, <>r is it not?’* Remem ber, brethren, I am not before you to propose, but to resist innovations upon old Methodism. I stand where I always stood since I joined the Church, upon the “platform” of Wesley. You stand with one foot upon that platform, and the upon a rickety structure, first reared by a crimi nal, if report be true, and miserably patched by unchristian hands. I would have you withdraw the truant limb from this dangerous platform to its original position. When we eonvenated together, we were of one heart and one mind. But you have formed now conveuants with men who have no kindred feel ings with you. “There is no fear of God before their eyes.” “They cause divisions and offences contrary to thc doctrine which you have learned.” -Their mouth speaketh great swelling words, hav ing men’s person* in admiration because of advan tage.” These be they icho separate themselves, sensual having not the spirit.” “They are such as serve not the Lord Jesus Christ, but their own belly, and by good words aud fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple.” “They are given to debates, envyings, wraths, strifes, backbiting, whisperings, swellings, tumults.” “With feigned words they make merchandize of you.” They are ashamed “even to speak of those things which are done of them in secret.” These be the men to whom you have yoked yourselves. I do not say all your companions arc such; but I know many of them to bo such; and most of them to be men of the world. I would withdraw you from them; but if I cannot, and a final separation should take place between us, remember, if you please, that you made the first move in it. “But why not quietly enjoy our own opinions, and live in peace ?” I answer because your lodges will not allow me to enjoy my opinions in peace, but upou pain of surrendering the freeman’s right of speech: and because with my notion of the moral character and aims of your order, we never can live in peace, while you remain in it, and I re main in the Methodist Church. How “con two walk together except they be agreed ?” I am not the only Methodist by hundreds, if not thousands, who entertain my opinions of your order; and I should suppose, whatever j'ou may think of it, that for their sakes you would abandon it upon the principle that you should do nothing “where by thy brother stumbleth, or is offended, or made weak. Your opposition to Catholics and foreign ers, I deem impolitic and unchristian : but this will never disturb our peace, if you will not per secute it in a way dangerous to the peace of the country, enervating to Protestanism, fostering to Romanism, paralyzing to Methodism, humiliat ing to her ministry, distracting to her membership, encouraging to falsehood, smothering to truth, and demoralizing in all its aspects and movements, And here I beg you to bear in mind, that it is not your principles to which I object (if a naked con spiracy against two classes of men can be called principles) so much as to your manner of propa gating them. But as I cannot hope to wean you from the order, without at least shaking your con fidence in your principles, I shall in the first place address myself to them. In what I have to say upon this head, I shall take it for granted that you all went over to tho Know Nothings with good intentions. That you sincerely believe that the Catholics are about to take tho country; and that foreigners are about to take it too; and that handed as it has been by Whigs and Democrats, it is even now, hardly worth having; and that without tho interposition of Know Nothingism, it will soon bo but a putrid carcass upon any party that shoulders it. I can not reconcile these suppositious with each other; but they must be made to reconcile tho professions of your order with sincerity. I will go still farther, and admit for thc sake of the argument, that every immigrant who comes into the country, is a pauper and a Catholic. That the Pope of Rome is fully advised of every elec tion that comes off in this country, from Califor nia to Maine, and from Oregon to Florida. That every Catholic in the laud feels himself bound to vote just as the Pope ordors him to vote, in every election that occurs in this country, from that of village constable, to that of President of the Uni ted States. Let this tissue of absurdities be ad mitted ; and still I maintain that Know Nothing- ■ ism is not the remedy for the supposed evils; and that if it were; it is a remedy with which you should have nothing to do. To the proof: Paupers arc annually coining by multitudes into the country. Very well; and who are Paupers ?— Why they are poor people. They are not necessa rily lazy or dishonest. So far from it, they are gene rally both honest and industrious. Certainly as honest and industrious as natives in their condition. These, an oppressed, afflicted, downtrodden, over- wraught, enslaved people, seek a shelter and a liv ing in your free country, where millions of idle capital arc only waiting thc hand cf industry, to loom out in all that enriches, adorns, enables and strengthens a nation—these are the people which your order would drive from our shores, simply be cause they are poor! You tell us with more can dor thun self-respect, that thc rich may come with out opposition, but you will not have your coun try burdened with paupers. With you the old motto which you learned from tho lips of your sires and grand sire. -America an asylum for the oppressed,” is changed to “America an asylum for the oppressor and a scourge to the o ppressed !”