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that,* says he.
‘Whinever I bates him well,’ says
Darby.
. ‘And does your horse ever dhrop
gold,’ sys t’other, mighty pullite.
‘Yes at a sartain time of the moon,’
says J )arby.
‘Where did you get the horse,,
Darby ?’
‘Oh, there’s telling of that, avour
neen.’
‘Would you sell him for a good
penny, Darby?’
‘Oh, bedad, masther avick, my
horn is harder than that comes to. —,
If you’d insure me against Kate Mur-'
phy’s putting her tin commandments j
m my face tor the bargnin, I‘d talk!
to yer honour about it ’
‘Does Kate wear the breeche ?
sys he.
‘I don‘t say as much/ says Darby;
‘but you see, with fighting for it, this ;
ould poneen (patched garment) on
me is torn to rags.’
‘Well, sure enough, with one pa- ■
Javer and onother, Darby threw his!
come-hedher over him, till Mr. Pur- j
cell gav him twenty yellow guineas ,
for his ould garran, and Darby walk- ’
cd home with the money in his fist,j
as proud as a paycock.
Dublin Paper.
JOHN CLEVE SYMMES.
1 heard an anecdote the other day
of this excellent and eccentric man,
so characteristic that it appears
worth making public.
Captain Symmes is notorious
through the whole world in conse
quence of his theory touching con
centric spheres ; but his gentlemanly
and mild character, and many virtues
are known only to a few.
When stationed in N. Orleans, he
came in contact with many men who
were unable to appreciate him, and
w ho mistaking his amiability and for
bearing temper for a want of spirit
and courage, were inclined to poke
fun at him. i’his was done so often,
and Symmes, who would never 1 ave
dreamed of insulting another unne
cessarily, and thought as little that
another would insult him, took the
matter so quietly, that a friend at last
felt obliged to inform him that he 1
must notice the slights put upon
him. ‘What do you mean ?’ said
hi> friend, ‘Major such-a-one has
insulted you several times publicly ;
Dow you must insult and light him, or
you’ll be ruined with the regiment.’ 1
‘And how shall 1 do it ?‘ inquired !
the simple hearted man, “How ? why i
pull his nose, call him a damned horse 1
or do any thing else to make him
challenge you /—‘very well/ replied
the cool but determined Captain,
‘it shall be done.* Accordingly, the
next day, after parade, the Captain
called upon the Major, while yet in
the field, and said he wished to say a
word to him —‘speak on/ replied the
Major, ‘make your request, and be
quick about ;‘ ‘I wish to speak to
you before both officers and men ;‘
‘out with it, answered the Major,
taking his stand where the eyes of
all were upon him. ‘Well; sir. 4 said
Symmes, walking up and wringing
his opponents nose with Ins knuckles
go that the blood came, ‘1 wished to
say, sir, tnat you‘re a damned horse,
“and turning on h.s heel he walked
away again as calm and good natured
as ever. He was challenged of
course, accepted the challenge, and
fought K'nd was never troubled alter
b\ having L.’H poked at him.
"p, S. 'fhe t/nponent of Capt tin S
was badly wounded, and disabled
and was afterward m' ag *‘‘ ?t measure
supported by the man who had been
forced to wound him.
Cincinnati t- hronicle.
An Indian Chief being aske'd his
opinion of a case of Maderia wije,
presented to him by an oiiicer. saio,
he thought it a juice extracted from
women’s tongues and lion’s hearts ;
for after he had drank a bottle of it,
he could talk forever and tight the
devil.
-A blind man had a wife whom he
loved to excess, though he was told
th s it she was very ugly. A physician
offered to cure him of his blindness,
—he would not consent to it. ‘I
should lose, soid he. the love for my
•yife, tnd that Hve is happincs*.’
TWENTY-FOURTH CONGRESS, m
rinsr BtrS3i'>p.
IN SENATE. Jan. 7. J
Extract from .V r . Buchanan's Remarks. ’
Ii ;iny one principle nf constitutional law (
can, at tfue day, be considered as settled, it is, s
that Congress have no rtjjlit, no power, over t
question of slavery within those States ,
whero it exists. The pioperty of the mas {
ter in his slave existed in full force before 'he .
