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WESTERN GEORGIAN Rome, February 24, SS3B* 1 The following named gentlemen will act as Agents for the Western Georgian: Howell Cobb, Esq., of Athens, Georgia. E. M. Johnson, Esq., ®f Gainesville, do. S. Ripley, Esq., of Jefferson, do. A. Erwin, Esq., of Cumming, do. John S. Bell, Esq., of Spring Place, do. R. M. Aycock, Esq., of La Fayette, do. Turman Walthall, Esq., of Cedar Town. Paulding County, do. Leroy Patti I 10, P. M. Monroe, do. Charles Mmphey of Decatur, do. Humors. It is rumored here that Gen. Chas. 11. Nel* son, was killed in a recent engagement with the Indians. It is also said that John Ridge was shot in Arkansas, while engaged in addressing a council of his countrymen. A further report has reached us from the Cherokee Agency, that John Ross, “principal chief of the Chero kees,” had committed suicide. We hope the two first are false, and that the last is true. United States Bank and Sub-Treasu ry Scheme. We publish in to-day’s paper, an abstract ofthc Sub-Trcasury bill as it is termed, from the “Augusta Constitutionalist.” 'Die deranged condition of the monitary af fairs of the country, rooms to demand of the Government an appropriate retredy. It has the exclusive controul of the currency, and the people has a right to look to it for relief. An institution founded upon the plan of the old United States Bank, we believe to be ob jectionable for the following reasons; Ist. A private corporation cannot manage the fiscal concerns of the Government, with a less capital than thirty five millions of dollais. 2d. It is conttary to the spirit of our Gov ernment to grant a charter of Incorporation for Banking purposes, for an indefinite period. 3d. If such a corporation should be charter ed for a limited period, it would have the pow er, and as experience has shown, it would exer cise it, to the oppression of local banking in stitutions, and endeavor to force the Govern ment to rccharter it, and if the Representatives of the people should deem its management in compatible with the public good, another “mo ncy pressure” would be the consequence. These are briefly our objections to a Na tional Bank upon the old plan. The Sub- Treasury scheme we also object to, under our present understanding of it. It is new in the history of political economy, and the ultimate results which may be produced by its opera tions, arc at best uncertain. The principal feature in it to which we object, is its tenden cy to increase Executive patronage. It is a matter well settled, that Republican Govern ments arc in more danger of being destroyed by an undue exercise of power, than from the want of it. In addition to this, it seems from the bill alluded to, that the President and the Senate of the United Stales will have exclus ively, the right to appoint all and every offi cer to carry into effect the Sub-Treasury plan. Wc should like it better if the direct Representatives of the people had a voice in the selection of those officers. The Cherokees. In the report of the principal Disbursing A gent for the Western Territory, communicated to Congress by the Secretary of the War De partment, and published in Document, No. 3, wc notice a description of the country set a part as the western home of the Cherokees, and the situation of those Indians who have re moved hither. Wo quote it. •’I HK VtIKKOKEES. “To this tribe has been allotted a very ex tensive, as well as a very fine tract of country. Those parts over which I have travelled pos s ss a sod of very superior quality, adapted to the production es wheat, small grain of various kinds, and corn of the largest growth. The whole country is finely and abundantly tim bered, and well watered, and the climate is 4<cecdingly favorable to stock. ‘ But a small number of this tribe have, as yet. removed to the new country. Those that , have settled there, however, and many of them | have been in the country several years, are, in a pecuniary point of view, well off; they raise wheat and corn in great abundance, and their stocks of cattle, of hogs, of sheep, &c. are nu merous. —The people find a market for their surplus productions in the Government, by I supplying the garrisons situated in their country, and supplying the new emigrants with corn, beef, &c. “The greater portion of the Cherokees west arc farmers, have good and comfortable hous es, and live many of them, as well, and as gen teel, and, in a pecuniary point of view, will compare with the better class of farmers in the States. As a people, generally, they are ag riculturists, and as such, their resources are e qual, if not superior, to one fourth of the til lers of the soil in the old States.” Wc have quoted this for the purpose of showing the opponents of the treaty with the Cherokees of 1835, that the Government does not seek to remove the Indians to a coun try in which they may not enjoy every bles sing of civilized life, to a much greater extent than they do here. The abject situation of a majority of the Cherokees in Georgia is well known to every one who has visited the coun try. The example of the Whites, if they were permitted to remain, would never influence them to any exertions calculated to bring a bout improvement. Indian history demon strates the fact that where Indians are permit ted to remain in contact with the Whiles,they become debased, degraded and finally