— Your aims are as impolitic as they are inhuman.— Hero the language of one who knew the effects of immigration upon a country, far better than the wisest man of your order: “A nation receiving a stray child (a-fortiori a grown man) “into its bos om again, acquires an addition to its population, and accession to the profits of national industry, and acquisition of capital. It at the same time recovers a lost citizen, and bring back his industry only, at any rate the profits of industry are added to the national stock. It is true that a] source of consumption is likewise superaded; but supposing it to counterbalance the advantage, there is no diminution of revenue while the moral and politi cal strength of the country is actually augmented.” [Say's Pol. Econ. Book II' Chap. X. Page 368.] Ia this short passage will be found the secret of our country’s unparllelcd advancement in wealth and greatness. Tho foreigners who are now flock ing to the country are precisely such a3 have al ways come to it—precisely as have contributed so largely to our growth in agriculture, commerce, manufactures, aud the mechanic arts. Some who came hither paupers when I wa3 a boy, died mil- lionarics ; many died possessed of large estates, and almost all of them died in easy circumstances. Few, very comparatively, fell upon the parish.— They enriched the country by the whole amount of their accumulations—by just so much more than it would have possessed without them. Just so will it be with those who are now coming into the country. If the amount expended in support of the helpless bo compared with the amounts raised by the industry of the sound, for any three years together, the first would be to the last less than one to a thousand. You would fling away the eagles to save the cents! You would retard the growth of the country a hundred years to save lands for your children upon which your children will not be permitted to enter, unles they will con sent to commit the keeping of your graves to their slaves! Splendid statesmen are coming out of the Know Nothing factory, truly ! The last Massa chusetts legislature exhibits to us the fabrics of this machine in their highest perfection. In that body were five and twenty preachers, (one fifth Methodists), Christains many, and Know- Nothings almost all. Ther acts need no com ment. They will remain burnt into the character of the State in lines so deep and gangrenous, that oven thc offspring of the Hartford rebels and mur derers of Batchelder will sicken at the sight of them. These hierarchs! Know Nothing legisla tors are your “brethren” in a double sense, and the mirabite signum “that none but Americans should rule America!” Do you not blush to fra ternise with such men ? And can you believe that you are favoring your country or your church in espousing their principles ? But if these panpers be a nuisance, whom do they afflict ? Why Massachusetts, and her col leagues in a war upon your constitutional rights and Christian character. With these people you could not as Methodists, harmonize. drove you away from them, by insults and injustice un- sufferable—wept crocodile tears when they saw you goiug—promised you a peaceful parting, and an outfit from the common fund; and no sootier were your backs turned, than they denounced you as scismatics and sinners, cabbaged all the com mon property, and kept it, until at the end of seven long year, they wero forced to disgorge a part of it- undor the wing of the law. But as Know Nothings you can harmonize with them, join them in an onslaught upon Catholics and for eigners who never injured you, nay who are your neighbors and friends—and even turn a cold sholder to a native brother at your door, who protests against your mode of warfare! —Verily if you did not revive Catholic sins three hundred years’ old to justify your wrath against tha: Church, if you did not at tii evince a higher regard for the sinners of your order than for the saints of your Church, and chafe at opposition to you from any quarter, I should re gard yours as the master-institution of the world, for teaching men to forgive injuries, and love their enemies. But however lawful it may be for your confreres to repeal tho poor from your borders it is not law ful for you and me to do it. Much less lawful is it for you to complot with sinners to terrify them from the land, when the laws allow them to come. Take care brethern. I beseech you, how you prac tice your Know Nothing tactics upon this class of God’s creatures. They arc undor his peculiar care and he will hold you responsiplo, if you do not take them under yours likewise. In hisyocabulary, “Me poor” means the poor of the world. So Band un derstood it when ho collected contributions in ono country for the poor in anathcr. So Christ teaches in the story of the good Samaritan. “Has not God choson the poor of this world, in faith, andheirs to the kingdom which he hath promised to them thaf love him. Bat ye have despised the poor. Do not rich men oppress apa, and