Newspaper Page Text
A prisoner being brought up, the following
dialogue passed between him and the magis
trate.
“How do you live?”
“Pie'ty well? sir, generally a little beef and
pudding at dinner!”
“I mean, air. how do you get your bread ?”
“I beg your worship’s pardon; sometimes
at the baker’s and sometimes at the chandler's
shop.”
“You may be as witty as you please, sir;
but 1 mean simply to ask von how you do ?”
“Tolerable well, I thank you, sir. I hope
your worship is well also.”— Loudon paper. i
NEGRO CASUIST.
“A hat! lord bless your silly head, that’s '
not a hat.”
POLICE OFFICE.
Tn the afternoon a couple of blacks, named )
John and Joe Adams were brought upjone of 1
whom had a hat in his possession suspected •
to have been stolen.
Mag —Joe where did you get this hat 2
Pris.—Git’em. Gosh ! where you tink I
got ’em.
Mag Answer me, snowball, where did
you get this hat !
p r > s —Gosh ! I bought ’em.
Mag.— Who did von b>v it of?
Pris.— Ronght’em up in Providence. —
Where v«>w link * h y’om-
Mag.—[Pointing o the other prisoner ]
Is that fellow a relative of ymir’s.
Pris —Gosh, guess lie is—he’s half bred
d»-r.
Mag. What makes him half brother.
Pris—H ow de debbil do I know. Spose I I
know ebery ting.
Mag. Why do you say he is half brother
then.
p rH ._Kase he be, what de debbil—tmk I
stand here and tell a lie.
Mag.— T-ll me sir, why is he your half
brother.
p ria . Kase he aunt’s sister marry my
mother. [Loud laughter ]
Mag.—Because his aunt married your mo
ther, eh ?
Prig.—Gosh ! I never said so. What de
debbil yon want to quizz me so tor.
Mag.—You rascal, you. You stole the
bat.
Pris. I sav I didn’t ’teal the bat—and any
man that says I did is a
Mug.—Take care, sir.
Pris. —1 say I bought the has.
Mag.—Who did you buy it of.
Pris. --I bought it of Jo Smith down in
Wafer street.
You just now said you bought it in Provi
dence, you rogue.
Pris.—-[« uh surprise] Goll v-a-t ion---1 nev
er said so. He was committed. [Sun.
March of Intellect.-—Every generation
grows wiser and wiser. —A scene in a country
kitchen.
Old IV oman Husband, what are the aoi!
and productions of Michigan?
Boy. Tar and turpentine, ma’m.
O. IF. H old your tongue, von blockhead;
I wanted to see if your ‘ather knew.
Thrice to Thine. V Frenchman, whose
wife was aboui io present him with the fond
appellative of “father.’’ returned to await the
h»ppy moment, and with some friends 'o drink
a long life and a noble. to the first born. The
punch bow) sra'tored its inviting fumes most
prodigally around the company and anxiety
was inanit’e tidbv all. when in ran Belly Light
foot : Joy. Joy, Sir! 1 give you joy!
Vat is he. Belly, vat is ho?
A fine buy. sir!
Health to the young Marquis? exclaimed
one, and biimners wnriLruxurJ -
BIHIy, you must drink von vise to the jung
M arq'ig.
Beiiy raised the glass to her lips, when in
rushed the nurse
Joy, my, Sir, 1 give von joy !
Vat—vat—is de matter?
A fine girl, sir!
Betty, s udtho Frenchman, looking stern,
Vat for you say no true ?
O, said the nurse, a boy first, and a girl as-
C r« nrds,
Vat two—vnn boy—you fdlel
I wo sir, added the dame, and helping her
s ‘to a glass was swinging it oil* when in pop
ped another.
Sacre ! exclaimed the Frenchman, vat more
joy ?
‘Another fr.e boy, sir ’
Vat, de r/tflftfe /—von boy—von gill—von
cneron, tree time !
Y • s, sir.
.Mon P:rw? Unwind tho poor Frenchman,
pr.ro,-, t will re cr do. I must go home and
put a stop to this ! Sunday Guest.
