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group, unfettered and unmoved, de Chastehr
stalked after them. Once, ere he stooped be
neath the lew browed portal, he paused, placed
both hands on his heart, bowed lowly and then
pointed upw'ards, as be chanted once again the
words Penspz a moi—-Noble Deme—Pensez
a moi. As he vanished From her presence, she
waved her hand impatiently tn be left alone
and ah night long she traversed and re-travers
ed the floor of her chamber in paroxysms of
the fiercest despair. The warrant was brought
to her—silently, sternly, she traced her signa
ture beneath it? —not a sign «.f sympathy was
on her pallid features, not a tremor shook her
frame; she was passionless, majestic, and un
moved. The secretary left the chamber on
his fatal errand—and Mary was again a wo
man. Prostrate upon her couch she lay, sob
bing and weeping as though her very sou! was
bursting from her bosom, defying all consola
tion, spurning every offer at remedy. “ ’Tis
done !” she would say—“ ’Tjs done !—I have
preserved my fame, and murdered mine only
friend.”
The morning dawned slowly—and the heavy
bells of all the churches clanged the death peal
of Chastelar. The tramp ol the cavalry de
filing from the palace gates struck on her heart
as though each hoof dashed on her bosom.
An hour passed away—the minute bells still
toiling—the roar of a culverin swept heavily
downwards from the castle, and all was over!
—Fie had died as he had lived, undaunted—as
he had lived, devoted !—“Mary, divine Mary,”
were his latest words—“ I love tn death, as
T have loved in life—thee and thee only.” The
axe drank his blood, and the Queen of Scot
land had not n truer servant left behind, than
he, whom for a moment’s frenzy she was com
pelled to slay—yet was his last wish satisfied,
for though tl*e Queen might not relent, the wo
man did forgive, and, in many a mournful hour j
did Mary think on Chastelar.
Peter Single’s escape from Jtfatrimony.
M'e are all subject to disappointments, says
my aunt with a sigh—true, we are, I answer
ed: but you surely don’t pretend to call mine
a disappointment? Mhat else you blockhead?
Mhy an escape, aunt; a wonderful, a miracu
lous and delightful escape. Why those are
strange* words, Peter. No more strange than
true, my good aunt —and every day’s observa
tion makes it more so. How so. Merely
peeping aunt —Peeping? Aye, peeping aunt
looking into the secrets of their hearts—the
secrets and houses of those who are married,
and I am taught then the true blessings of
liberty. ’Tis a gift of heaven, bestowed on
man by his divine Creator—and all animated
beings free from the thraldom of slavery, sing
together for joy—-for whv-—because thev are
free. Mhy Peter you seem inspired. lam
aunt, when speaking of liberty. Then you
don’t regard the loss of Dollv. Not a fig—
did you ever hear the reason of our separation, >
nun’? No. Well I will tell if to you—’tis an ,
excellent joke I assure you—we were on our
way to church for the awful crime ofmatrimo j
nv—trudging along the path leading to the j
H< |y Pile, quite loving and affectionate, when !
all of a sudden Dolly looks up in my face and
Cries, Peter Peter—What Dolly, says I— Pe
ter save she, who j« to make the fire after we ,
are married? You. of course, Dollv I replied !
that you must he aware is a female’s place -
—her duty. Mr. Single, I toil you it is unman-j
neilv, ungentlemnnlike, audit is unhusband-•
like too, to say I must make the fire—and do I
vou think I will get up on a cold frosty morn- ■
ing, while vou are sleeping in bod, am make ',
your fire, Sir? Why Dolly, my dear this is ■
strange conduct —and 1 went on to tell her, j
'hat 1 would prepare the wood over night, and :
have every thing ready for her—and Dolly,
vou know mv business will call me out early. .
I don’t know, nor I don’t care, Mr. Single,
mule the fire I will not. Yon won’t make the
fire, Madam? No Sir! Then Dolly, hang |
tn* l if 1 have you. Then Mr. Single, hang me
if I care. \nd so you parted. Yes, or. the
spot and I have rejoiced at the event ever
since; I sign myself with groat pleasure.