draw you before the judgment seats? Do they not blaspheme *the wor- tii v name bv which ye are called ? ^'Blessed be ye poor ; for yours is tke kingdom oi God.” -But woe unto you that ire rich ! for ye Wave received your consolation.” Defend tha poor and fatherless; do justice to the afflicted and uc-tJy.” “Deliver the poor and needy; rid then cm of the hands of the wicked.” “He that oppresseui the poor reproaches his Ala- ker.” “I know that the Lord will maintain the cause of the afflicted, and the right of the poor.” Thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him.” “But the stranger that dwellath with you shall be as one born among you, - and tion shalt love him as thyself.” But enough. Your Know Nothing doctrine is directly the reverse of the scripture doctrine in regard to foreigners, poor and rich. You are bound, if need be, to go to the poor of distant lands with the gospel on your lips, and charity in your hearts for them. You are houud to do good to all men—to feed the hun gry, clothe the naked, and relieve the distressed, no matter where found or where born. If this be true, you should rejoice that the pour abroad save yon the trouble of going to them by coming to you. Let law makers exclude them if they will; but you have no business quiting your work to hunt up law makers to do it. Much less have you any business working under cover, with all sorts oi characters, to put down all law makers but those who will do it. I repeat it, brethren, take care how you trifle with this class of God’s crea tures. If you have experiments to make in your Know Nothing labratory, take care that you do not put the souls of men in thc crucible, or blow up your own souls. And what is your remedy for immigrant pau perism? Why you will vote for no foreigner rich or poor for office! Does this remedy touch the disease, or even the person diseased ? Men come hither from Europe sick, and your medical colleges are going to cure them, by prescribing strict regi men to all the sound who have come from the same country, through the first and second generations! If the statement of such a case does not shock your understanding, I pray you in mercy to your selves, and for the honor of Methodism, surrender your parchments forthwith. You are either gull ed, or you pretend to be, and in either case, you wound the character of our church. I am pained for the future destiny of our Heaven-blessed coun try, when I see that- the daring author of this nonsense should have succeeded so well. Turn if you please to Bascom’s sermons, (page 2SS) and read the letter which prefaces the ser mon beginning at that page. Many of you, with me, heard it preached at the first General Confer ence of tho Methodist Church South. We all ad mired it, but we did not know the intent with which it was delivered. He explains it in the introductory letter, from which the following is an extract: “The many virtues and Christian death of your son, not to overlook the noble charity he founded, by requesting and obtaining from his father $20,- 000, with the addition of suitable grounds for the establishment of an Orphan Asylum in his native city” (Petersburg, Va.) '‘must be to you, sources of consolation beyond any earth can offer. The following thoughts on death may enhance yonr estimate of this Ac. For these reasons Ac. I ask permission, my dear Madam, to dedicate this discourse to you.” He had previously 3aid, that it was intended to offer consolation to the mother’s afflicted bosom, under her then recent bereavment. The father of that noble son, is one of the love- est specimens of the Christian character that I ever saw. I have it upon credible authority, that the magnificent donation mentioned by Bascom, is only about double the sum which he gives every year to benevolent purposes; and “whenhedoeth alms, he lets not his left hand know what his right hand doeth.” He will be offended at this expos ure of his virtues I know; but he will pardon it I trust, when I assure him it is made only to save his Church from peril, and her ministry from dis credit. That man is a naturalized foreigner. If that mau were a candidate for an c-ffice requiring special trust and confidence—if he were a candi date for any office—you would vote for the most abandoned profligate in the land in preference to him. Your vows to that effect are registered in heaven. Nay ho was recently a candidate for a petty office in his city and I suppose Methodist Know Nothings, perhaps preachers, walked round that Asylum aud over those consecrated grounds, to vote for some competitor of his, at tho sight of whom Religion would start and charity shrink. “But have wo not a right to vote as wo pleas?” No, gentlemen, you surrendered the right when you joined the Know Nothings; and I am amazed that you made tho surrender; for when you did that, you virtually acknowledged yourselves in- eompetent to advocato the claims of man, be cause yon do not know that you will be "permitted to vote for him yourselves; and no measures, be cause you have none—a beautiful predicament for a freeman to place himself in ! When a preacher votes, it is to be presumed that the votes conscien tiously and upon principle, but you vote as you are ordered, and only according to a man’s birth place. “Know ye