An F.d'b’r somewhere in Indiana, offers “a
bain I isl ur for the best original tale.” To
us, this seems a verv tempting premmtn. I' i*
seldom that any thing in that line will bring
from 10 to 12 dollars, which i< the pri e that
some of <»ur friends are asking for new flour m
this market.
(Ls*An Eatfrrn paper sav«. that any nun
who would chta' a t r»n»i*r (bv borrowing hi
pap* r) «ill r.>b i hen roost, whip his grand mo
ther, or steal an Irishman’s last p,g.
The New York Atlas m speaking nfthe La
dies dresses, of the present fashion, suvs th. v
are like the Hinchman’s rope, a " Icctle too
short at both. tends.''
.1 Snorter.— An Editor in the West mm-I
aures six feet three and a half inches, and car- •
rie« a cane in dimension about as large as ih« ,
club of Hercules.
Lnhcnr tn keen ah’ e rn v »nr breast (hi» little '
•park of celestial fire called conscience.
UNION MEETING,
Ed-noah? Cherokee County,
On the third day of June, 1834, the mem
bers of the Union party met, in public; and. on
motion of Howell Cobb, Esq. who ofK red the
following resolutions, adopted them without a
dissenting voice.
JOHN BREWSTER. Chairman. }
Samuel C. Candler, Secretary.
We, members of the Union party; citizens [
of the county of Cherokee, in the exercise of:
our rights as republicans and freemen, having 1
met for tho purpose of expressing our opinion i
respectiin the nature of our governments, Fe- !
deral and State; tho binding obligation and pro-!
per understanding of tho Constitution of the I
United S'ates, and the inherent rights and;
sovereignty of the individual States,
Do resolve, Sa much has been written and [
said upon the subjects we propose contempia-i
ting, that it cannot be expected that we, the j
pioneers of an imperfectly organized part of:
the State of Georgia, can from an original I
source or from the mass upon the public mind,'
concoct or arrange an expression of opinion
that will present the contested points in a new
light or point of view; even could we succeed
in that, the politicians of the present times are
so tenacious of opinions first embraced and
expressed that we cannot expect to make a
*i«io!e convert; not b-it there i« validating
enough, bin we speak oi honest converts, if it
is not a violate n of terms :>> spook of political
honest if.
Engaged with the things that employ the at
tention of itb* fir-t settlers of all now countries,
we, pet haps, would act most wisely to leave
the exammati'iß' and settlement ofhigh consti
tutional questions to those possessing more 1
ability and w< ose minds hive been trained io
such investigation; however, as it becomes
every freeman to- streak of those important
things, it becomes him properly to understand
them, that he may speak correctly Stripping
this investigation of the terms of art used for
the purpose of inflaming the passions, and the
cant reproach that serves but to embarrass the
attention, we proceed to the examination.
In the settlement of constitutional questions,
the safe and correct way we conceive to be to
annahze the terms used m the constitution bv
tiie principles of common sense. The framers
of tho constitution were not an artfill but lion
est, artless collection of men; the terms they
used to convey their ideas were no: used as
terms of art but as every body understood
them.
To arrive at correct conclusions upon con
stitiitional differences, it is trios! cons mant to
propriety, to keep in view tno si’wition ofihe
country m the formation of its political chaiac
ter. the expressions of the public mind, found
in ’he S’ae papers ofihe day, and bv the rules
ialready mentioned. to examine the constitu
tiori itself. He. who without party purposes
to accomph-h, goes thus in the pursuit of truth,
cannot fail to find it.
All acquainted w.th the history nf the coun
try, know, that previous io the Declaration of
Independence, the opposition made bv the co
Tonies to ’ho exactions of the mother country
I extended no farther, and were not designed to
[extend farther, than opposition to each partic
I ular act ofoppression; no general, settled, hos
[ tile plan of resistance to British authority was
| set Op or contended for. The acts ofoppres
sum being continued without any prospect of
abatement, oh the part nf the oppressed cnhi
nies, and ’he impossibility of redress, of the
oppressed colony, being obvious to herself mid
j all the rest, all made the oppress <>ns a com
mon cause, and each act nf <>|>j.re«rh>n its own.
