The independent press. (Eatonton [Ga.]) 1854-????, December 16, 1854, Image 1

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, __ __ i * (UHPwr' | ■ ■ ■ h fi~m n i —m I i ■ —,, -war' « ■ if 1 I I r ft k\ Iri H.M rVki Irir I\ lhH r\ rr\fci I I I ~j| lit| | | jjim || | il | | \\k \%k ’ U • - . BY J. A. TURNER. | VOLUME I. Thanksgiving Day Hymn Praise to God! immortal praise, Vor the love that crowns our days: Bounteous Source of every joy. Let thy praise our tongues employ All ;o thee, our God, we owe, Source whence all our blessings liow. All the blessings a the fields, All the stores the garden yields, Flocks that whiten all the plain. Yellow sheaves of ripened grain— Lord, lor these our souls -shall raise Grateful vows and solemn praise. Clouds that drop their fattening dews, Suns that genial warmth diffuse, All the plenty summer pours, Autumn's rich o’erHowiug stores — L-nl, for these our souls shall raise Grateful vows an t 8 -leuin praise. Peace, prosjierity axd health, Private blis- and public wealth. Knowledge, with its gladdening streams. Pure religion s holier beams — L-'iU. !br these our soulfe shad raise Gratelul vows and solemn praise. Histcllantotts. From ti e Uni ed States Magazine & Dein. Review. Political Portrait. John* Forsyth. The present Secretary ol‘ State was burn at Fredericksburg, in Virginia, in October 1781. During his infancy, his father, Hubert Forsyth, removed first to Sou ill 0 rolina, and subsequcM- Iv into Georgia, where he settled at the town oi Augusta, in the year 1180. Upon t . organ.zaiton of the Federal Government, tie received from Presi dent Washington thcoliice of Marshall of the district. That place he retain ed for s. veral years, anel ultiinatedy lost his life in the execution ot his duties, under circumstances so honor able to his intrepidity and firmness, that Congress passed an act tor the re lief of ins widow and children, and appropriated a sum of money tor their support and instruction. Ills son, the subject ot tliis sketch, received the rudiments of his education at a classi cal school in Wilkes county —a district so celebrated, even from the darkest days of the Revolutionary War, for its ardent devotion to the patriotic cause, as to obtain for it from tnetories of the southern country tiic name of the ‘Hornet’s Nest.’ iiis teacher was the Rev. Mr. Springer, a clergyman of considerable attainment, and eminent for his piety. In 189 b, he entered Princeton Cyilege, atid graduated there the vear 1799. Upon leaving college, Mr. Forsyth | commenced the study ot the law at, Augusta, at the office of Mr. Ander son, and entered on the practice of | that profession in 1802. Not long al terwards he was appointed Attorney General of the State, and in that emi- j neut post rapidly rose to distinction as a professional and a public man. Ihe fraud committed by the laud commis sioners in the sale of fractions, gave rise to prosecutions involving much excitement and feeling, and enlisting the talents of the principal advocates at the bar; they were conducted by him, on behalf of th State, with such ability and complete success, as to gain for him general confidence and ap probation, so much so thatat the elec tion ior Representatives m Congress, in tlie year 1812, on his ottering him self, he was taken up and returned by a considerable majority. Mr. Forsyth took nis Scat, for the j first ii ne, m the National Councils on j the twenty-fourth of May, 181 b, the j comniv iieem lit ol the lirst s. ssion ot the thirteenth*'Congress. Dur.ng the whole of that session, which met at j •ait unusual season m compliance with the j r.msious of a special law, and on | -account of the emergencies of the war with Great Britain, he appears to have mkon no part in the debates, although •as a member of a Select Committee ap pointed to inquire into the spirit and manner in which hostilities were wa ged by the enemy, he gave, from the start, an efficient and vigorous support to the administration of President Madison. The able report of that committee made at the close of the ses sion was understood to proceed from his pen. At the following session lie* maintained, with a single exeep.ion, the same silence —a fact some what ie inarkablo when contrasted with the promptness in debate which lie subse quently displayed, and the leading and conspicuous position he has since oc cupied in the legislative councils.