Federal Cun-mulion was adopted. It wa» a t
subject which then belonged, as it still be- ;
longs, to the exclusive jurisdiction of the sev- t
end States. These States, by the adoption of f
the Constitution, never yielded to the General ,
G »vernment any right to interface with the $
question. Ii rem tins where it was previous |
to the establishment of our confedrcy. (
The Constitution b is, in the clearest terms. ,
recognised the right of property in slaves. L .
prohibits any State into whit h a slave may |
have fled from passing any law to discharge |
him from slavery, and declares that he sh ill be ,
delivered up by tba authorities of such Stale ,
to his master. Nay, more, it makes the ex- L
istence of slavery the foundation of political
power, by giving to those States within winch
it exists, lepresentative in Congress not onlv ,
in proportion to the whole number of free per
sons, nut also in proportion io three lifihs of ■
’Le number of slaves. ,
An occasion very fortunately arose in the
first Congress to settle this question forever. ,
I ’I he Society for the abolition of slavery in ,
Pennsylvania brought it before that Congress i
by a memorial. wh.ci was presented on the
; 11th day of February, 1790. After the sub
ject had been else issfd lor several days. i*:.d
•illet solemn deliberation, the House of Rep- I
reSenuiH ves, in Commit* eof the boh), rm I
ihe 23d day of Mar li, 1790, resolved “ That ;
Congress have no authority to interfere in the
etn inc ipation of slaves oi in this treatment
of them within any of he States; it remain
ing with the sev ra! States alone to provide
any regulations therein, winch humanity and
true policy may require.”
1 Lave thought it would be proper to pre
sent this derision, which was made almost
halt a century ago, distmcly to the view of the
American People. The language of the res
olution is clear, precise, and definite I' i
leaves the question whvre the Constitution ■
left i l , and where, so fur is I arn concerned, I
ever shall rtunam. The Constitution of/
the United Slates never would have been!
caded into existence, —tns'ead of the intiii- (
merable blessings which have flowed from our i
hippy Union, we should have hid anarchy. I.
jealousy, and civil war among the sistor Re
publics < t which our C*»nf»-derey is composed, |
had not the free States abandoned all control
over this question. For one, whatever may
<>e my opinions upon ihe abstract question of
slavery, (and I am free to confess they are
those ol the people ol Pennsylvania,) 1 shall I
never attempt m violate this fundamental j
compact. Ihe Union will Im dissul .■ h7l I
I incalculable evile will ris-*'*'Q-Q olll its ashes, !
I the moment any such ath nipt i»; seriously
made oy me free a rates m vtmgrrsi.
hot, then, are the circumstances n'h^ f/
which these memorials are n »w presented?
number of fenatics, led on by foreign incendia
ries, have been scattering “ arrows, firebrands,
and death” throughout the Southern States.
I The natural tendency of their publications is
( to produce dissatisfaction and revolt among J
I the slaves, and <o incut' their wild passions to
Veugeancf. AU history, as well as the pre- '
’ sent c«nd lion of the slaves, proves that there j
• tan be no danger of the slaves, and thru j
ihere-CMJ be no danger of the final result -of u :
servile war. Hut, in the mean time, what
dieadful scenes may be enacted, before su h •
an insurrection, which would spare neither age
n<>r sex, could be suppressed I hat agony <<f
mind must be suffered especially by the gen
; der sex, in conseqaence of these publications!
Many a mother clasps her infant to her bosom
when she’retires to rest, under dre id‘ il appre
i hensions that she imy be arousad from her
1 slumbers by the sav ige yells of <ho slaves by
whom she is Hurrmnided These are the
works of the Abolitionists. That their mo
' 'ives mav be honest I do not donbt, but their
zeal is without knowledge. The history of!
i the human race presents numerous examples :
of ignorant enthusiasts, the purity of whose
intentions can not be doubted, who hive
spread devastation and bloodshed ovor the
face of the earth.