On the I 9 h of April. 1775, the fir t bkod was
shed that was shed during the war of the re
volution, in the colony «»f M isS tchilsetfg* the
cfTe~ ; T "oTnie B?redding of that blood was tip.
sana l in Georgia as it was in Massarhusefts,
and the determination to redress it, was a
strong in Georgia as it was in Mas achusetts
So entirely futile were the hopes oi'individual
redress bv the colonies, that . n the 4’h of Sep
tember. 1774, a continen’al Congress, renro
seating eleven of .fie ■ 010 ues met ai P ilade!-
phia. The Earl of Chatham,’ the imrn rial
Put, in telling the story of the suffering coin
nies; warning the British ministry of the inioo
hey of their acts, tu answer to Mr. Grenvii| >,
savs: “M •> are told .’hnt rica is obslinatf
.Imerica is in open rebellion Sir. I rejme
that . hnerica has resist, d; three millions ( >f
people so dead to all the teelin >s of liberty, as
i voluntarily to s limit to be slaves would have
jbeen fit instruments to make slaves of ail the
’ rest ”
I hese facts convince us of tins, that from
»ho v<n v first step, whether designed or no',
towards the formation of the present United
States Government, it in .v bo seen that in
I.NB»N was success, and that without it no
. could he d ine. i’he people of the res
I pecuvp olnnirs did not claim or contend for
pr/r/fcuMr and tespectrve rights. They were
not know n at home or abroad, but as one peo- \
\ple, having one llfilional imni- and the same
;c< rnm. n right*. IHE PEOPLE OF IHE
i< 01.0 \IES. m the aggregate, ure -pokenof, i
<- ON |. p .OP? E. and their national name
used as di'ttngttishing this one people conven
rd i congress, not for the punmseof redress,
mg the grievances of any pnr'icular colon v,
but for the purpose of considering and adopt
ing some plan of operation* for the benefit of
il.e whole people. It wts not necessary to for
get nr rub out the geographical lines that I
marked the limits of the respective colonies,
tl at ttie people of them might act together; r |
was reasonable to suppose, however, that had
•■'icn a measure been necessarv, to such a pur- i
nose, it would have been done. I’he people
ot the colonies, then, from their very tir-t ac
tum, acted as ONE. PEOPLE.
The causes that mndv it necessary for a
continental congress to convene, not having
been removed, and the oppressions of which I
the colonies comp! lined having been contm- ’
tted; rather increased than diminished. On
the 9ffi o r June, 1776 Ricbaid Tin ryToe, n‘
deputy m ■ « j .tn congress, i.o.n Vir
ginia, made a motion, not for Virginia, but i
declare AMERICA free and independeu
Here is ’he strongest possible fecdguiliou o
the people of all the colonies being O N !?
PEOPLE. Doesnot tins matter embrace al
the colonies, and of course the people ? W
cannot suppose a thing so absurd as that thi
motmn was to affect Virginia only ! Placed a
- Lee then was. he ad n<» right to speak
for Virginia alone, and hu did not so speak;
but he spoke for a nation— for AMERICA
for one people. The people of the colony oi
New York, were as rn ich Americans, and as
such, included iii the motion, as the people ol j
Virginia, and the effect of the motion upon
Georgia was identical with lhe rest. This
motion produced the Declaration of Indepen
dence, which followed it twenty-six days after.
The Declaration of Independence, the off
spring of Mr. Lee’s motion, by which the co
lonies became States, is the link in our political
history, connecting that part of it, when colo
nies, with its subsequent part. The Declara
tion of Independence tn tv be looked upon as
an announcement to the world of the birth of a
N \TION. With whatever local distinctions
might exist amongst the people of this new
nation, foreign nationshad nothing to do; they
were to consider whether as a nation contain
ing “three millions of people,” they would re
cognize tin- new nation. Although the De
claration of Indepetiderme speaks the voice of
til*.-* united colonies, the acts complained of
were confined t > particular colonies, and in
some of them no particular act of oppression
had been committed; to be sure, the general'
oppression had been felt, to a greater or less
extent, by all but all had not particular char
ges of complaint. Some of the colonies were
but infants unable to speak the bold language
of (he Declaration of Independence and una
ble to support it had they spoken it, alone', m
<l *edj more was declared and insisted upon
than the stoniest of them could have enforce !
had they been inclined to attempt it, alone.