PETER SINGLE.
The Cvnju mating Dutchman.
We know n-ot where the following story
came from, but, ns it gives n droll picture of a
methodical and persevering Dutchman, it may
not prove uneutertnining.
'l'wo English gentlemen once stepped into
n coffee house in Paris, where thev observed a
tall odd looking man, who appeared not to be
n native, sitting at one of the tables, ai d look
ing around with the most stone-like gravity of
countenance upon every object. Soon after
the two Englishmen entered, one of them
told tho other that a celebrated dwarf had ar
rived at Pans. At this the grave looking per
sonage above mentioned oppened bis mouth
and spake—“l arrive,” said he. “thou arriv
es!, he arrives, we arrive, you arrive, thev ar
rive.” I'he Englishman, whose remark
seemed to have suggested this mysterious
speech, stepped up to the stranger and asked.
' Did you speak to me. Sit?” “I speak,” re-‘
plied tlit- stranger, “thou speakest, he speaks,
we apeak, you speak, they speak!” “How is
this!” said the Englishman, “do vou mean to
insult me?” The other replied, I insult, thou
insuhest, he insults, we insult, you insult,
they insult.” “This is too much, said the
Englishman; I will have satisfaction—if you
have any spirit with your rudeness, come along
wuh me.” To this defiance the imperturable
stranger replied, “1 come, thou comer-1, he
comes, we come, vou come, thev come.” and
(h< reupon he arose with great coni tress, aid
followed liis challanger. In those days, when
c-cry gentleman wore a swrrd, duels were
si c ddy despatched. Thev went into a
neighboring alley, and the Englishman, un
sheathing hi? weapon, said to his antagonist,
“N"W. Sir. you must fight me.’’ “I light.”
replied the other, drawing his sword, “thou
: ghtesi. he Agios, fight”—here fie made a
thrust —“you figl t, they tight”—and here he
itsarmed bi* adversary,—“Well, s:t:d ’he
Englishman, “you have the best of it, and I
hope you are satisfied. “I am satisfied,’
said the original, sheathing his sword, “thou
art satisfied, he is satigfiied, we are satisfied,
you are satisfied, they are satisfiid.” “I am
glad every body is satisfied,” said the English
man, “but pray leave off quizzing me in this
strange manner, and tell me what is your ob
ject, if you have any, in doing so.” The
; grave gentleman now for the first time, be
came intelligible. “lama Dutchman,” said
he “and am learning your language. I find it
very difficult to remember the necularities of
’he verbs, and my tutor has advised me, in
order to fix them in my mind, to conjugate e
very English verb that I hear spoken. This
I have made it a rule to do: I don’t like to
have my plan broken in upon while they are
in operation, or I would have told you of this
before.” The Englishman laughed heartily
at this explanation, and invited the conjugat
ing Dutchman to dine with them. “I would
dine,” replied he, “thou wilt dine, he will
dine, we will dine, you will dine, they will
dme. we will all dine together.” This they ac
cordingly did, & it was difficult to say wheth
er the Dutchman ate or conjugated with most
perseverance.”
aaxu rieves’ditoeb speech. ;
Our Guest and Fellow-citizen, Wm. C. !
Rives: Alike distinguished for his firm, con-•
sistent, and unwavering exertions, to protect !
the Government of the United States from the i
ravages of Nullification, and to rescue it from ;
the gull of Consolidation the interpreter of'
the Constitution and its powers as construed;
by tne Republicans of’9B, (he immortal Jes-j
ferson and Madison. Let him be fairly tried ;
by the People.
Mr. Lives arose and addressed the compa
ny in substance as follows ;
Gentlemen : I should be either more or less
than a man, if I were not moved, deeply moved
by the manifestation of effeetionate kindness
and regard, with which you have greeted my
return among you, on the present occasion.