not whom ye yield yourselves servents to obey ? His servents ye are to whom ye obey. “But we love the brother, though we cannot vote for the man.” You do ? What as tupendous exhi bition of moral su* "tnity ! What a beautiful com bination of religion and patriotism ! It lacks but three things to make it perfect: First, Religion demands that you not only love your brother, but that you do nothing to forestall his love to you. Secondly, Patriotism demands that you always vote for the most trustworthy. And thirdly, “can —not” should refer to conscience, and not to a gratutious oath. I proceed to the next head: By concession all icho come into thc country arc not only paupers, but Catholics. Suppose they wore Methodists would you object? Certainly not. Then you would determine every foreigner’s pri vilege to come to the country, by this religion, would you ? And do you not perceive that this rule would be impractible if you had all power in your own bands ? Why then do you mislead the people by crying out against thc influx of Catholics, as though your party could and would stop it, ifthey were in authority ? And why are you doing this when confessedly, you do not intend to exclude foreigners of any name; but only to keep them out of office ? You dare not say that you mean to ex clude foreigners altogether, and therefore, you play a game in such a wajr ua to cuteb all who wish them excluded entirely, without offending tliuae who do not. You, ‘no office' in your platform, and ‘no ingress’ in your speeches ; and use one, or tho other, or neither, as best suits your purpose. Does this comport with christain sincerity? But surley, brethern, one short year’s fellowship with your new companion has not taught you to hate Catholics—the men. “Oh, no; we love the men but hate their religion.” Say “love the men, but oppose some articles of their creed,” and I am with you heart and hand. But to hate their re ligion, which they adorn, just now, much more than you do. “No man that warreth,” says Paul, “entangleth himself with the affairs of this life.” The Catholic priest obeys this precept strictly.— But where are you ? (Some of you at least.) Can didates for this, that and the other office—going from beat to beat, and county to county, stump ing it for votes—haranguing thc multitude amidst thumps and screams and yells—firing at opposi tion and almost conimingto blows—telling vulgar anecdotes—suppressing truth—encouraging, ifnot spreading falsehood. These things are not done in a corner: and yet if any Bishop, any Elder, any Deacon, any Brother, any Press of our Church, has raised a warning voice against them, except, my poor solitary self and one old brother more, I have yet to learn who when or whore? From the holiest chamber of my soul I lift a prayer to God to have mercy on us, and save our Church from degradation and ruin. Brethren, I am not near done with you; but I must stop. My powers of calm discussion are suspended. My heart and my eyes take up the cause of my periled Church in utterances which you might appreciate but which I caunot expose to the ridicule of an unfeeling world. A. B. LONGSTREET. Illegality from DeKalb. Supreme Court. The Supreme Court hare made the following decisions at the present term now in ssesion at Decatur: Walter Wadsworth vs. J os. Thompson, Adm’r., Ac. Where, on the trial of ail illegality, the pl’ff. in advertently omits to formally tender and introduce in evidence the fi. fa. and affidavit, the court ought to allow it to be done at any stage of the trial. A. A. Moran,) vs. > Tresspass from Monroe. G. L. Davis. J * Under the Statutes of Georgia, it is permissible for a party to pursue a runaway negro with dogs, and if iu such pursuit harm or injury should en sue to the negro, the party is not liable for dam* ages, provided he exercises a proper degree of caution and circumspection. David Armistead, j vs [• Murder, from DeKalb. the State. J Where two or more, arc jointly indicted for an cf- fenee, which it does not require two or more to commit, the defendants have the rf§ht to sever, and the State to elect which shall be tried first. Where two or more, are jointly indicted for an offence, and sever, those not placed on trial are competent witnesses for the ono being tried. A. P. Powers "| vs. > Rule from Bibb. Tho Central P ■ nk. I The State car.: • i d, arid a set off being in the naturapfaen.-■ i ti. •>, nimot be pleaded by a citizen to an acti. i i\\ favor of the State. Wtu. H. King ) vs. > Garnishment from Bibb. Carthart, Bro. A Co. J 1st. Debts secured by negotiable paper are sub ject to garnishment. 