- The occasion on which he took part in the discussions of the House for the first time, was in sup port of the bill to authorize a loan ot twenty-five millions, which had reported by the Committee of W ays and Means, on the first of February 1814, as a measure essential to the prosecution of the war, and which finally passed the Hous«, after a most protraetod and exciting debate, on the and Mlijclilii Afonrnal: —51 cbotcti to literature, politics, auJt (General Hfistmanii | third of March. A report of ids j speech has been preserved, w hich is ! the ease with tew of the very manv j delivered by him durutg the succeed ing* sessions. It is 'I eloquent and J im ignnnt answear totVse ot t ic op j position, wliicli arraigned in iinmcas i ured terms sh ? whole -'justice, policy I and conduct of the war. and at once ! placed Mr. Forsyth bof uv Congress and the people of the l lYtod States in Ia most favorable light. I jg,, ; Not very long after the .termination of the s ssion in the sprntg' of 1814, the necessities growing out of the ac tive operations of the campaign, which had been distinguished by galiant ac tions on land and sea, induced the j President to convene Congress .by proclamation. I’hey met on the nine teenth of September. Mr. Forsyth, jin the absence of Mr. Calhoun at the j commencement of the session, was np | pointed Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs. This distinguish ed position he filled during the whole j time ho continued to retain li.s seat jin the House of Representatives, which was unt-sl his election in the Senate, in | 1818. While the war last, and, he was j the active and powerful advocate ol jail measures necessary for its effective I pros oution. P.ulutps on no other j m lnber of the House, was the task more constantly thrown, at tins period, jof supporting the administration of j Mr. Madison ; and it was discharged I with a readiness and ability not since j surpassed in any of the political con ! tests in which he has been engaged. He took, from that day, a stand with : the republican party never since lost, as a distinguished support; r of its car j linul principles. As Cliairman of the Committee ol : Foreign R latious, he advocated, ini mediately alt r die close of the war with Great Britain, the adoption or i Viiroroms measures to punish the out rag s committed on the ofi’icial repre j sentative and citizens of the United I States by the Dev of Algers. The i subj. et was and bated some days in se j cret session, and resulted n the pas sage of a bill giving adequate power Ito die President. This led, as is well I known, to a gallant enterprise on the j part oi our navy, and an adjustment |of the difficulties completely satisfac j tory and successful. At the com -1 m neement of the next session, Mr. j Forsyth reported a bill which gave rise to great debate, involving the rel j alive powers of the several constituent j departments of the government. It | was for the purpose of mrrying into j effect the commercial convention With I Great Britain ; and a discussion arose j on the extent to which legislation was i noces-iary in cases where a treaty had been made, and duly ratified under i the provisions of the Constitution. It was contended bv a large party in the I House, and a majority in the Senate, | that no act of legislation was neccssa i ry, although the articles f the treaty went directly to affect existing laws on the subjects of navigation and impost duties. These views were strenuously resisted by the republican portion of the House, and especially by Mr. For syth. The result was the passage of a bid giving legislative sanction to the convention, though not without the insertion of a phrase on tlie part of the Senate, stating that it was a de claratory act —a measure acquiesced in by the House, after a conference, and in a spirit of compromise. Early in the second session of the fourteenth Congress, the difficulties became apparent that were to grow out of the manner in which much of the stock of the National Bank had | been subscribed. It was understood that a large portion of the instalments, payable by the terms of the charter in coin, was, in fact, paid by the pro ceeds of notes discounted !y r the bank itself on a pledge, of stock. Mr. For syth brought tiie subject before the House, and strongly urge l an inquiry, as well as tlie ad<»piion of measures to check the - proceeding in the outset; and he followed it, a few days after wards, by resolutions direct ini', a with drawal of the public d-posit \s if this did not take place. 11 is suggestions were not adopted ; had they been, at that tone, it may be reasonably aver red that many, if not all, the d.flieul ties which called for the interposition of Congress two years after, would have been avoided. Among the use ful measures which lie especially urged upon the House at this session, in ad dition to his participation in all the leading questions of the day, was a bill embracing more adequate provis ions for the relief of distressed Amer ican seamen in foreign countries ; an-1 other to strengthen our resources for j naval warfare, by requiring the era ployment of a certain numb r of boys on board of every merehant vessel; j and a third, growing out of the wild land unrestrained system of privateer | ing practis 'd under the color of South | American Hags," which was the fbuiula | tioii of the existing laws for the preven i tioii of arming or selling vessels of war jto biliigefent nations. In the discus sions that arose in regard to the ac knowledgment of the independence of those countries, lie took the lead in sustaining the policy of the’adminis tration