You, are all, gentlemen, my countrymen, and
neighbors—the companions or patrons of my
early years—the eye-witnesses and near ob-1
servers of my conduct in all the relations of’
life, public and private. With a knowledge of'
my character and principles thus acquired, yon
have generously stepped forward, at a moment!
when a sentence of political ostracism has been i
passed upon me by others, to assure me of!
your undimini-died confidence, to cheer me '
with your approbation and regard, to welcome;
mo back to your society, and to the common-■
ion of kindred pursuits and kindred feelings.
This .s a testimony, on which I can repose with ,
consoling and triumphant c >nsnonsnes<, amid ■
all the denunciations and revilings to which I ’
have been so unsparingly subjected. I shall !
cher;sh i», gentlemen, with grateful recollec- I
tion, and transmit it to my children as the!
most unimpeachable monument of that mheri- |
ta <re of character and public esteem which I i
de«ire, above all earthly possessions, to leave :
to them. <
The great public question, in which the part
borne by me, has called forth this kind and flat
tering expression of feeling from vou in mv
behalf, is one of the mo«t momentous charac
ter which was ever submitted for the consid- I
eration of a free people, wisely jealous of their I
r : ghts and liberties. It involves, in fact, the >
whole question of free Government. The is
sue it presents is nothing less than this—Shall
the people of these United States, in the true
spirit of their institutions, govern themselves
by their own agents freely chosen a> d respon
sible to them, animated with common sympa
thies and common interests, and amenable at
all times, to the control of public opinion; or.
renouncing the precious inheritance conferred
j upon by the valor and wisdom of (heir ances
' tors, tamely submit to be ruled and lorded over, i
. by a sordid and selfish aristocracy, in the form |
J <>f ft great moneyed corporation, without res
' ponsibilitv. without sympathy, without cheek
’of any sort, legal or moral? The Bank of the
: I . States has abundantly shewn bv its con
i duct, that, though nominally established for
commercial purposes, its ruling passion (in ’
, conformity to the example of al! great money- I
■ cd associations, of which historv has recorded i
; the existence.) is that of political domination,
i To secure itsi If against opposition in the pur-1
j suit of its schemes, it seeks to command the!
j public councils, and by an influence, both ex
; ternal and internal, to control and sujiersede !
; the action of the Government. Nor is it diffi
j cult to conceive, that an institution, like the
| Bank of the I mted States, wielding an im
! mense capital, penetrating with its branches
cverv portion o f ’he I mon, connecting itself
by the fearful extent of its operations (amount-
I ing annually to between three and four hundred
; millions ot dollars,) with the business and con
cerns nfevery individual in the commur.itv—it
• is not difficult to conceive, 1 say, that such an
: institution, it unchecked tn its career, should
| be able to make itself virtually the juasfer of
the country. Should it unhappily triumph in
the daring struggle it is now maintaining uith
‘ ’he constituted author.ties of the nation, the
forms of the Constitution may still remain, but,
; as a system of popular Government, its sub
stance and vitality will lo gone forever. We
shall be hencefurward, in fact, the vassals and
slaves of a heartless moneyed power, whoso
despotic sway will only be rendered the more
intolerab'e l>v the bitter mockery of ihe still
! subsisting forms and semblance ot lice Gny
; ernment.
Let tt not be supposed, gentlemen, that the
, object of this struggle <»n the pari of the Bank,
is a mere restoration ol the public deposited to
its keeping. Its aim is far higher and deeper
<—n»<hing ’ess ihnn the renewal of its charter,
! nnd the perpetuation of its power. I foresaw,
from the commencement of ihe controversy,
and declared in rnv place in the Senate, that'
these two great questions were indissolubly
j connected—inseparable parts of the same sys
tem I’. *'■ :mnoss!h?i ’c roncoivo ’hat the
restoration of the depositor for the brief space'
of two years, could be so urgently sought, or
i that it could be expected to afford any valua-;
tile relief from the pecuniary pressure produc
ed by the winding up of the Bank, unless it
were regarded as the certain means and imme
diate precursor of a renewal of its charter.
