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Will THe Flag Be Changed?
find Othei Questions About 2003 For The Political Crystal Ball
J anuary 13 will be a red-letter date in Georgia history, with a
Republican, Sonny Perdue, taking over as governor for the first
time in 135 years. Additionally, because several long-time
Democratic senators switched parties after Perdue's win, Republicans
will control the senate for the first time since Reconstruction.
Jan. 13 will also be a very confusing day. State Republicans are
frank about not knowing exactly how to govern—they've always
been in the minority.
Democrats are in disarray as well. There's a bitter power struggle
in the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives, where Terry
Coleman battles fellow Democrat Larry Walker for the spot vacated
by long-time Speaker of the House Tom Murphy. Coleman is an
avowed partisan, while Walker is a friend of Perdue's who promises a
bipartisan approach.
In the Senate, Republicans have decided to strip Democratic Lt.
Governor Mark Taylor of most of his power and delegate that power
to Republican President Pro Tern Eric Johnson.
Meet “The New”
Eric Johnson
T_ I K about a comeback kid. Considered political road-
I Cl IK kill just a few months ago, Savannah State
Senator Eric Johnson has gone from being redistricted into
oblivion to being the state's second most powerful politician.
Democrats, who long ago tired of Johnson's confronta
tional tactics as Senate Minority Leader, thought they had
dealt him the final coup de grace by drawing him into a lily-
white, heavily Republican coastal district consisting mostly of
sand. His new district was so narrowly drawn it was jokingly
called the "beach district" or the "submarine district."
The joke is on the Democrats now. With the surprise
Republican takeover of the Georgia Senate, their nemesis will
now be President Pro Tern. Usually a ceremonial position, the
job will take on new importance as the Republican-dominated
Senate slowly strips Lieutenant Governor Mark Taylor of most
of his powers—and gives them all to Eric Johnson.
Sound harsh? It is. But like the Democrats' own partisan
redistricting, it's all perfectly legal and constitutional.
No one is more aware of—and grateful for—the sudden
shift in political fortune than Johnson himself. At a recent
media luncheon to explain the Republican agenda, Johnson
joked that it's time for everyone to get to know "the new
Eric."
Infamous for his outrageous antics as Minority Leader,
Johnson promises he will be a more sober, serious, states
manlike politician now that he wields real power.
How outrageous were those past antics? Here's a list of
the lowlights:
• In 1995, Johnson said that a locally owned gift shop in
Savannah's City Market was "satanic" and urged that the small,
minority-owned business be shut down. (The business sold
international folk art, none of which was remotely "satanic.")
• In 1997, Johnson and a fellow Republican state senator
used screwdrivers to take down the New York state flag from
within the Georgia capitol building. They were retaliating
because New York lawmakers voted to remove the Georgia flag
from their statehouse because of its Confederate emblem.
• During the 2000 election season, he was involved in a
so-called "Blue Dress" rally in Savannah to protest Al Gore—
the name referring, of course, to Monica Lewinsky's semen-
stained dress.
• While riding in Savannah's 2001 St. Patrick's Day Parade,
Johnson draped himself in the Confederate flag.
• In March 2002, Johnson spiead yellow crime scene tape
in the Capitol while accusing state Democrats of being
"crooks" for not following parliamentary rules.
Overall, a track record that makes Trent Lott's look main
stream. Sadly, the sophomoric antics overshadowed some very
positive accomplishments, like pushing for tax relief and for
responsible stewardship of the state's water supply.
But Johnson swears that's all in the past, saying even his
quotes to the media will no longer be as juicy. As if driving
home his point, there's also a cosmetic change—he no longer
sports his trademark mustache. Though that could easily be
coincidence.
Jim Morekis
However confusingly, the show must go on, and the stage is set
for Republicans to begin their turn in the spotlight. Here's what to
expect in 2003, based on background interviews with key insiders.
The Economy
Sonny Perdue takes office just as Georgia's financial crisis is
deepening. Still, Republicans take heart about two things: 1) the
crisis is occurring early in Perdue's term; and 2) compared to most
Southern states, Georgia is still in pretty good shape. For example,
Georgia still has an intact "rainy day fund."
Perdue appears determined to tackle Georgia's looming crisis
before it tackles him. According to one insider, "he's already working
ten hours a day on nothing but the budget." Last month, the gov
ernor-elect announced he would bring more of a corporate model to
state government, announcing two new executive positions: Chief
Financial Officer and Chief of Operations.
We re told that Perdue recently went to New York to talk with
bankers about Georgia's bond rating. Good ratings increase the
state's ability to borrow money at reasonable interest
rates—a necessary thing for a Republican gov
ernor unlikely to call for any tax increase.
Water
Georgia also faces a potentially
crippling water shortage in the
not-so-distant future. Atlanta is
already essentially out of water,
and some agreements must be
made that will ensure the
sprawling state capital an ade
quate supply.
What will be done in the
2003 legislative session?