Two causes, then combined, to amalgamate
the people of the respective colonies, io which
amalgamation they have always remained, to
wit: common injury and colonial weakness. It
will be important to remember this amalgama
tion, as forming the most prominent feature in
our national character, it was to oppose a for
eign common enemy, and not for anv domes
tic purpose. The coolest as continued and
ended, by the colonies, does not show in any,
the most minor point, that anv thing of a local
or domestic sort was contended f* r, but that a
national name and character was she object in
; vie v; tins was wh it was gained .and what wo
no.v enjoy, a name amongst the nations of the
earth; this station enulles us to nothing more
than is ackn r.vledged and enjoved bv other
nations. We may know th it the British do
main includes England. Ireland, Scotland and
W des, hut wlnit has it to d > with other nations?
A oat have other na'ions to do with that? Fo
reign nations may know that th« United States
is composed of twentv-four parts, that these
p uis are known bv different names, but what
do thev gain by this knowledge, or lose bv it,
■>r how d<»es it affc tihem? Certainly nothing.
They know nothing of us but as one nation,
and that nation as one of lhe sovereign powers
of the earth.
The internal division and government ofanv
ind every country is a matter that relates ex
clusively to itself; foreign powers having no
thing to do with things of that sort. The in
dividual Stites ofihe Union had their exist
ence, as individual governments (m.marrlual)
before the formation of the Union, whilst t' ev
were colonies, a >d maintained that existence,
(now republican) whatever appearance they
make to the work!, from hef’g united. The
Declaration of Independent says, “these co-
I mies are and of right ought to he free and
ndependent States,” this language is to be
understood as spoken the country, and by
cadi of the < ninnies, for itself to the others.
The mother coufllrv is informed hat the colo
nies are no longer depond.-nl upon her for sup.
port, n<* longer look to her for protection, a d
are determined no longer to Im ofn dient to
her. Each colony informs the rubers, that in
changing her colonial relationship she i* to he
aneqii if with, mi a dependent upon h r asso
ciates. Ear’ll <»f the Spues (g saver-i:n and
independent ofihe <uh rs, and oi itie anole
muled —sovereignly in iy be said to be “the
power of d nng every thing, bv a State, that is
not m 'rally impossible;” whom her owij limits;
every Stale of lhe Union posseses this power,
<>r rather his aermm liuiou of powers, uudi
minisli- d; ■ m-v not .mly possess it e power now
t»si must ahvays d > «>•; ihev cautiot be cart.til
ed that supposing a gteafer powei which can
not be—State .sovereignty, like national sove
reignty is indivisible.
!• >r t >e purposes of the General Govern
merit, howev -r, th • several States, permit Hie
exer i»e «»f power*, bv the United States’ Go
vernment, within them* Ives; which iri-iv pro
-1 t»er v Im termed, for the sake of di*nn<-irun,
‘‘ h 'internal government of :h- United St.re--.”
The • i x«-rr!se of these powers bv the United
I Slates’ Government does not at all interfere
or nbndge State sovereignty. The States h ive
not agreed, not to exeicise any of the powers
• hat e.i h m•» fi d necessary for her own af
fairs, but have tn ,n in the most unc<m'.rolled
state, and may exercise them wit out limit or
supervision. Tie powers - tie Slates have, d'-
not relate to foreign nations, but relate to tn*ir
own governm -nts —We look upon this as a
correct of State sovereignty-
roe constitution 13 the frame work lor the
General Government—it ascertains its dimen
sions and noims out its model. The Consti
t i'mn is an en-im?raitan «rs thos«« fund i ne.-itai
rules laid down by the States for the n<;<- >rn- 1
plisfitnent ot their muted wish as t<> their rela
tionshtp to foreign nations, these fun trnent.il 1
powers and their incidents are those ;>o-v r
tie Sta : »-s have not. I’tie power* in.i-lenta
to and an- ng h<»m these, that are tuudain -o
tal, must be understood as included, cr the :
novernrdont created by lhe Constitution couldi
tuver have moved one s.ep. The cdnstitu
mn has no spirit, nut is, it has no other mean
,g than the common sense undersinndmg, its
• rms convey; by ibis rule is to be isccr.amed
uen its provisions or powers aro violated; i!