'l’hese fanatics, instead of benefi ting the
slaves who are the objects of their legaid. have
inflic ed serious injuries upon them- Sell pre- >
set vationis the fit st law of nature. I h' 1 mas
ters for the sake of their wives and children
f r the sake of all that is near and dear to
them on earth must tighten the ret. s of author
ity ov' r their sl.i ves. 1 hev must thus cnntior.
a< t the efforts of ’he Ab"liil<oiist.s. Ihe slaves
are denied many indulgences wbi- h their
m isters w< u'd otherwise cheerfully grant.—
Th» v must be kep' in such a sta e of bond ige
as effect allv to prevent their rising. These
art the injurious effects produced bv ’he Abo
litionists tipoo the slave himself. M mist, nn
die one hand, thev render his condition mt-er
able, bv presenting to hi* mind vague notions
of fteedom never to bt real zed, on the other
they make it doubly m -erabic, by compelling
the master to be severe, in order tn prevent
..-v attempts nt insurrection. They thus
it impossible for the m»ster to treat hi*
>|;nr sc-ording to the du.tales of his heart and
his set lit. iiS.
Besides d l ’ fol fb‘ Kbuii ionists perceive
that the spirit «h>.h is thus loused must pro
tract to an md. < u e p« rmd the - mancpa-ton
of lhe slave! i ■>* m‘Cr--3ry < fi.ct ot their
tff.its is to r< nd r desperate th*.-e to whom
ti.e power of em im ipx’mn • \- v belong'.
1 beh-ve, most con»cien luusly, in whatever
i * .is subject esn Ue viewed, ihv th*’ be«t
p, en-so of me si >ve require lha- the q .es ton
'hon’d be left, where the Coos’i’ution has left
•g th? sls' j »ivl I nj Stites the nsc'.'O?
without foreign interferendei
This being a true statement of the case, as
applied to the States were slavery exists, what
is now asked by these memorialists That in
this District of ten miles square —a District
carved out of two slaveholdmg States, and
surrounded by them on all sides—slavery shall
be abolished. What would be the effects of
grinfJng their request ? You would thus erect
a ciiafdel in the very heart of these States
upon a terr.tnry which lhey have ceded to you
tor a far different purpose, from which aboli
tionists and incendiaries could securely attack
the peace and safety of their citizens You
establish a spot within the slaveholding States
which would be a city of refuge fur runaway
slaves. You create by I>w a central pom
from which trains of gunpowder mav be secu
rely laid, extending into the surrounding States
which may at any moment, produce a fearful
and destru i explosion- By passing such a
law, you introduce the enemy into the very
bosom of these iw o States, and afford him
every opportunity to produce a servile insur
rection. Is there any reasonable man who
can for one moment suppose that V'rginia and
Mary land would have ced'd the District of
Columbia to the United States, if they had
entertained the slightest idea that Congress
woulj ever use i’ for any such purpose ?-
They ced-.d it for your Use, for your conve
nience, and n<»t for their own destruction. —
When slavery ceases to exist, under the laws
id'V irginia and Maryland, then and not till
then, ought it to be abolishel tn the District of
Columbia.
Reported for ibe Journal of Commerce.
UNITED STATES SENATE.
Thursday, Jami .ry 7.
Mr. Morris presented petitions from Ohio
praying for the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia. As soon as they were
presented.
Mr calhoon demanded that they saonld be
read , and as soon as they had been read, he
demanded that the question should bu firs
taken on their reception, whi> h he considered
io be the prelimm try, question, which every
Senator had. a right to demand. He deman
ded H bin behtilf of the Slate which he m part
re+ueswnibd , n on account of the false and
malicious slanders which they contained
against eleven States cdihe Union; because
the discussions in ihe other House had produc
ed a greah agitation throughout Ihe country;
because it involved r violation of the ConsTu
tion, inasmuch as the question of emancipation
was a ques'ion exclusively belonging to the
seveial States, and ov< r which Congress
could exercise no right or power. Hu said
he undeistood the movement, and that it was
intended to make this the first step i< ward
general emancipation, and that it ought to be
lesisted in liinine Hedidnot fear inceudtaiy
publications, but he thought there was the
gm.test danger in the agnation of the subject
hf* r .*' IV- believed there was a b'»dy in the
I other State*, readj to second an insurrection
!ef the b'a-ks, and he desired to see some
ennrao w wnnl'l p“* «e : —- 1
was fearful lest it should tear asunder the
Union, for the more a spirit of that character
permitted to prevail, the inure closely
she Southern people cling to their inte
rests and do.-»ftstic institutions. They would
never submit to such interference, and the true
I course was at once to put an end to these
I petitions, by shewing that they would not be
! received. Anv other course would give them
' importance, and this the abolitionists well
; lllldl‘l Stood.