2d. Where the garnishee answers no more than that he has negotiable note to the defendant, judg ment should go against him. But if he goes fur ther, and shows by his answer that it is doubtful whether the note has been negotiable, it is in cum- bentupon the party garnisheeing, to show that the Note has not been transferred, before he can have judgment against the garnishee. Perdue, Cl’k., Ac.,] vs. j-Mandamus from Spalding. Where the Legislature confers upoiR’ corporation the right to regulate the issuing of licenses for the retail of spirituous liquors, such Taw ia constitutional, and the proper authorities of such town pp pity have the power to regulate or fix the license fee. A total of about ”$50,000 has been sub- scribed for the rafferera at Norfolk. (For the Whet la tebe Deal F.mkic Knows, Aag. If. 185$; Gentlemen: When the Wes til n & At lantic Railroad was being constructed, I exerted all the powers which God had fljhrem me to stop the Hoad at the State line; bnt “ the De Wit Clinton of the Sooth ” was in the ascendant. The politician had been bit or scalded by a steam engine, or run over by a railroad ear, and follj was in the ascendant, and to Chattaapoga the road must go, and find its terminus amid high, bold shores and picturesque mountain scene ry- The consequences begin to develope them selves. For the sixteen miles of road in Tennessee we will have to pay yearly, twice as much in damages to Tennesseeans as that part of the road is worth. Then I do not - what must he done with that part of the road. The Tennesseeans have set tled that question. We most sell it to Ten nessee for cost, and if Tennessee will not buy it,, we must stop the cars at the State line. What must we do with the road? The question forces itself on the minds of every reflecting man. We have tried a board of commissioners, and failed; of two or three boards. I never knew but one man (Dr. Hamilton) who cared to do anything else bnt to draw his salary, and know what Mrs. Gundy—no, Col. Long—thought. We have tried legis lative supervision—failed. We have tried executive government—failed, miserably failed. Until you change the nature of man the road must be what it has been—an instrument of political machinery and par ty management, a drain on the pockets of the people to keep it in repair. It never has, it never will, it never can be a source of revenue. I know it is said that the road is paying money into the Treasury; others say it is done at the expense of individual creditors —leave out that as a “Roorback.” It must be recollected the Treasury, only a year or two since, paid out for the road §750,000, and put it in splendid repair and gave it a complement of furniture. It will take five or six years to refund that $750,- 000 to the Treasury, and by that time the Treasury must advance §750,000 more to repair again and re-furnish ; and the peo ple must be taxed to raise the money, for the Legislature of Georgia will not take care of the Treasury. Then what must we do with the road ? Permit me, through your paper, to suggest to tho people what had best he done with the road. You know that I have ever been opposed to selling the road. I am a convert, and you know when I am convinced of an error 1 dare to say so. The road is now in tine workiug order, and is well furnished. Direct the Governor to appoint Maj. Cooper and two other com petent engineers to examine the road, and say, aocording to present prices, what it is worth to build such a road aud furnish it as it is furnished. Direct Maj. Cooper to make a fair showing -of the operations of the road for the last six months ending 1st June, 1855. Publish the estimate exten sively, invite companies to purchase. Fix a schedule or tariff of freights and passage, and invite sealed bids for how many years the company will take the road at cost, to he returned at the end of the lease in good condition. The company to make annual returns to the Governor of the receipts and expenditures, and whenever the profits reach ten per cent., the State to revise the tariff so as to make it foil just below ten percent, as nearly as possible, and so toties quoties.— The price might be paid by installments, taking §500,000 or §1,000,000 to begin with. With the money, finish the S. W. Rail- Road to the line, or the Brunswick and Mo bile, or the Atlanta and Jacksonville, or some other line: sell as soon as completed, and re-invest. Continue this process, and in twenty years the State will have a Rail- Road wherever it is desirable to have one. After a while the lease will begin to run out: a very low rate of tolls in the hands of a company will then keep the roads in re pair, pay for management, relieve the peo ple from taxes, and enable Georgia to make any improvements she pleases. JOHN A. JONES. P. S. Perhaps before long I will ask what we shall do with Massachusetts and Vermont. The question is almost as im portant as what shall we do with the Rail- Road. [For^the Atlanta Daily Intelligencer.] Lownds Co., Ga., Aug. 21st, 1855. Messrs. Editors: In these times of politi cal excitement, a few lines from the South ern portion ot the State may be acceptable Yesterday, was an eventful day in our county: It had been published for a few weeks that Gov. Johnson would honor us with his presence, and deliver a speech at Troupville, on the political topics of the day. The very announcement of the fact created a great anxiety in the public mind as a regular live Governer had never made his appearance in propria personce4 in this sequestered region. The citizens of the county prepared a barbacue for the occa sion, and but for the inclemency of the weather there would have been a turn out which would have astonished the natives, But notwithstanding that it rained almost incessantly, there was an immense crowd collected at the appointed time and place, all eager and anxious to see and hear the Governor. The Governor made bis appear ance under rather unfavorable