Republicans say that there is
unlikely to be a quick fix,
instead preparing Georgians for
a careful, step-by-step process
that will take several years. The first
step will be setting up a system of governance over state water
issues, and a way to fund that system. The guidelines set this past
August by a joint study committee, chaired by Lt. Gov. Taylor, are
likely to remain the blueprint for water policy for the incoming
administration.
A big question mark is Perdue's agribusiness past. Will the new
governor continue to leave agricultural water use largely unregu
lated? Will he place farm interests above those of other groups?
The Environment
Common wisdom dictates that a shift from Democratic to
Republican power would bode ill for environmental policy, but that
could be reversed in Georgia's case.
Many environmentalists tell us frankly that aside from a suc
cessful green space protection program, Barnes did little for envi
ronmentalists except take their votes for granted. For example, the
proposed Northern Arc Highway, a Barnes brainchild, was opposed
vociferously by environmentalists. Perdue also opposed the Northern
Arc—in what one conservationist tells us "was the environmentally
responsible position to take."
Many of the players at the state level will remain the same with
the Republican takeover. Lonice Barrett is expected to remain
Commissioner of the Department of Natural Resources, and Harold
Reheis will likely be asked to stay as head of the Environmental
Protection Division.
Again, on this issue one must also keep in mind Perdue's
agribusiness background. Will he resist another push by massive—
and massively nasty—hog farms to install themselves in middle and
south Georgia?
Tort Reform
Long a pet cause of Republicans who get large campaign contri
butions from the insurance industry, tort reform is high on the 2003
agenda of the new Senate.
The cornerstone of tort reform is a cap on jury awards in law
suits. Republicans insist that awards are too high and there are too
many frivolous lawsuits. But they admit that going too far will leave
them open to charges that they're insensitive to the suffering of
working people.
In any case, Georgia Republicans are unlikely to push for severe
reform—especially with the Georgia House still in Democratic
hands.
Education
One reason Barnes lost the election is because he lost the
teachers' vote. He did so by pushing through a senes of draconian
education reforms that were perceived as putting too much undue
pressure on rank and file teachers.
State Republicans are in an excellent position to capitalize on the
education issue and do some resl good. As one told us, "Our SAT
scores are already fiftieth in the nation, so they can't get any lower."
One of the first things they will try to do will be to relax some of
the restrictions on class size. While a key part of Barnes' reform,
limiting class size is also very expensive. Republicans promise to
push for more realistic goals that take teachers' needs into account
and that are less obsessed with test scores.
Republicans say they hope to tweak the reforms to put the focus
on making truly inferior schools accountable, rather than keeping
standards so high that all schools are technically considered to be
"failing." They also promise to follow through on a measure which
would allow parents to move children from failing schools.
Redistricting
Another highly unpopular move by Gov.
Barnes was a partisan redistricting plan
that split cities, counties and communi
ties apart in an attempt to make as
many Democratic-friendly districts as
possible.
Republicans vow to return as
much as possible to more realistic
and community-based district
lines. They have much support in
this area, even from Democrats.
Chances are high that
Republicans can change the dis
trict borders for the state
Senate and House. But U.S.
Congressional lines are prob
ably beyond their reach. Anticipate
no change there.
The Flag
Did you vote for Sonny Perdue because you thought he would
return the Confederate battle emblem to the state flag? Prepare to
be disappointed.
In classic Clintonian fashion, Republicans are now saying that
Perdue never actually promised to change the flag—only that he
promised to "let the people vote.'
Vote on what? No one will say exactly. It could be a simple yes-
or-no vote on whether to keep the current committee-spawned flag,
the one Eric Johnson likens to "a Denny's placemat." Or it could be
a vote between the placemat and another flag, such as the pre-1956
state flag, which also has historic ties to the Confederacy but lacks
the racially divisive symbol of the battle emblem.
In any case, Republicans we talked to told us there is almost no
chance that voters will get an opportunity to vote for the controver
sial 1956-2001 state flag.
How about a vote in the legislature? A constitutional amend
ment to return the rebel flag is even more unlikely—impossible,
really—as it would require a two-thirds majority. However, a so-
called "nonbinding resolution" can be passed with a simple
majority. The key question there, as one Republican says, is: "Will
there be the political wilj to follow through with the non-binding
resolution and make it stick?"
The simple answer is no. When Gov. Barnes forced through the
initial flag change, the media largely refrained from pointing out
that the flag he was changing was adopted by segregationists in
1956 specifically as a protest against school integration.
Republicans are aware that in the wake of the recent Trent Lott con
troversy—in which Lott endorsed Strom Thurmond's 1948 segrega
tionist platform—the media will be unable to resist connecting the
dots this time. So it seems that Perdue and the Republican leader
ship face a no-win situation largely of their own making. "We'll take
a political hit no matter what we do," admits one Republican.
In the end, they say they're banking that a percentage of the
"flaggers," as they're called, will be satisfied with any repudiation of
Barnes—even if they don't get their rebel flag back. We'll find out in
four years if they did the math correctly.
Jim Morekis
Jim Morekis is editor-in-chief of the Savannah alt-weekly
Savannah Connect where this story originally appeared.
JANUARY 8, 2003 • FLAGP0LE.COM 9