he constitution was unders ood in this wiv
ad every violation would be readily percetv
d, learned men wo ild not r uiole di mselves
so much, and bewilder ih< ir followers so much;
ndcod, if half the learning that seems tube
iitisuccessfully employed to find out the mean
ing of lhe constitution, be necessary to th it
purpose, the Irimers ol die coustiiuiioa de
-erve renown lor the unfaihomable d 'p iia
which thev placed their meaning and (heir
work itself possesses more the qualities of a
iJeijihic oracle iniiri a plain American consti
tution.. L'he government created by toe con
stitution cannot go beyond the hmits marked
for it, if it sbouldj tlyeact would Oe without
authority, against authority, and therefore no
act at all. We arc not to unders.and the con
stitution-as beginning and originating ihe pre
sent government of ihe United States, for mat
is not true, but as put ing more strength and
vigor in a gov. rn nent already cream], but
which was found inadequate to the purposes
of its creation, whenever we 3 speak of lhe cre
ation of the Constitution an I tfie present, go
vernment, therefore it must be understood with
this qualification. Fhe ecnsiitmion was made
for the purposes oi' forming “a more perfect
L mon; establish justice, enoire domestic tran
quility, provide for the comm m defence, pro
mote the general welfare and secure the bles
sings ol fiber y.” Ims language pres ippo.ses
the existence of provisions for these jmrposes,
butthat they operate inue fedy, winch was
the case, these provisions we find m the ar t
cles of confedera.iun entered into bv the S ates
on the 9m July, 1778 By the ninth article
of confederation “lhe United Slates in Con
gress assembled” are invested with all lhe at
tributes of sovereignty, as to foreign m'ions
It cannot he necessary to se ir’h further into
our system of government to per etv/i, tint as
to foreign nations we tv«‘ ONE PEO.PLE
i and nation, and that the States are sovereign,
i within ihemselves, as to lheir governments
and affairs, and that the constitution points out
the nmits within which ’he General G •vern
ment most move, and protects il»e States from
its encroachments.
Iho passage of the unconstitutional law
by Congress supposes the existence of more
corruption than wo believe exists; a majority
of Congress must bo corrupt, or tho law can
not be passed. We will suppose that an un
constitutional law is passed, flow is it ’■> Im
enforced? It cannot be, unless every offi -er
upon whom depends its enforcement, is per
jured and corrupt! lor a/Z officers, Federal and
yjtate are sworn tn “suppor and defend the
constitution,” and this oath is not idmmister
e I to them, as ministerial, but >s judicial of
fleers. II >w can they ‘‘.support md detend
the constitution,” unless thev are to jud
when it is violated and r*q ores their suppor l
and defence. They are to defend it from vi
olation, and support it in us provisions: So
that should a majority of congress be corrupt
and pass an unconstitutional law, it in ist re
main harmless, until the people, by a change
of memb rs can blot the offspring of corrup
tion from ’he s'a 1 ite bo'ok. Au unconsiit'i.
tion.al law depending upon so much corruption
lor its existencs, miy be reasonably placed a
mongst very remote possibilities. Sh <uld it
be presumed that Congress has passed an un-
I’onsiiiutional law, we have but to < xamme the
constitution and see whetho r from its funda
mental or incidental porwers Congress has
tim doubled authority; m this way a sudden,
certnirt, universal, cofeet understanding is ar
rived at. Should, however,. Congress pass
an un. onstii'ilnmal law a State has not th
power to control ils enforcement, t mt s.ijipo
s. s it supervising, paramount power in a Stale,
which is dcstrucirve of all power in the geoer
al government—-each Mate, as suited her in
wrest, would abrogauj the laws of eongres
hal were offensive to her, and the Federal
system Would soon be aan end No act is
uncoils itutimia! unless if viul.ues some ot the
fundamental or inculen'al jiriucip/es of th<’
c>his’ituiion. An act may Im .viihin the f>. rn
of the cou«tiiutuin and us operalio is not he
contemplated by the Consiuniton; this <ln.-s
not make lim net uu <»ns'tmtion,il, it is bin a.,
“abuse of power,” it is a “fraud ipon ffi.