circumstan ces, being unwell aqd vary much fotigued. But he made a telling speech, and one to he long remembered in this country. He led off by clearing up certain charges which had been made against him by the Hindoo press concerning the management of the State Rail-Road. This I believe was done satisfactorily to everybody. vindica ting himself and the officers under him, as regards the management of the State Road, he took up the subject of the new-fangled Know-Nothing, or American party, and you may believe that he handled it roughly. The impression had been made in this coun try that he was very sarcastic and vindic- dictive in his disposition, and abusive of his political opponents. In this speech he was entirely the reverse. He spoke of his K. N. friends in very respectful terms, and passed quite an eulegium on Mr. Jenkins, his last political opponent. In handling the principles of the aforesaid party, he used pretty severe language, and made them fair ly writhe in their shirts. The Governor and Jim Seward will carry this section over whelming PINEY WOODS. Important. We learn that the Superintendent of the State Road paid into the Styty Treasury on yesterday §20,000. A matter, this,we opine for more interesting to the people of Geor gia, than all the wrangling among politi cians about the management of the Road, which have dinned their ears for th# p*st three months. jt RIDAY, MORNING, AUG. 31. BOV Us V. JOHNSON, OF BALDWIN. : FOR CONGRESS: 1st District—li> Seward, of Thomas, ltd “ B. J. Crawford, of filus’ge 3d “ James M. Smith, of Upson H. Warner, of Meriwether 3. H. Lumpkin, of Woyd. HoweU Cobby ef Clarke. 4th “ 3th “ •th « Bounty nominations. Forth# Sonnies s s JOHN COLLIER. For Representatives ALLISON NELSON Thursday Morning, s August 30, 1859. Fanny ^e , some men in' them is Horace jo*? >gre b^t three hand- W «£fy« W*9f There’s taste for Judge Warner’s Appointments. Hon. Hiram Warner, will address the people of the Fourth Congressional District at the following times and places: Fayetteville, Tuesday, Sept. 18. LaGrange, Saturday, Sept. 22. How Matters Stand. The American party at the North is strong- ly anti-slavery. Whether some people may fancy this or not, will make no sort of differ ence. Fact is fact. It can’t be rubbed out. It has taken possession of the best mind of the party, and there it will remain.—Boston (Know Nothing) American Crusader. This is no news to us, and how the Know Nothings South can have the hardihood to j Pd,,t OIHe ® •* !*«.»«) 3k X The following letter will explain tUcafoa j of the recent discohtiunance of the ! office - «"««h to the inconvenience oflS I citzens of that place: ‘ Post Office Departme», v i Co, i‘r act 0 0 ffi°e, Aug. 14th, 1855 ’ 1 Sir: lhe Postmaster General ha* * • ! no order discontinuing the office at IW** 18 r j the recent notices to that effect havinVk*. 0 ’ j issued in consequence of errora’com | inexperienced Clerks. A new hond | executed by you, was inserted immediafi I following several discontinjances t v usual weekly report from the appoicm«n*. ! the Contract Office. And thus led tn a 0 sending out of the customary nrintirf 1 * in such cases to Contractor, these l!* 8 countermanded as soon as the mistake*** discovered several days since. ° Wa * Respecfully, your ob’t. serv’t, w. H. DUNDAS 2d Assistant Post Master Gen’l The Reaction In Iotvo. We copy the following from the CW„ Times: Cai “At a recent hotly contested election Keokuk, Iowa, for State officers, the hi m pnndidntnQ Lnil mnln.a: /» . ®0> •go cratic candidates had majorities from U f* 104, or an average of 58. In April last th Know Nothing party carried the city bv t» hundred and one majority. The Dem<*.«V beat the Know Nothings in Ghent, Indiana iiumuigD uuuiu vtfcu u*»o mo un.uitiuuu .v ; on Monday lust, by a majority from 5 to 20* deny it, passes the comprehension of a mo- j At the last election, the Democrats were dest man. Scarcely a Northern mailfails to • bring us an account of Know-Nothing Con- j ga Y e^ maj^ty^haTjirtijL} 11 ventiona and anti-slavery resolutions, until ! full democratic ticket by 40 majority ™ R it remains now no longer a matter of doubt _ In Davenport, Iowa, at the recent eleo- that the American party in the South, is a '-‘on, there was a Democratic majority of strictly sectional one, and as such incompe- j “ tent to effect one measure which they pro- hundre d. In April last, foj,i on and K™ pose. The vain hope which has been so . Nothingism had three hundred and fift prominently held forth, of an affiliation majority in the county.” "* ^ with the New York Hards, has been defeat- , “1° addition to the above, we make room ed by the recent convention of that body at ' 11C ^ owing extract of a letter from an IT 77. j . , . esteemed correspondent at Addell Iowo. Syracuse, and the order stands now with no « The democracy 1,,™ 1 ° Wa .’ „ XT ,, rr .. The democracy have achieved a glorious party affiliation at the North. Upon the ; victory in this county, at the election on the question of slavery then, we can expect ! 