M hat was opinion then, is now fact; prediction
has been converted into history. The Chair
man of the Committee on Finance, in the Sen
ate, has, as we have seer., given notice, that
by direction and Authority of the committee,
he would, on trie 16th inst. (the day before yes
terday,) bring forward a measure, deemed by
them the only one of effectual relief for the
distresses of the country, to wit: a measure
“for the restoration oft he deposites and the re
chartering of the Rank;” thus associating the
two (as they now stand by their own
natures,) in indissoluble connection. The
chairman of the committee exposes, at the
same time, with a frankness, for which, in these
times, he merits no small praise, the whole
plan of operations on which the friends of the
measure rely for success. With a view to
“unite different opinions,” as he informs us,
the Bank is proposed to be rechartered “for a
snort period,” as if? in pointof principle, the
consti utton would not be as much violated by
a reeharter for a single day, as for twenty years,
and as il, too, a reeharter for four or five years
(the term probably pioposed,) would not cer
tainly put t‘. in the power ot the Bank to secure
hereafter an indefinite extension of its existence,
fie then tells us, that, “considering the pres
ent state of opinion within the walls of Con
gress, and with the Chief Executive Magis
trate, the measure is to be submitted to the
People in a more direct and emphatic manner
than ts usuai m ordinary cases;’’ expressing,
at the same time, his belief, that “in orderlo
relieve ihcmselret from the distress under which
they labor, if the question were now put. to the
People, notlessthan three-fourths of them
would give an affirmative response.’’ We are,
then, finally told, that, “while the present state
of embarrassment and distress shall continue,”
(as continue it must, according to the commit
tee, till the Bank is rechartcred,) “an adjourn
ment ol Congress is a thing not to be thou- T ht
of.”
Mhat, gentlemen, is the obvious interpreta
tion, the English of all this? The dis
tresses of the People being relied on as the co
gent instrument of persuasion, the Bank is to
go on to aggravate, by cverv means in its pow
er, the pecuniary distress of the country. Un
der the duress of this pressure the People will,
it is expected, “in order to relieve” their pock
ets, compromise their principles, and call upon
their Representatives for a recha«'ter of the
Bank. W liile these extorted instructions of
the People are pouring in, the Senate is to lay
siege to the House of Representatives, and
prevent an adjournment of Congress; and this
grand ojieration is to terminate only with a
surrender, at discretion, ol the People and their
Representatives, to the coercion of the Bank.
Here is a bold and frank avowal, at leabt, of
both the end and the mean of the great strug
gle which is now convulsing the country. That
end is openly proclaimed to be, a reeharter of
the Bunk, and the means relied on for success,
is the new species of forftzre, by the infliction
of pecuniary distress, operating first on the
People, and through them on their Represen
tatives.
Il 1 have not greatly misunderstood my coun
trymen, this scheme of operations is founded
on a total misconception of their character.
Every new oppression of the Bank, will but
confirm them in their resolution to put down
the oppressor. Every additional instance of
embarrassment and distress produced by it,
will be but an argument the more against the
existence of an institution, capable of inflicting
such wanton and gratuitous mischief on the
country. It has been justly said by nn elo
. quent and philosophical writer, that “men are
often hardened by their very pains, and the
mind, stregthened even by the torments of the
body, rises with a strong defiance against its
oppressor.” So will it be with the free and
enlightened people of this country, in regard to
’the oppressions of the Bank. They WiU hurl
I hack defiance in the teeth of the oppressor.
I Instead ofihe siihniKmve and “affirmative res
i pnnse” which has been anticipated, thev will
J answer in the proud spirit of freemen: “We
I know too well the blessings of liberty, to per
! rnit any paltry consideration of money tn weigh
against them. Me know too well how much,
! both of blood and treasure the establishment
t ,»f our institutions cost our gallant ancestors,
not tn be ready and willing to bear the small
sacrifice, (insignrficant, indeed, compared with
that they manfully encountered,) which may
now be thrown upon us in their maintenance
, and defence. We shall glory in tho opportu
!’ nit y, it the Bank so will it, of showing ourde-
I votion to those institutions, bv meeting, not
only with fortitude, but with disdain, all the
i distresses it can inflict upon us, in tho utmost
extremity of its vengeance; and, far from in
" dulging the unworthy thought of deprecating
its wrath, by instructing our representatives to
i yield to its demand of a reeharter, we will en-
■ join it upon them to redouble their opposition,
, and not io relax in their efforts, till this uncon
stitutional and sordid tyranny has been finally
■ put down.”