’■oustilution.” I here is n<> counectKHi be
tween an un onstifutional a t and an impolitic
one. An act may be constitutional and yer
favor Home and bear hard upon some others
ol he many in ernsts of the co n r>; thts wo d<l
furnish o'ljeciiopH to ttn oper<<tions ami not to
its < rmsiitiitionaluy. If congress has aiulu.ri
ty to pass an act and passes it ami a Slate mil
Idles the act, the nullifying Stare viol <reg that
irr of the < mstitution giving the power.
Some politicians rejecting fl ul rfi. aiion, in
sist upon Ollier doctrines that appear to us still
more strange, we m-.m serex-mm. .Seces-
sum supposes •'« withdrawal a retirement of
[one Stale from <he Union, whilst the oilier*
ar left undiMiurbed m n;”thi* cami-H he so
the Union was formed >y all, tor all, the Colo
nie*, and each State form- an integral part of
It; il a Slate, /jy any means, gets out of me
L iiion, the U mm i- dissolved a* to all, wlm-h
would prod i«-e not only a vi >fan hi of me co i
*ii u'mn, but its total auniiiilatum- d one State
shoti d wjthdriw and le ive the others in the
Union, the effect would be the same so tar as
that State was concerned. The consmutmn
makes provision for admitting new States into!
th" Union, but n me !o eject, new >r dd, Iron!
it or to permit them to wiltidr iw; a stale can I
no more vols tirily rente than -tu- caibe
forced from the Union W- will n,t .a empi
i review ot pr i tea! < e--e-sion a,,d point on
to'at .moracm-a .liny, but leavetua to the
< ■•ntemplamm of every man
UNION’ —UBER l Y CON-'TI TU
ilO < It has ucuti rein rked a-unewhi
i>oev.-tdv, that so much was ‘•said a>»ou' U i
top, L mon, that one wuuld suppose there was
hardly any thing left, worth preserving but
U non.” Our love and a* achmrnt to Ameri
can liberty, the constitution and the rights of
the Slates, is what has made us nuion men.
Liberty, the constiiulion and slate rights can
,iot exist without union, t ey depend upon it
■br their existence, they are its offspring.
I’.ic colonies could do nothing until they U-
Ni TED, and from that period to the time of
emeutig into the articles of confederation,
hey from one step to another, approached the
urns mt UNION. On the 9ih day of July,
1778, tney eu ered n<> “a perpetu.il union,”
at that time they did not enjoy liberty, they
were si'tigglmg tor ii, and c mn<'t properly be
said io have gained Itberiy, uriiil 1783; there
is n<> one dial will Laz nd hi-s t fauns to reason
so far as io siy ihai liberiy was not depend
ent upon union, and ’he offspring of union-.-**-
American union is older than American liber*>
iy oy at least nine years-
LIBERTY >Ve will not attentjM toosti-
mate our value ol liberty, it is invaluable; it is
above all esum ale or price.
CONS I’l TU i li)N.-- The Constitution i-A
of m >re recent date , than union or libec-’
ty: indeed without these (he latter is uselesd
and cannel exist. Tno constitution did not
alter our relationship wnfi foreign nation at all,
they had nothing '<» d » with it; it rcgnlates li
berty, A n •iican liberty; domesM- liberty, and
Slate righ s, and forms tt more “perfect union,”
which had already be- ;IJ “oernetual, If
mere had ueyn no libenv to regulate there
would have been no necessity for the consti
tution. The cousin mon is that boundary
beyond winch the general government must
not go, tha bound iry bevond whi.-li the states
mas not pass; placed between the States and
General Government, if both parties observe
it, we shall never be Called upon to lament tho
departure of liberty. Union and liberty can
exist without ihe constitution; it has existed
without them, but they cannot without uion.
Union m .intaming l:be. ty, the constitution and
state rights, and the loss of union would bo
me destructmu of all. The o f lln ., )ri
Irmn our political system would-produce in it
as great a disaster as the removal of the suft
wo j d cause, in he solar system.
So much is state rights, and po
liticians appear so tenacious of op.nions on
tins subject, that those unacquainted with our
system ol government must suppose that eve
ry thing valuable consists therein; we yield to
none in our attachment to state rights; cun by
no means permit their invasion with irn >un ty*
but we base our pohtjcal creed <»n a broader,
firmer foundation—-Utnoti —-the fimndation of
liberty, the constitution and sta'e rights.