Mi Morris ma tea few remarks, in which
be maintained the sacred character of the right
j of petition, and declared that the people had a
t right to put their feet on the Constitution, and
; demand its inviolability. He dented the right
of Congress to m’eifete with the question of
Slaveiy in the States, but asserted the power
of ex lusive legislation over the District of
Columbiu, und any doctrin which denied the
existence of sh it power was new to him, and
would not be received in the Slate in which he
res.ded- Hs considered the claiming of the
power to prescribe to the people, how, when
and on what subjects, they were to petition
!as turning the right of petition into a mere
tncockeiy , and that Con.’ress could exercise
;m< discretion beyond the condition that the
etiuons should ba worded in respectful
terms.
THE “SPECIAL MESSAGE.”
.Message from thk Pre* dest t*' both
H<‘ s r * < f Congress
Received, read and refer»d, to the Committee
on Foreign Relations tn both Houses.
Monday, January 18.
To the Senate and ff >use of Representatives.
Gentleme : In my message at the open
mg of yout 'Psion. I informed vou thut our
Charge d’ iff. ire< at P »ns had been instruci
«*d »o ask for the find determination of the
French Government, in relation to the pay
ment of die indemnification secured by ihe
treaty of the 4 h of July, [B3l, ami that,
when advices of the tesult should be* received
it would be made the subject of a spesial
communication.
I i execution of this design, I now tran.s
mil to vou ihe papers numbered from 1 (<> 13,
inclusive, e » .taming, arn other things, ihe
corre»p uJ* c • on inn sui j-< t between our
Charge d’ Affores md ihe French Minister of
Foieigt. from which it will be seen
that Frame req .r*’«, as c .million precedent
io ihe execu v>n >f a r tv unconditionally
rd sic-j. .md tu tna p tyme i ot a debt a« kow-
Ic ged bv all til’- b».inches ol t.er Government
• u be due. that cert im f xplansuons skull be
made, of winch she <ii< late* ihe terms.
Tuese terms are a i 'li as that Goverment has
nkeidv be- i officially informed cannot be
com, ho I wi.!’, aad, if pers.sleJ id, they must
be considered aa a 'deliberaf refusal oa the
part of France to fulfil engagemtens binding
by the laws of nations, and held sacre£. by
the whole civilized world. The aafurfe of the
act which France requires from this Govern
ment is clearly set forth in the leltel of f| lf)
French Minister, marked No. 4. We will p*y
the money, says he, when “ the
l of the United Stales is ready on its
'dec a « to us, by ad I. e-ting its claim tirus
'officially in writing, that itr regrets the mis-
• understanding mhich has arisen beetween the
‘ two counties; that this misundertanding is
‘ founded on a mistake; that it never entered
. into its intention Iq call in question the
• faith of the French Government, nor to take
• a menacing attitude towards France: 1 " and
• he adds, “i/ the United Slates doesnot give
' this assurance, we shall be obliged to think
• that tnis misunderstanding is not the result
• oj an error.’'
In me letter marked No. 9, tl’e
Minister also remarks that “ the Government
'of the United Str les knows that upon itself'
depends henceforward the execution of tne
• Treaty of July 4, 1531.”