against the ardent opposition-of some of the ablest men in the House, and induced it 1o support the* Kxec.u- EATONTON, GA„ SATURDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1854. five in the just and prudent course which was pursued. On the twenty-third of November, 1818, Mr. Forsyth resigned his seat in the House of Representatives, and took his place in the Senate of the United States, to which he had been lately elected. Though he remained in that body less than three months, he participated largely in its debates and business. Os one only of his speeches has a report been preserved. It is that on the resolution proposing an amendment of the Constitution, by which each State was to be divided into districts embracing a population as nearly equal as might be, for the purpose of choosing a representative in. Congress and ah elector of the Chief Magistrate. This plan was opposed by Mr. Forsyth, because, in his opin ion, it connected together uselessly, and contrary to the spirit of the Con stitution, the election of the National Legislature and Executive; because it interfered with, and essentially con trolled, the States in their own plans for the maintenance of heir legitimate inlluei.ee in the Federal (government; and because it increased very greatly the chances of an election of President by a minority of the popular voters in the United States. Tiie resolution passed the Senate, but was not adopt ed by the House. During the winter of this year the negotiations between the United States and Spain, fora settlement.of existing differences, and for the cession of the Flo ri das, had been actively prosecuted at Wiishihgtpu; and on the fifteenth of February, 1819, the project of a treaty having been definitely arranged, the President determined to send a minister immediately to Madrid. Mr. Forsyth was accordingly nominated to the Sci ate and confirmed. On the twenty-fourth the treaty was ratified, and the time for the exchange of rat itioaiions being limited to six months, it became necessary for him to proceed to Spain without delay. Instead of the immediate ratification which had been expected from that government, he met with embarrassment and refu sal. He became involved in an angry controversy which was prolonged un til October, 1820; and it was not until the revolution produced anew gov ernment and the organization of the Cortes, that the treaty was transmitted to the United States. The point at issue may very easily be understood. The offer of the ces sion of Florida to the United States by the Spanish minister at Washington, Don Luis de Onis, was made on the twenty-fourth January, 1818. His instructions from his court to make the offer could not have been of a later date than some time in the preceding November. One important feature in the treaty was that the United States should assume a large amount of claims of American citizens upon Spain, the justice of which had been acknowledged as far back as 1804, the vacant lands of Florida affording the land from which they should be set tled. In the winter of 1817 some of the favorite courtiers of the Spanish King petitioned their mast r for grants of these same Florida lands, and in the months of February arid April most enormous grants, comprehending the greater part of the whole, were made to the Duke of Alagon, Count Punen Rostro,andSenor Var as. These became known abroad only through general rumor. The treaty was signed on the twenty-second February, 1819, by the plenipotentiaries at Washington, and was ratified on our part on the twenty fourth of the same month. Its-eighth article declared all grants of land in the Floridas subsequent to the date of twenty-fotftth January, 1818, null and void. A rumor having become cur rent in Washington that the three grants above referred to w ere of the ticent/j-durd of January, thus evading 'the important stipulation of the eighth article, the Secret: ry of State, Mr. Adams, applied to Don Onis, to know v. h thor there had not been a full and distinct understanding, throughout the negociations, that tin s.; three particu lar grams were expsessly excluded by the eighth article, as having#!) -en of subsequent date to the nvnty-fourth of January. The Spanish ambassa dor did not hesitate in Ins reply to as sent unequivocally to this understand ing. Mr. Forsyth was instructed, in presenting the treaty for ratification, to make an explic t written statement of this tin lersiandiiigm relation to the three grants referred to, those of Ala gon, Punon Rostro and Vargas. On the eighteenth of May Mr. Forsyth, ! at Madrid, requested that the exchange lof the ratifications should take place im early as convenient, as a vessel of war was waiting at Cadiz to carry the rati lied treaty back. It was not till after a month that he received a reply that his niaj -sty ‘was under the indis pensable necessity of examining it with the greatest caution and delibe ration • before he proceeded to ratify if.’ It was here evident that it was determined not to ratify the treaty, .but to play bit upon the United States the solemn farce of Spanish diplomacy, with the view to evade entirely the perf -rmance of its plighted faith. The American minister proved not quite so easy a subject of courtly ‘bambooz ' ling’ as had probably been anticipated; “WITHOUT TJE'/IK, T+IVOIS. OSi .IFI'IWTBO.Y ” and the manner in which he intimated in his reply, the spirit with which the United States, and their representative, were determined to maintain their rights, could scarcely fail to be appre ciated. The following i.s au extract: ‘The ’ill consequences which will ensue from this postponement, and the impression likely to be made by it, can be easily foreseen. Your excel lency may correctly estimate the con jectures to which it will give birth in the United States from what is passing here; You,' perhaps" arejyot to learn that the delay of last rnoiuh has given rise, at the seat of his Majesty’s Gov ernment, among his own subjects, to the most monstrous and absurd sup positions. Among the subjects of Spain, those who best know the integ rity of the King, and the purity of his councils it is asserted, that an act required by the policy of this Govern meat, essential to the interests of this kingdom, and demanded by the honor of the King, 'will not be performed. Yes, sir ; the King is calumniated in his very capital by a most unjust sur mise, that there will be a refusal to do that which the reputation of Spain re quires—that which Spain dare not re fuse to do. Your excellency will not understand this as threatening his Majesty’s Government- with the c n sequ.euc:es which might ensue from fine resentment of the United States, if it were possible for Spain to act in this business with bad faith. Threats are used by conscious weakness, and not by conscious strength. 1 know too well the abundant resources, the ex panding power, the youthful vigor of my country, to degrade her character by using language unworthy of it ; if not by my respect for Spain, I should be prevented by the fear of the deserved resentment of my country. 1 should not be easily forgiven for condesending to say how she would punish an act of perfidy.’ The twenty-second of August was the extreme date within which the rat ifications were to be exchanged, by the terms of the treaty. It was still refused by the Spanish court, and Mr. Forsyth was informed that the King would send a plenipotentiary to Wash ington to obtain some ‘explanations’ deemed requisite. The English arid Russian ministers interfered in the negociation, with attempts to induce the Spanish court to make the ratifica tion, for its own credit, and for the sake of the general pacific policy of Europe; but without effect —the latter, T’atis cheff, remarking to Mr. Forsyth in reference to the Spanish ministers, that there was ‘no reasoning with ignorance and presumption.’ The principal stumbling block, in addition to the private influence of the courtiers in terested, was a desire to extort from the. United States a promise not to recognise the independence of the South American republics. It proved, in fine, impossible to obtain any satis faction from Spanish ministers, and the correspondence assumed a more and more angry character. In Octo ber, for instance, Mr. Forsyth reques ted copies of the grants in question, which were refused on the ground of its not being' compatible with the ‘dig nity’ of his majesty to add any more authentic certificate than his word, in the matter of the grants. The follow ing extract from Mr. Forsyth' reply was certainly sufficiently to the point: ■‘The American minister considers the refusal to furnish copies of the grants of the Duke of Alagon, Count Punon Rostro, and Mr. Vargas, for whieli he applied, as singular as the reason that is assigned for it. These donations having unfortunately pro duced new differences between the United States and Spam, lie believed that he had a right to expect copies of them whenever an application was made to procure them, lie is not aware that the royal word has been given in this business, and would now request to be informed where it is to be found, if lie was confident it could be done without offending the royal dignity —a dignity so refined and etrierial as to be above the comprehen sion of an American minister.’ After some further correspondence on wmeh it is unnecessary to dwell— Mr. Forsyth presenting a strong re monstrance, going over the whole ground, and utterly annihilating the positions assumed by the Spanish court.