Resolvd,, Wo will oppose a/Z opposition to
union, liberty the corwiitulion and State ri ’hts,
Resolved, We wifi opjiose all ojipusj’io.a
Union, whether H appears o : ; t ;„ r U)e mas|<
-ml .fl • itmn nr other more speernus name.
Resolved, We look upon die modern doe-
• i nullification, as a deadly foe to union*
tnd of course, to liberty, tho constitution and
sta o rights.
Resolved. Having the utmost confidence
in the doctrines forming our oolitical creed,
we can and will adhere to them withou affix
ing our mines to any set of articles, placed*
upon naner.
Gn tui of Major Philip Kroft,
Resolved, I hat the chairman forward the
proceedings of this Meeting to the Federal
Union, for publication, with a request to all
he other pijiers of this state to republish
them; which request is hereby made.
Ou motion—the Meeting adjourned.
IN PEHN \L I UPHOVEM EXT.
A’ a meeting of a respectable number of the
citizens ot Floyd. Pudding, Cass and Chero
kee roomies, held pursuant to previous notice,
1' Rome. in the said courpy of Floyd, on tho
23d ol June, 1834, 'or (he purpose of diking
conside>ai<on (he practicability and itrT-
’ ‘riU'ic >! riavuja opr some of our western
‘aters &<• Judge VVITCHER, ofPmld
was . alle.i (o 1.1 Chur, and S. J. JoHM
SON E.q. appointed Secretary.
1 he object ,r the m- vting being briefly sto
od by Col. Jdm I’o i nsend. of Fbryd 0 n
-rm.mo <>i Gen 1 1 -mpl.dl, aco n.rimer, con
'tiuo of Col. VViilmm (Jardm and C«d.
It llargrov... ofCass, D.nnd R. Mm-hell,
] ot Gmrokre, I'-rnan Wthmd, Esq; of
1 ‘ < 1 m l Col. J. I'o.vnsend, of Floyd,
■vere appointed to draft and submit a-pre in
de and resoi-imms for the consider anon of
ttie meeting, winch was dmein a very short
"tn-, a n] with s in)A sligip alterations truant..
>u -oslv adop cd, as follows:
W " r- ts . m in- order ofthings, it has fell
IO our Im, to 1,0 ( .| tz „ , s of thH so ,.(i on of
country. wm-m n wi Id seem to be intended
hv nature and natures (,„d, a centre market
| tor a consul-ruble portion oftbe.se Um ml
I Mati s, forth - navigable waters approaching
[tiear tills pla-o f ro(ri several directions, and
l<be loeilny of lhe country md { e it certain that
'hM wdl Im a complete cc.i.w „„„/», for many
of the principal a-e & United Slates Roads,
•nd eml>ra< ng all the ad vantages of health,,
we ill h, a..d ; musemmts, wnhm a sm ill sec’
non of comnrv. we believe it only necessary
'<> i've Hie world eorr.-ct mformation oflocai
situation to msuru their good wisnes and uur
sr ic es-,
A’e u Ih-.refore resolved, Tha< the follow
mg named ge lt i| men, to wtt: Gen. J. Hemp,
mil a .d Col J. Townsendot Floyd, lurman
•'althal a d Ephraim Maberrv Esqrs of
Pauidmg, .J ,hn f. S» ,rv ,nd S.m-.el F.rrts,
Es-jrs. o| \V Hker. Cm. IVm. X. ihsm-p and
J i'.trvin, of Vlmrav, (Jo|. Z. C.
Hargrove .md H-m J W. I i m ».>r, o Cass*
Col. H. C .l» . a-d D R. Ullcheil, Esq of
' tier.ke., Al I J. K Brooksand
ieroni. of Com, Clem-m c. Q .dll m and
Iho S .1 B .met . Esqrs. ofG I ner, George
Kellogg , U( d Si nd l. r, E-qrs. of Foray h,
• d limes .i di a. d Stephen 1). t rane,
q- -t Lumpkin, be appointed a cmnmitiee
to irreso rid .• i ,nrn citizens of the alate
o! Alabama as iu their opptniuus will be most