Th* arguments with which it has been at
tcmpt< d to alicf.atc the people from the sup
port of their government in this vital struggle,
have no less underrated their intelligence and
sagacity, than the scheme of operat ons relied
on to overcome their principle*, has underrated
,the>r patriotism and virtue. They have been
told (bat the President has united in hts own
hands tho power of the aworj and of the purse
—that, by the Constitution, he holds the one,
and by his own arbitrary and lawless act, he
has grasped the other—that the separation of
these two powers is a fundamental maxim of
’free government, and that their union in the
' same hands forms an unmitigated despotism.
Now, gentlemen, in th" first place, the enlight
ened people rfth:* cour’ry knov.- full '’-•"!!, that
ide maxim so pompously and frequently cited,
with regard to the fundamental importance of
a separation nf the powers of the purse and the
sword, is a maxim of monarchies, and is con
consequently wholly inapplicable to our repub
lican institutions. In monarchical svstems,
the power of the sword, to wit, that of raising
armies, equipping fleets, making war, &c., be
ing in the hands of an hereditary Chief Magis
trate, holding bis power independently of the
people, it is indispensable to the preservation
ol the public liberties, that the power of the
purse should be separated from it, and placed
in other hands. But, in our free, republican
system, this reason for a separation ofthe pow
ers of the purse and the sword has no applica
tion whatever, and they are both lodged, where
only they can be safely lodged, in the hands
of the representatives of the people. Our Con
stitution, therefore, does not recognise, but
expressly repudiates this monarchial max
im; for, the fundamental principle of Ameri
can liberty, as you have so well declared by
the sentiment embodied in your first toast, is,
the union of the sword and purse in the hands
of the. people. But yet, under color of an an
tiquated maxim, borrowed from the English
and other European monarchies, and entirely
inapplicable to our free institutions, attempts
have been made to alarm the jealousies of the
people with regard to the security of their lib
erties in this respect.
The President, gentlemen, holds neither the
power ofthe purse, nor that of the sword.
They arc. both, as you have justly and properly
said, in the hands of (he people by their repre
sentatives. The circumstance ofthe President
being by the Constitution commander of the
Army and Navy, when raised, and ofthe mili
tia, when called forth, does not give him the
power of the sword; but it ia the power ofrai.?- '■
ing - the Army and Navy, of calling forth (he!
militia, of declaring the war in which they are •
to be used, and of directing for U)hat objects 1
they may be employed; it is these powers which j
form the power of the sword, and every one of j
them has been expressly confided by the Con
stitution to Congress, the immediate represen
tative of the people. As commmder-in-chiof,
the President is bu! an instrument ofthe pow
ers of Congress. So, m regard to the power
ofthe purse, whi di consists in that of raising l ,
money from the pockets of the people, and of!
designating the objects for which the money :
so raised is to be expended, this power is, in ;
like manner, confided by the Constitution to!
Congress, the immediate Representatives of !
the people, and has neither been claimed nor'
exercised, in any wav whatever, by the Pre-d-'
den’. Y»’dl il lie pretended that he has raised,!
or attempted to raise, by his authori'y, a soli-'
tary cent from the pockets of the people; mJ
that he h is, by his authority, undertaken to |
expend a solitary cent of the public money for]
objects not authorized by Congress? And
yet, if he has not, what ground is there forth"
accusation that be has arbitrarily and lawlessly
usurped the power of the public purse ? Can
any color be found for such a charge in the
circumstance that, under the Constitution and
laws, the Executive Department being intrust
ed with the collection, keeping, ami accoun’a
bility of the public, moneys, the Presid -nt, as
the responsible head of that department, and in
execution of a power to that vffecj expressly
granted by Congress, had thought it necessary
and proper, that the tine.xpeml -d hnlam-e ofthe
public moneys should be removed from one
place of keeping, where (he trust had been
shamelessly abused, to another, where such
abuse was not apprehended ? I think, gen
tlemen, you will answer with one voice, N<>.