* —the appointment of anew min ister to Washington, General Ytves, who was supposed to carry out full powers, and who left Madrid oil tlie 2oth January, 1820, suspended the fur ther prosecution of the matter at Mad rid ; when in March a total change of affairs was made by the re-establish- ment of the constitution of 1812. — Gen. Vives’ mission at Washington proved a mere evasion, as he evidently came for no other purpose than to re open the illimitable field of negotia*- tio.i. But the now liberal government in Spain evinced a very diiferent dis position towards the United States aud tlie treaty, from that which had char acterized the fprmer proceedings; and thouglwsome delay arose out of tire embarrassed state of affairs in Spain, Mr. Forsyth at length succeeded in procuring the ratification, with the al most unanimous approval of the Cortes, on the fifteenth of October, 1820, We ought not to omit to add, that notwithstanding the severity which marked this correspondence, and the unpleasant relation in which it unne cessarily placed the bold and plain spoken American minister towards the Spanish court, few American residents at Madrid have“left behind them a more agreeable personal impression than the subject of the present me moir. On the successful completion of this important ana most intricate negocia tion lie obtained permission to "return home on leave of absence. After a short residence here he again repaired to Madrid, accompanied by his family, from which lie had been previously separated. He continued there until the month of March, 1823, engaged principally in negociations connected with the fulfilment of the various stip ulations embraced in the Florida trea ty. Their progress was attended with many obstacles and difficulties, but they were finally brought to a success ful termination. Having heard that, in expectation of his return he had been elected, while still absent, by his fellow-citizens, as a member of the House ofi Representative's, he hastened back to the United' Slates,- making .only a brief visit iq France and Eng land, and reaching home in the mouth of June. On taking his Seat again in Congress, in December, 1823, he v as restored to the position he had formerly filled with so much ability, as Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, and lie continued to occupy it as lie remained iu the House. After the election of President Adams he took a leading part iii opposition to his administra tion, and participated in most of the general debate on questions of political and national interest. The principal object, however, to which he devoted himself, was the settlement of the dif ficult questions that arose from the oc cupation of a large portion of Georgia by the Indian tribes, and the rapid increase ol the white inhabitants around them. He prepared an able report on the subject of the original compact by which the United States had agreed, twenty years before, to ex tinguish the Indian title, ami exhibit ed, in a brief but lucid narrative, the true position of the question as it now presented itself in an aspect which would admit of no further delay. He maintained, with great ability and el oquence, the right of Georgia to the sovereignty over all the inhabitants within her limits, and resisted the no tion that it could ever be within the spirit or letter of the Constitution to permit the independent existence of a savage tribe in the heart of one of the States of the Union, not participating in its institutions nor amenable to any of its laws. Being elected in October, 1827, Governor of Georgia, he was called by his official position to sustain, on behalf of the State, the ground he had taken in Congress, relative to the Indian question, and it formed the most prominent and important subject of his Executive duties. Whatever diversity of Opinion may have existed at the time, it is probable that few will now doubt that the result has been advantageous to' the Indians them selves; has preserved the faith of the General Government to one of the members of the Union, as pledged twenty y ms before; and has substi tuted for an unnatural and uncertain relation between civilized and savage communities, a separate existence, equally conducive so the prosperity of both. After filling the honorable post of Governor for two years, Mr. Forsyth again returned to Washington. He was elected in the fall of 18211 as the successor of Mr. Berrien, in the Sen ate of the United States. That place lie continued to fill until the summer of 183d. One of his first acts was the vindication of Georgia in regard to the Indians, and the discussion of the sub ject of the removal beyond the Missis sippi. Ilis speech delivered soon after he took his seat is preserved, and con tains an exposition of the whole policy and proceedings in relation to that measure, marked by great abiiiiy and eloquence. Inthe debate concerning the appropriation for compensating the agents employed by the Executive m negociating a treaty with Turkey, lie defended, with success, the coarse adopted by the Administration, as well as the policy of the measure in a commercial and political view. In the discussions relative - to tin tariff lie strongly advocated the reduction of the revenue to the absolute wants of the Government, denying the princi ple of protection, and seeking to adopt such measures as would prevent the accumulation of a surplus revenue in Treasury. On all the questions that grew out of this subject he took an active part in debate, and, indeed, du ring the