extinct. Florida. We learn from the Jacksonville Republican of the 15th inst. that Gen. Nelson has had an other engagement with the Indians, in which he lost thirty killed, and one hundred and thir ty wounded. Loss of the enemy not ascer tained. The Indians were headed by Sam Jones, and thought to be eight hundred strong. We have been informed that the memorial of John Ross and his Anti-trca’y associates, has finally been laid upon the table of the House of Representatives indefinitely. This we suppose is a settlement of the ques-1 tion, and the Government will require at the hands of the Cherokees a strict compliance with the terms of the trea'y of 1835. liuliau Ancc.'lote. A son of the Emerald Isle, travelling in the Cherokee country, met a native, “Good mor nio,” said the traveller. O-sce-u, replied the Indian (meaning good morning.) “You sec me,” replied the Irishman, “be Jasus, I see you too.” Mentf-wnaAe,” (meaning mean White man) said the Indian, somewhat offended at the j rough language of his fellow traveller. “Skin my neckcr'nnl the Irishman in a burst of passion. “By the height of the hill of Ilouth. I’ll skin your own neck first,” and he forthwith, began to pummel the unfortunate na tive most unmercifully. “xVofc-wa” (meaning quit) yelled the Indian. “Yes,” said the Irishman, “damn your eyes, I'll knock you till your heart’s contented with the bating. I’ll give ye For the Western Georgian. Mr. Editor: — As the practice has been es tablished by Our low country friends, of pro. posing the names of suitable candidates for the May Convention, permit me to announce .through vour columns, a ticket which it is be lieved will meet the approbation of a large number of the the votcis of the up country. Robert M. Charlton of Chatham. Chas. J. McDonald, of Bibb. Col. Campbell, of Houston. JtNItS Hillyer, ofClark. Chas. 11. N elso.n, of Cherokee- Francis 11. Cone, of Greene. Hopkins Holsev, of Harris. Col. Pattersan, of Early, For the Western Georgian. _Vr. Editor:— Permit me to introduce to the Democratic Convention to be held in Milledge ' ville, in May next, through your columns, the ' following named gentlemen as suitable j>ersous i from which to select a candidate for Congress for the Cherokee circuit. I am for each judi cial district being represented in Congress. Nothing else can insure a continuation ot the present mode of electing our members, (by ge neral ticket.) I Col. Z. B. Hargrove, ofCass. , “ J NO. 11. LIMPKIN, of Floyd. “ S. Fariss, of Walker. ’Gen. C. IL Nelson, of Cherokee. Col. Joseph Waters, of Floyd. Respectful! v, EQUAL REPRESENTATION. , For the Western Georgian. Mr. Editor:— The people of this section of the country, should look to the Union Conven tion, to be held in May next at the seat of Go vernment with much solicitude. And that they may bestow upon this matter a due regard, I have thought it advisable to call their atten tion to this subject, through the columns of your paper. The country in which it is our boast and pride to live, is'daily and rapidly in creasing in strength, in wealth, and in impor tance. Already do our numbers make the practised politicians of every party, lend a lis tening car to our wants, and a ready response is given to our most trifling wishes. And we did hope as wc had perfect right to expect,that the time had at length arrived, when the De mocracy of numbers would ensure us equal re presentation in the Congress of the United States, with other sections of the State. But our claims instead of being acquiesced in by universal consent, is disparaged by every Newspaper Editor and hireling scribbler in the whole country. They seem to lament with Godly sincerity, that they are unable to pres ent a name from the Cherokee country to be supported by the Union party on our next Congressional Ticket. — And why?—Because no individual can.be found here of sufficient character, talents and probity to give the ticket additional strength throughout the State. Ad mit their position to be correct, and we still contend that the Union party of Georgia, would act very unwisely to set aside the claims of the Cherokee country upon its immediate notice anJ cordial support, But the position of this herd o's writers, who claim fur them selves the sole and entire government of the Union party is not true in fact. We have men ol character and talent here, that have been long known to the country as able and effici ent statesmen, and whose hnirs have grown grey in the service of their cPuPtry. And we have you ig men of high moral pnu intellectu al attainments, whose minds would grow am. expand under a generous support, untu 1 in man ly maturity, thev would become the prop and support of our much cherished principles. The true policy ofevery political party is, tc have joung men of genius and promise, con stantly schooled in their service, so that when those that arc now active and useful, shall pass away in the decline of life, tie people may have men to whom they may stid look with virtuous confidence, in the darkest hours ol their adversity. From what section ol the State should a selection of this kind be made? Not from the counties or sections ol the Slat, where our political friends arc in the minoiity; nor, yet from the judicial circuits where we have but a doubtful or lean majority: but we should by all means, select him from those that arc willing to give him their cordial