The people also have been told, that the
President had broken into the public Treasury,
seized the whole public revemie of the couii
: try. These demine ini ions have been mad--.
I as if, by the mere trai sf« r of the public depos
ites from one set of Ranks to another, the
public moneys have been taken out of that
official aiitl responsible custody, which nlone
constitutes the l'reasury~-nn I, as if they were
now at the iinlirn ted disposition of the Presi
' dent, to be used by him for his private purpos
es, or to be bestowed in largesses on his fa
vorites, just as lie may think proper. Are
j n.ot representations such as these an insult to
■the understandings of the people? Is it suppos
ed that the citizens of this enlightened Repub
lic are wholly ignorant of the laws and institu
tions under which they live? The people know
full well, gentlemen, that (he public moneys
are now as much under the responsible guard
of the public Treasury as they ever were
that not a dollar has been, or can be, drawn
out and expended for any purpose which has
not been expressly authorized and sanctioned
by their Representatives in Congress—and
that the President cannot get a cent even of
his own salary, without passing through all
the precautionary forms and checks of a war
rant drawn by the Secretary, countersign d by
the Comptroller, recorded by the Register,
and ordered to be paid by the Treagur- r,
winch the law has prescribed.
To sustain these charges against your patri
otic Chief Magistrate, gentlemen, novellies of
the most startling character have been advan
ced in regard to (he administrative and con
stitutional theory ofthe government, h has
been contended, that the Treasury Depart
ment is not an Executive Department—that
the Secretary of the Treasury, though from '
the first organization of the government to the |
present dav, he has, as the head of an Fxecti- ]
twe Department, held a seat in the Cabinet of'
the President, and his been, both hv the us- :
ages of the Government and the provisions of
law, placed in the same relations with Ihe j
President as the other Secretaries or Heads of
Departments are; yet, unlike them, he is!
wholly independent of the President; in short, ’
that though (he power of removal and control'
on the part of (he President, with regard (o all
the Secretaries, was fully considered and set-1
tied in the most solemn manner, by the firm i
Congress which assembled under the Consli-!
tution, and has ever since remained undisput
ed : yet that, & a!! subsequent Congress-'
cs to the present day, mistook the principles
of the Constitution in this respect, and .trial
while by its theory, the President, as the Ex
ecutive head, is responsible for the conduct ’
of all his Secretaries, he is to have no power -
to control the conduct of those for whom he V
is thus responsible! These novel and extra
ordinary doctrines will be appreciated as they
ought to be, by those whom it most concerns,
ami to whom it rightfully belongs to appreci
ate them. Ihe same enlightened and incor
ruptible tribunal, too, will not fail to see, that
in the actual position of the great question,
they are now called on to decide, there can be
no neutrals. A vital issue is joined between
a daring and unconstitutional moneyed power,
struggling for supremecy ofthe one hand, and
between the delegated and responsible gov
! ernment of tho people seeking to vindicate and
maintain the powers which have been commit
ted to it in trust for the public good, on the
other. It» such a contest, he who, by exag
gerated or unfounded charges against the
government, contributes to deorive it of the
public confidence anti support necessary so
sustain it in so momentous a struggle, as ef
fectually aids the bank and subserves its tri-'
ttmjih, as he who should co:n<* forth openly'
as the champion and advocate of the bank. --
Nor can the People of Virginia forget, that
the firmness, moral courage, and constitution
al principles of the present Chief Magistrate,
have formed the great dyke, which has'protec
ted the political doctrines so long cherished
by her from the swelling tide of federal en
croachment. Break down that dyke at the
present moment, by causelessly and rashly un
dermining the foundation of popular confi
dence and affection on which il rests, and the «
united currents which are now setting in from
so many different points, will sweep from the