last three years of his contin uance in Congress, perhaps, no Sena tor, whose views agreed with the Ad ministration, held a more prominent place in all the discussions that oecur ( red. His thorough acquaintance with | the legislative! find political history- of i the country since tjie termination of the war; liis personal participation in all its most prominent events; the consistency av hich had distingujshed throughout his conduct as a public man; and his great facility in debate —gave him uncommon weight and in fluence, not merely among his: own party, but with people of the United States. In the stirring scenes which attended the rejection of Mr. Van Bu re n by the influence of his political rivals in the Senate, Mr. Forsyth was not more conspicuous for his ardent and eloquent defence of a man to whom he had been long per. Glial3y attached, than for his,vigorous vindi cation of the public conduct of that distinguished statesman; a vindication wliiph he has had the satisfaction to see his countrymen unequivocally confirm. Throughput the daily and hourly ex citement of the panic session of 1834, when 'he eloquence and activity of the presidential candidates on the floor of the Senate were so signally display ed, Mr. Forsyth was always at his post, and evinced in an uncommon degree the talents of a parliamentary leader. He secured for himself a high and merited reputation; and when he with draw from the Senate he closed in a rilliant manner his legislative career of twenty a ears. On the resignation of Mr. McLane, asSecretary of State, in the summer of 1884, Mr. Forsyth was called to that department, by President Jackson.— He filled it during the residue of his Executive term, and has continued to hold it under his successor. Perhaps at no period since the war have our foreign negociations involved ques tions of greater interest and impor tance ; and certainly in none have they been conducted with more pa triotism, honor and success. The con test with France which seriously threat ened for a while a breach of the ami cable relations ot the two countries, and which was surfoundad with un common difficulties, resulted in a man ner justly accordant with the princi ples of international justice, and m every respect gratifying to the Ameri can people. A similar termination seems to await the protracted and com plicated difficulties with Mexico; and throughout the late events which have disturbed the frontiers of Carnda, we may perhaps attribute to the wisdom, temper, and spirit, that nave marked the negociations conducted through the department of State, the escape of the two nations from mutual causes ol grave irritation and serious complaint. To Mr. Forsyth’s talent as a debater we have already alluded. His man ner is remarkable lor ease and self possession; he is fluent in delivery, and happy in retort; free from all ap pearance of study, but with a mind well stored by observation and reflec tion; on subjects requiring elaborate discussion and research, his speeches have been distinguished by great clear ness of statement as well as power of argument; and where his feelings are strongly interested he speaks with elo quence and fervor. In his state papers be is generally brief, and they are al ways marked by a direct and candid expression of his views, and a vigor ous style. Asa politician he lias al ways supported the principles of the old Republican school, contending strenuously against every mcacure at variance with the strictest economy, or tending to increase the power of the General Government, and impair the ascendency and sovereignty of the States. Personal Sketches. JERROLI). Douglas Jerrold, a well known con tributor to Bunch, and editor of vari ous publications, is a man about 50 years of age, and in person is rather spare and diminutive. His face is sharp, angular, and his eyes of grayish hue. He is one of the most caustic writers, and frequently pens, under the impulse of the moment, articles which his cooler judgment condemns. Alto gether a believer in hydropathy, his habits do not conform to the internal application of Adam’s ale. His cau dle lectures have been read by every one. In conversation he is quick at retort, —not always refined. He is a husband and grand-father. MACAULAY. The Hon. T. B. Macaulay is short in stature, and with a growing tenden cy to Aldormanic disproportion. His head has the same rotundity as his body, and seems stuck on it as a pin head. This is nearly the sum of his personal defects; as nearly all else, except his voice, which is certainly mo notonous and disagreeable, is in his favor. Ilis face seems literally instinct with expression; the eve, above all, full of thought and meaning. As he walks, or rather struggles along the street, he seems as if in a state of total abstraction, unmindful of everything j that is going on around him, and sole ly occupied with his own working .mind. Yomeaimot help thinking that literature is, with him, not a mere pro fession or pursuit, but that it has al most grown