and al most unanimous support. And 1 contend, we possess many such in the Cherokee country, who arc not only talented and deserving, but persons who could draw around them the un divided support of this whole country. Wc have borne with the indignities of lltdt portion of the Union party, who arc always striving to defer our claims, and underate our abilities, as long as reason and justice demands. We have not publicly disparaged the claim of any individual to the favorable notice of the party at that Convention. Neither have we object ed that any section of the country should be consulted and equally represented; but we do say fearlessly and boldly, unless the members ofthc Convention should nominate a candidate i from tnis country, the party must sink under its own mismanagement. The Cherokee Cir cuit under such a state of things, which may the fates avert! would be compelled to nomin ate a ticket for .themselves, from this country, and refute the base slanders that have been cast on us in high places—that they were no better than the savage tribe that surround us, and could only be governed by the stern dic tates of military law. We will, on that con tingency present to the Union party, a ticket that will convince them that we have not only one man, but many, to whom we will at least accord our cheerful support. Individuals who at least will convince Mr. Everett and the people of the United States, that he and his coadjutors elsewhere, arc base and unprinci pled calumniators. And such men as Liddell, Hrrgrove, Farris, Nelson, McConnell, and a host of others can be found in this country, who will respond to the call of their country men, and fight to win laurels for themselves and honor to their country. For the Western Georgian. WILLIAM BROOKLYN, Or the victim of circumstantial testi mony. (CONCLVDED.) Turn we now to a distant scene. In the dungeon of a county jail, some hundred miles off, lay a poor emaciated being, who seemed nigh the portals of eternity. It was Harris, the murderer of Wells. He had been arraign ed and tried for a similar offence in the coun ty where he now was Conviction followed his trial, and in a few days he was to suffer the common punishment of such convicts. He was alone; but the very loneliness of his prison rendered his confinement mnre intoler able. The disease which preyed upon him, and the certain prospect of an approaching death, had for once softened his flinty heart. Hd had heard of the trial and conviction of William Brooklyn, and his imagination was hourly haunted with the image of an innocent victim suffering the most ignominious death, to expiate the foulest crime that he had ever com- mined. Remorse—tfie most agonizing re morse, now alone occupied his mind; and he felt that if heaven would only vouchsafe to him an opportunity of clearing the innocent, and snatching a noble youth ftom a grave of infa my, that half his torments would be remitted. In the progress of his own trial, he had used every artifice and wile to extricate, but they had failed him. The evidence on his trial contained every ingredient that was necessary to constitute murder, and he saw that, for him there was no chance but to die the felon’s death—a death which he had with the cunning and perseverance of a deamon, prepared for Brooklyn. Labouring under feelings of this kind, he de termined to make an effort to save his life. In a short time he was attended by the jailor, and he requested that functionary to bring as soon as possible, a magistrate and a witness or two to his dungeon, as he had something ol impor tance to communicate. In a short time he was attended by a justice of the peace and two other persons, and the penitent Harris proceeded to lay before them all the facts relative to the intirder of Wells. He explained to them the cause of his seeking such dire revenge, and as the conviction ol Brooklyn for the murder of his step father was known throughout the country, ns well us his approaching execution, the magistrate hasten ed with all despatch to take down the confes sion of Hai ri&, that the life of an innocent youth might not be sacrificed. It was soon comple ted, and a short consultation was held as to the best means of using it with success. It was found upon examination, that the execution of Brooklyn was to take place on the day after, and it was then late. No time was to be lost, and a messenger was immediately despatched, on a fleet horse with the confession of Harris. The day for the execution of Brooklyn at length arrived: The sun rose with cloudless splendor, and nature arrayed in the gayest garb of spring, seemed to invite the hearts of men to the indulgence of sensations far differ ent from those which are fell at a public exo cution. Long before the time arrived for the prisoner to be led forth, thousands had gather ed around the gallows to witness the closing scene of the tragedy. Their curiosity was soon satisfied by the appearance of the prison, cr. He appeared before his fellow citizens in the habiliments ofthc grave, seated on his cof tpi, with a rope around his neck, with the “hangman’s knot” tied in the most approved fashioJ by the ketch of the day. lie was drawn ju old crazy vehicle, and though he was about suffer the most ignominious of all deaths, his appearance —his calm and dignified manner, produced in the by-standes an uni versal sentiment of pity and comm