10th iust. Last April in the election for nothing “from the order. j District -Judge, the Know Nothings carried Equallv impotent are they upou the mat- the county by 67 majority. ter of Foreigner* The di.po.Uion oi the j tioket m earS 'hy’UjSee'reSg Know Nothings North, as evinced in many f rolll thirty-two to one hundred and niu£ of their conventions, has been to cease hos- j teen. tility with foreigners. Indeed, it was never j -‘The Ilawk Eye State has returned to her to be expected that the North-Western j ^ r ' t ' ove - States would agree with any measures to cut j uepnaiatlug the Kansas-Nebraska Act! off their supply of population. The Republican Union, formerly a Know- At a recent meeting of the order in Con- Nothing, now an anti-Know-Nothing, paper, necticut, after passing strong anti-slavery pnnted at Cedar Town, lias recently come , ’ r . by accident m possession of a curious mm resolutions as usual, it was resolved to ad- hlet> whichj it ’ sa ys, shows that the flag “f mit Protestant foreigners as members ot , Southern Rights trailed in the dust in Geor- their body. Such being the temper then of j gia—in the State Council of the order at their Northern friends what can the j Macon, prior to the meeting of the Nation- Southern Know Nothings expect to effect , Council in -June ; tliat.the State Council upon the subject of Nationalization ? Grant j J 'ts session in May la.-t, at the T . , • . . , , city of Macon, with a verv lar-'e reuresen them in the majority, they can only then j tation of delegates repud. ateu the XeW pass State laws to exclude foreigu boru citi- k a au d Kansas act!!! zens from the right of suffrage, the obvious | The pamphlet purports to he the " Pro tendency of which will be to drive eniigra- ceedings of thc Annual Meetiug of the , State Council of Georgia, held at Macon tion to the Northern State, and produce a re- ; the 2d and 3 d May. 1855,” printed unde,' suit which they now so pitiously deplore, in- ! a resolution of the Council, three copies of crease the numerical strenth of the North, j which, by said resolution, wore to be It is always well to consider the chance of j furnished each subordinate Council. It the success of one’s plans, before they are | contains ^ a, list, of Councils and their proposed; and there is now no particle of | of Ia « atw >V T numbar *’ ***> probability of effecting the proposed mea sure of Know-Nothingisin. Western & Atlantic Railroad. The following data which has been kindly furnished us by the officers, we doubt not will be acceptable to our readers, as placing in a clear and distinct light the condition, management and future prospects of the State Railroad : EARNINGS OF THE W. A A. RAILROAD. “From October 1, 1850to August 1, 1851. Ten months, $-25,508 «S7 From October 1, 1851, to August 1,1852, Tea months, .’U1^32 70 From October 1, i852 to August 1, 185U, Ten months, 300,072 41 From October 1, 1853 to August 1, 1854. Ten mouths 488,718 f»l From October 1, 1854 to August 1, 1855, « Ten monthe, • 527,207 02 Under Governor Johnson's administra tion there have been paid out,for constructing Depot buildings and equipments, for prior account incurred previous te ’54, §249,208 06 For act. since including 1600 Tons new rails - - - 300,411 61 And after paying all current ex penses for working the road, has also been paid into Ihe State trs’y, 100,000 00 The earnings of the Roads for 1855, up to Aug. 1—being ten months of the fiscal year—are §527,207.92; August and Sep tember will no doubt increase that amount to §650,000. Assuming §700,000 per an num as the income of the Road for the next five years—which is a low estimate, no one will deny—it is a well-established fact that the road will maintain itself without any further cost to the State upon 60 percent of the earnings, leaving 40 per cent to be paid into the State Treasury, or in round numbers §280,000 annually, which in five years amount to the handsome sum of §1,- 400,000—yielding 6 pent upon, tlie tost of the Road. This last propositioTi puts the question within the reach and comprehen sion of every tax-payer, without complica ting it with the usual detail of reports. The mooted question now is what shall be done with the Road ? Without suggesting any opinion as to what ought to be done, wheth er sold, leased or kept in its present,'condi tion, let the people see that this valuable property is not to pass out of their hands without receiving full value for it, as inter ested parties make it their business to com plicate and depreciate the value of the Road, in order thereby to obtain possession of it for a mere song 1 If sold, let it be sold for its original cost; if kept by the State in its present condition, the tax-payers of Geor gia may calculate upon a net profit of§280,- per annum, which may be appropriated by the Legislative to public schools, or con struction of Roads in other portions of the State. The above calculation is based upon the income of 1856, at a low estimate. Good judges in Railroad affairs, estimate the in come of Western & Atlantic Railroad for 1857 to I860, at one million annually. The above facts go to show, that this Road may be relied upon, with absolute certainty, to pay into the State Treasury, annually, from §280,000 to §350,000. This is the general result without mystification by interested speculators. ThiB great work has struggled through many difficulties, but it now has arrived at a point it will be able to renumerate Geor gia for her enterprise in its construction— It requires no more aid from the State.