to be a part of himself, as though historical problems or ana lytical criticisms were apart ot his dai ly intellectual food. 1 DE QUINCY. . . He is one of the smallest-legged, smallest-bodied, and’ most attenuated TERMS, 82,00 A YEAR. NUMBER 35. effigies of the human form divine, that one could meet in a crowded city in a day’s walk. And if one adds to this figure clothes that arc neither fashion ably cut nor fashionably adjusted, he will have a tolerably fair idea of De Quincy’s outer man. But then his brow, that punches his obtrusive hat to the back of his head—and his gray eyes, that do not seem to look out, but to be turned inward, sounding the depths of his imagination, and search ing put the mystery of the most ab struse logic,* are something that you would search a week to find the mates to, and then you would be disappoint ed. Do Quincy now resides at Lass wode, a romantic rural village, once the residence of Sir Walter Scott, about seven miles from Edinburgh, Scotland, where an affectionate daugh ter watches over him, and where he is the wonder of the country people for miles around. LAMARTINE. Lamartine is—yes, young ladies, positively a prim looking man, with a long face, short gray hair, a slender figure, and a suit of black. Put a pen behind his ear, and he would look like a ‘ confidential clerk.’ Give his face more character and he would look like Henry Clay. He lias a line head— phrenologically speaking—large and round at the top, and a scant allotment of cheek. Prim is the word though. There is nothing in his appearance, which is ever so remotely connected with the romantic. He is not even pale : and as for a rolling shirt collar or a Byronic tie,- he is evidently not the man to think of such things. Ro mance, in fact, is the article he lives by, and, like other men, he chooses to sink the shop, at least when he sits for a portrait. DUMAS, On the contrary, is a burly fellow. His large, red, round cheeks stand ful ly out, till they seem to stretch the very skin that covers them, and it looks as smooth as a polished apple. His black crisped hair is piled high above his forehead, and stands divided into two unequal masses, one inclining to the right and the other to the left. His eyes arc dark, and his mouth sen suous, but not to the degree of vulgar ity. Ilis person is large, and his flow ing mantle red. He is a gentleman to lay bare the throat and look romantic, not Byronically so, but piraticallj. Yet he looks good humored, and like a man whose capacity for physical enjoyment of some kinds is boundless. Ilis negro blood is evident enough to one who knows lie has it, but it' would not be detected by one who knew it not. It appears in the pecu liar rotundity of the man, in all his parts. It crisps and heaps his hair—it makes him dress in flowing red to have his picture taken. But his complex ion is only a shade darker than the average. The portrait reminds for a moment of the late Thomas Hamblin, the actor. EUGENE SUE Is neither prim nor burly. He is a man of large frame, over which, a loose black coat is carelessly buttoned. — Complexion light, eves blue, hair once blnok now pepper-ana-salt, AvlnsKera voluminous, eyebrows black, and thick good forehead, and the lower face am ple. This conveys no better idea ol the man’s aj 'pcarance than a French passport. But the truth is, Sue’s coun t> nance and figure have none ot thoso peculiarities which make description possible. He looks in his portrait like a careless, comfortable, elderly gentleman—taking his case in an easy chair, and an easy 'coat, lie does not look like an author —authors seldom do. He is only forty-five years of age, but he has lived fast, and looks fifty live. ID; was a Stranger to Her.— Those who are termed “simple minded people” adopt a curiously innocent mode of expression occasionally, which comes so near art, at times, as to ren der its “ simplicity ” doubtful. We heard of a young married couple, from the 'country of course, who re cently attended an exhibition of “Dis solving Views.” The bride, being pretty, attracted the attention of a stylish looking city gent, who happen ed to occupy the same seat with the twain. During the exhibition, the audience part of the hall being already obscured, by some accident the light was entirely extinguished. Pending its recovery,'which occupied some lit tle time, the city gentleman (perhaps accidentally) gently pressed the hand of the bride, who was too much alarm ed to offer any resistance. This bold act was followed by a bolder, certainly not accidental, for the city Lothario absolutely kissed the bride! This was loo’ much, and the young wile resolved to tell her husband, which she did, when the following whispered colloquy took place: “John 1” P “ What?” “ This feller here’s kissm me., “Well,” said John, who Avas a little ■shy of the citizen, “tell him to quit!” “No, John, youM\ UunM “Tell him yourself! ’ • “.NAJohn, I don’t like to; you tell him. . The geuVcmay $a perfect stranger ■Mo weT — I torch ester. Tru riser ij4.