O.Jiged, by the precise language thus used
by the French Minister, to view it as a per
emptory refusal to execute the Treaty, except
o i terms incompatible with ihe honor and in .
d penden e of the United S aes, and - persu
aded that, on considering the correspondence
now submitted to you, you cat reg aid H
other light, it becomes inv duy to call your '
attention to such meanures ail he exigency of
me case demands, if the claia of interfering 1
in ihe communications betwen the diflereui ,
branches ol out Governmentihail be persis- M
led in. 'This preientiou is redered the more 1
unreasonable by the fact that te substance of I
ihe required explanation his ben repeatedly 1
and Vuluntdiilj given be. re it As mstsiead on 1
as a condition —a condition lhemore J
a,,ng because i is demanded as he equivalent '
ol a pecuniary consideration, hies France
desire only a declaration that we .ad no inten
tion to obtain our rights by an addcss to her
ears rather man tier jueucel She’has alrea
dy had it, frankly and explicity g ien by our
Minister accredited to her Government hit act
ratified by inc, and my confirmation of it iffi
cially communicated by him, m his letter io
im- F.euch Mims er of Foreign Affairs oflhe
25m ot April, 1835, and repeated by my pub
fished approval ot that letter after tho
sage of the bill ot mdemmfi a ion. I ’inJK
Fiance wiM a degrading, servile FepeiifijM*
of this act in terms which she shall dictate,
and which will involve an acknoledgement
of her assumed right to interfere in our de
mesne councils? She will never obiainln.
Ihe spirit of 'he American People, the dig
nity of the Legislature, and the firm resolve
of their Exe< u ive Government, forbid it.
A s the answer of 'fie J rerith Minister to
our Chare d’ AfT.irs at Paris contains an allu
sion to a letter addressed by him to the Rep
resentatives of France at this place, it now
becomes proper to lay before you the cones*
neudeiice had between that functionary and
..... —r 47.5. W • il«4l
and m accompany the same with such expla
nations as will e; able you to understand the
the course of tho Executive in regard to it.
Recurring to the historical statement made ( at
the commencment of your session, of the ori
gm pr gress of our d fficuliies wi h France, H
will be reco'lected tha : , on the return of our
Minister to the U> ied States, I caused my
official approval o the explanations he bad giv
en to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs
to be rrnde public. As the French
inent had noticed ihe message without its
nemg officially communicated, it was not
doubted that, if they were diposed to pay the
money due to us, they would notice any pub
lic explanation of the Government es the IL
Slate in the same w*y. But, contrary Io theJP
well founded expectations, the French Minis
try did not lake this fair opportunity to relieve
themselves from their unfortunate position,
•ind to do justice to the United States.
Whilst, however, the Government of the
United Stales wa» awaiting the the movet
men sos the French Government, in perfec.
confidence that the difficulty was at an end,
the Secretary of Stale received a call from
the French Charge d’ Affaires in Washington,
who desired to read to him a leiler he had
received from the French Minister of Fo
reign \ffiirs. He wjs asked whether he was
.instructed or directed to make any ofpc.al
communication, and replied, that he
authorized to read the leltor, and furnish a,
copy if required. The substance of its con
tents, H is presumed, may be gathered /kony;
Nos. 4 and 6 herewith trai smitied. Itwas
an attempt to make known to the Government
of the United States, privately, in what man
ner it could make apuearently
voluntary, but really dictated by France, ac
ceptable to her, and thus obtain payment of
ihe twenty-five millions of francs. N<» ex
ception was taken to this mode of communi
cation. which is often used to prepare the way j
for official intercourse; but the auugesj/ns
made in it were in their subatcnce
admissible. Not beirg in me shape of an of
ficial communication to this Government, it
did coi admit us reply or official notice, nor
could it safely be made me basis of any action
by the Executive or the Legislature: and the
Secretary of State did not think proper to ask :
a copy, because he could have no use for it.
Copies of papers marked Ni s. 9, 10, and
11, sh«>w an attempt, on the pail ot the;
French Charge d’ Affaires, to pla<* e a copy
of this letter among the archives of his Guv- j
ermenl, which, for obvious reasons, was not i
allowed to be done; but the assurance
was n-paamd, that <.ny official J
which he migh bi umorized t ll m ike, >n
accustomed form would receive a promp 1 a
«nd just consideration. Ihe indiscretion ot
itiempt was mide more manifest by the, sub
sequent avowal »f the French Charge d Af
fairs, that the ojeei was to bring ihu letter
before Congress and the Atritrtcsn Pe c.
if faritfia flgentJi <a a aubject di M g f<i ,
meat bat ween the'drovernment and this,
to prefer an appeal ft. »he American Peoph ’
they will hereaf trt, » H^'ped r better
ate their own-right aid 'ho respect due to
othersj than lo ( al18 m P , ,s e the Executive as
the passijb organ of <heircommsaicairons.