public administration every vestige of the
principles ano doctrines of Virginia. It mav
be asserted, without fear of contradiction, that
no President of the United States has ever
done more for the ascendency of Virginia prin
ciples, than tb.c present Chief Magistrate. I
co-operated with you, gentlemen, and a !ar<m
majority of our fellow citizens ofthe State,ln
'its election; and 1 may safely say, that qo one
expectation entertained by any of us... at that
time, hao been falsifi -d hy the course of his
administration. You will all recollect, gen- J
tiemen, that at that period, an unconstitutional -
and corruji’ ng system of Interna! Improve r
meats, under the patronage, of the Federal -
Government, was rapidly extending its dan
gerous lures and mischievous abuse over the
country —that an unequal and oppressive sys
tem of taxation, for (he protection and ad
vancement of sectional interests, was steady
increasing its burthens, to the almost entire
annihilation of the freedom of industry—and
that the Bank of the United States, w ith the
favor it tnen enjoyed, seemed likelv to pernm
uale for ever its triumph over the prostr.Ho
constitution of the land. "
These were the three groa f , and, as wo
deemed them, pernicious and nnconstitnrional
system of national policy, ngnmst which the
efforts of Virginia h id been zealously nn I pcr
seveitngly excited through a long course of
Iran less uppo-ii ion. Iho y seemed, at that
tune, to he so fixed in the ofl'-ctioris of a ma- •
jorny of iho nation, and in ihe halms ofthe
jmblic administration, that the present Chief
Magistrate was e.il!<‘d to t’m h<-nd of ihe Gov. j
einuien’, more, ;ierhaos, j.j ihe cotifideneo
that hi' w mid r.'stram their abuses, than with j
(lie hope of ins waging, as he has done, a war
of iitieomprntmsin<r opposition n> them, on '
prmciplo. But tins h-- has- manfully done;.-.,'
md, hy the cmira ?■<,■>, oxerti mos h:s consli- f
tution.il power, <>r by ihn moral influence of
his great and d -sm o-d pomd urty. he has raz
••d t-ach one ol these syst.’ins of gigantic enr
i option to the Ground. Nothing can be mure
conclusive than the testimony of one of the
most zealous of his adversaries, and a leading
membt-rof the adminisfrati m which he suc
, cecded, on this point. That gentleman has
told us on a recent occasion, that “If the pre
sent Chit-.f Magistrate should go on in the
course of innovation, (nr, as wb should call
it, salm.uy reio'tn,) he had commenced, hard- ,
lyn vestige ol’tfie policy of the government, as
it was o , !!,.> 4’h of March, 1329. would re
main on the 4th of March, 1837” Now,
gentle mo. tbn is preci sei v the mission which '
we, of Virginia, at least, intended by our
votes, to confide to him; and if he ha« gone
farther in its successful accomplishment than .1
we had ventured to hope, it surely furnishes no *’
m uter fur reproach or complaint with u«, how
ever naturally it may do so to those who have
been opposed alike to him, and to the policy
and doctrines of Virginia. On wha» ground.
>t prim-inle or honor is it, then, that Virginia is
now t<> unite with those who have been her
steadfast political adversaries, tn making war
on an administration of her own choice, which
has faithfully and triumphantly carried out her -
doctrines, atid more than fulfilled her must
-nngtiin i expects.lions?
Before I close the remarks, gentlemen,
which seemed called for on the present occa
sion, I shall find in your kindness and partiali
ty nn apology fur a single observation on ft
subject relating to myself. When, on my re
turn from the service of tny country in a for
eign land, I was unexpectedly, and without
any solicitation on my part, presented to the
Legislature of my native State as a candidate
for a seat in the Senate of the United States, -
a gentleman, then a member, and perhaps the
oldest member of the House of Delegates, *
one who had known me from my bovhood, ]
and who had been, and is still, I am proud tc» ’
sav, mv friend, through good and through evil,
report, addressed me a letter requesting to
know my opinions briefly on the leading politi
cal topics ofthe day. In my reply, which wag
written on my journey homeward, and was
necessarily hurried, I answered in his own .
laconic and significant language, that “I was 5
anti Tariff, nnti-Nullifiratioh, anti-Bank, and
a firm and decided sujiporter of the policy of
Gen. Jackson’eJ.adrninistration.” My letToi