— Let Georgians see if it bo their true interest, to keep their valnable heritage or let it pass from their hands without a valuable con sideration.” We have no time at present for comment on the foregoing fact as they bear upon the question of the management of the State Road under the present administration.— Perhaps we may shortly recur to the sub ject. At any rate, the people have only to turn froin (ho mass of verbiage, clap-trap and humbuggery, with which the K. N. papers are constantly filled, to the above report, to be satisfied that the Road is ful filling the most sanguine expectations of its warmest friends. tammen«emint. The Commencement exercise of the At lanta Medical College will come off Satur day the let of September, when degrees will be oonfoned on the students and the usual addressee delivered. The ladies are invited to attend. lames i>f the delegates from each Coun cil, the Treasurer’s report, the address of the President—Win. Home—and a minute of the proceedings of that meeting. There can be no mistake. It is an authoritative document. It appears from it that one Brother Pottle, a member of the last Legislature, had intro duced into the Council at Macon a resolu tion declaring acquiescence in the principles embraced in the Nebraska and Kansas bill, passed by Congress, namely—the right eg 'the people forming State governments to de termine fur themselves whether or not slavery shall exist in their limits—an essential ele ment in national organizations and a condi- tion precedent to affiliation with the order or ganized in non-slavehotding States. One would suppose a plain proposition like this needed no very long consideration, and yet it was thought prpper to refer it to a committee consisting of E. A. Nisbet, W. Poe and W. A. Franklin. These gentlemen, we suppose, after con sideration, reported in place of that of Mr. Pottle, a set of vivid resolutions, in which not one word was said about the Nebraska- Kansas Act. The report of the committee was- adopted; the Nebraska-Kansas Act distinctly repudiated! We can now understand how, at the bid ding of their Abolition associates, delegates from Georgia in the National Council could vote for a platform which styled that great measure an “ obnoxious act—a violate*’ pledge.” A Catliollc Church Blown u-, ln oju 0 , [From tho Ohio Statesman, A, U gu 3 t 22.] The following letter to a gentleman in this city will inspire t)-; e m j n d of every good man with horror alarm. feiDNEV. Shelby County, Ohio, j August 18th,1855. ) Dear §/ir: Last night, about 11 o’clock, the Catholic frame church of this place was made a pile of ruins. A keg of powder was put under the building, with a train scat tered along the street, which was fired with burning shavings. There is no doubt here that the incendiary deed was committed bv a set of Know-Nothing rowdies, such as have just wraught devestation in Louisville. I trust, for the welfare of our country, that the better class of the American people will soon arouse to a proper sense of what this awful spirit of blind persecution for opinion’s sake is fast leading to. The bet ter class of Know Nothings here appear to look with disgust upon these terrible pro ceedings ; but who can tell whether they are sincere ? The real friends of religious liberty in our community charge, without reservation, that the destruction of the Catholic Church here is one of the fruits of the KnowNothing crusade. Yours truly. We have also received the following from a proniinont citizen of the town: Sidney, Aug. 20. Col. Medary—Dear Sir: Our village has been in much confusion since yesterday morning, caused by the blowing up of the Catholic church on Saturday night. It was one of the boldest ana most din ing acts that I have known, being done about 10 o’clock on Saturday nijr’at—the church standing only the width bf a street from a dwelling house. No clue has yet been ha-J to the fiends engaged iu this outrage.. A reward has been offered by the Council, and a meeting of the citizens will held to day. I wfl advise you again. Yours, &e., S' The recent elections are a good index of what will be the result in the presidential battle of 1856. Let us see how the account stands in electoral votes. The democrats have carried the following States Majority. No. of Electors. Tennessee, 2,000 Virginia, 10,000 North Carolina. 8,000 Alabama, 10,000 Texas, 4,000 12 15 10 9 4 34,000 50 Iventuoky has gone Know Nothing by about four thousand majority. She has 1- electoral votes. Thus far in 1865 the De mocracy have beat their opponents more than four to one. Immigrants and SrEca:.—Since the 1^ instant, 4,31S immigauts from Europe tm^ arrived bringing with them §293,469 in caw- Last year 399,223 immigrants arrived hep and an equal porportion of cash means tor that year and number would give an sg8 er ‘ gate sum of no less than twenty three muhom three hundred and thirty one thousand f’ 1 / hundred and thirty dollars, brought into tW country by immigrants of the poorer class from Europe, during a single twelvemontn. Rattlesnakes seem to abound in South ern Oregon. Three men recently w« nt ' the mountains, where dens of these sna* 6 were known to exist in large numbers, ana in ft abort time killed 700 of tbem>