It is to the mi r institution*
that the diplomatic i£)tercouae of this Govern*
ment should be conducted with the Utmest
directness and simplicity ; arid that, ip all cases
of importance, the communications received:
or made by the Executive shvu'd assume
official form. Il is nn|y
insisting on this foreign Powers
be held to full responsibiliiy, that theh-
can be officially replied to 0
that thefcdvice or interference of the Legist.
tore canwuli propriety be nvited by the.
bestc a | cillate( j.
on the one hand; to shield tM officer from
unjust suspicions, and, on the «her, to subject
'his portion of to publiCs cru( j a ,
if occasion shall if, to >nstitut’ionwi l
animadversion. It was the mon. necejsa
to adhere to these principles in tin •
in question; inasmuch as, m addiiion () .
important interests, it very intimately er
ed the national honor—a matter, 1 rn "
judgment, much too sacred to be
subject of pnyate and unofficial negotiate
It will that thia letter oF the
French Minister of ftreign Affairs was read to
the Secretary of State on the 11th of Sepfqn.
ber last. This was the first authentic indiig.
tion of the specific views of the French Goren*,
merit received by the Governmeit of*
United States after tfce passage of ihe bill
indemnification* Inasmuch as ibe letter had
been written before a | nolce
approviTofMr. Livingston’s | ;i3l (xplanMion
and remonstrance coJd hive readied Paris,
just ground of hope w»s left, Q 3 has b eBQ
before ihat the French Government
on receiving that information in the satis
manner n e alleged offensive message had*
reached t> rn , would desist from their extras
ordinary and pay lhe money at
once. 1 ogiyj them an opporturity to do so
und at all erents to elicit lheirfind determina
tion, and I it ground ihey intental IO occupr
ihe instruct were given to our Charge
d’Affiircs whch were adverted lent the
mencenetit O|| ie present sessienif Congr« is
| Thu resmt, as\pu hare seen j 9 a omanf of
wnUejKxpreisicfii of regite, <n( j a
, direct expWffon addressed to.Fmce, with a
that this is a cmquaton.
Mr. having, in pursu.ee of | nr
instructionsrctiitoedio Ihe Uied Slatee
and ef Fra< having
beefi recalltnL|| diplomatic inteourse be
tween suspend, a statif t Kings ori
ginal susceibihty OQ *
the GoVerient, nn d
re,) our pnt cir refu " f ‘i
lo contamen a treaty
lr ' ,in
'h«y ll J o >ng man important
comi<
•f-”
’ h,,, ‘ ld "’ «’<«!««. ,„ „, cb
'' ">'■ •«•»
wh 4 ty r «
of „, u( | ’7,
*'*% and to
m the)on S f am ,
ca..rM|MMML'n , ot
«n« and
edies IMp bereiot re had<cvasio.
and, ton pariiclar ccJ r , nc
toexptgssjl conviction tbarepris£,..,i J
ne best ac/apqgprio ilHfetWgecy thei »
lem-
•Spl’ period Frine, ,y a || t h e
merits ofjfc Gorvemmsn h« acknov j
ihe our (be obli*
of tho treay/and has ppopnated the n "
winch arddoecessary to ts execution L
though is withe) on grounds vii v
important t our oxieaegas sn jadepend.
*U°°’ to that she c
havedetermined, peuaefftly to retain a pa
sition so uicrly indenfcle. In the altered
state ofthS questions cntroversy,and under
all exis ing circums|ce, it appears to me
that, until such aJirrination shall have
become evident, iCbetroper and sufficient
io her piedr.usal to comply with
I her debiting the introduc
entry o f
b Between this
l>n a,( ommercial
r re ® | es, repre*
I n>6t determine. I
tjrir <n th present posfuro
ofCur lost injurious to
ourcomtWg ml albnded with the
I least difficult fofrejng tcthe usual state
lov friendly imercoulf theGevernmenl of
France re j
.j ,|sr <j < j ygg
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urge iari/e ai ’"TI S :
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