seration. By his side sat an aged divine whose withered cheeks were wet with tears. He had been administering to Brooklyn the 1 st consoln-I lions of religion, and from the conversations] he had frequently had with him, he now be lieved him innocent. The prisoner was pale, but his gojoral a;>. pearance was calm and resigned Between him and his God, he felt that accounts we/e ba’- lanced. The hour of trial had arrived and he felt himself called on to show that the chris taiu can meet death in its worst form, when his hope is upheld by a consciousness of inno. ! cencc, and a firm reliance on the father of all. 1 The vehicle which contained him slopped , under the gallows. Brooklyn sat motionless, while the aged divine rose and made a few touching remarks to the multitude in relation! to the condition of the victim, lie was about to render up to God the soul lie had given, and the anticipation of such a meeting, he said, was well calculated to excite the warmest sym pathics of every one. He then proposed that all should kneel and implore the father of mankind to receive life approaching spirit of the sufferer. However aggravated may have been the crime of the convict—however un provoked and diabolical itfay have been the character of the offence which brings him to the galiows, those who assemble to witness his death Aba. I’imishrrient under the law is not intended to satisfy revenge, but to deter others from the commission of crime. But wc venture the assertion that in every case of public execution, the feelings of the multitude are in favour of the victim. So it was with Brooklyn. When his venerable ad viser knelt at the foot of his coffin, not one in the croud around refused to bend the knee, and few could suppress the tear of anguish conjured up by the scene. W hen the feeling petition was ended, Brooklyn arose and addres sed his fellow citizens. lam about, said he, to suffer for a crime I never committed. That God before whom I expect, in a few moments, to appear, knows that lam innocent. 1 have prepared myself for this event, and I do not fear death. Still, however, human feelings cling around my heart. 1 have ever tried to i deserve the good opinions of my fellow men; and to dio thus, with the foul stain of murder on my name is more than I am willing to bear. I repeat that I am innocent, and 1 believe that sooner or later, the true murderer will be dis. covered. To those who have accused me, I say that I forgive you. To all,l bid a long farewell. lam now, continued he, ready to subject myself to the sentence of the law. The time had arrived in which the sentence was to be executed. The rope was adjusted to the gallows. The face of Brooklyn was en veloped in the .cap of death, and the word was given for the driver to remove from under him—the only bold he had on life. The vehi cle passed on at the word, and left the body of William Brooklyn hanging between heaven and earth as if fit for neither. For a second all was still—then came a few convulsive struggles, and again all appeared to be stjll. Just as the spirit seemed to have left the bo dy—just as the gushing tears of thousands flowed to the ground in : gonizing sympa’hy for the fate of Brooklyn, a long, loud and shrill cry was heard, of “Stop! stop the execution for God’s sake, he is innocent!” Every eye was directed towards the point from which these words issued. A horseman appeared spurring at full speed. He again culled out ? “Stop the execution,” and when he raised his eyes to the gallows he again vociferated “cut him down he is innocent!” The horse he rode appeared to have made the last exertion he was capable of, and as the croud separated for him to enter, he fell beneath his rider in a state of complete exhaustion. “Cut him down,” cried the messenger, as he struggled to release himself from the fallen animal, “he is innocent, I have papers to prove it.” An involuntary rtlsh was made by the to the now inanimate body-of Brooklyn. He was immediately disengaged from the fatal < noose ami laid gently on the ground. Medi cal men were at hand, and all their skill was put in requisition to resuscitate tile unfortunate victim. But they all failed—the vital spark was extinct—the mortal spirit had gone for ever to Him who gave it; & when the confes sion of Harris was made known, one universal groan of anguish burst from every heart, and one universal prayer rushed up to heaven in attendance on the disembodied and spotless soul of Wilfiam Brooklyn. Thus perished the victim of circumstantial testimony. ARTHUR. THE PRE-EMPTION BILL. Wc have to congratulate the meritorious settlers of the new Slates upon the passage of this bill. It was ordered to a third reading in the Senate after dark on Saturday evening, the whole day having been devoted to it, as the two preceding days had been. These throe days presented in the Senate one of the 7 most interesting debates which has ever been witnessed th?re. Mr- Clay appeared as the great antagonist of the bill, and spared no ef fort, of any kind,, to defeat it. He for got himself as to use the mdst degrading lan guage against the settlers on the public lan h, such as no other Senator used, and which would be almost in •redible to relate. “Law less intruders”—“land robbers”—“as nriclt robbers as ifthey had broken into the Treat:- 1 ury and taken the. public money, or as if they had taken the public ships; forts and arms”—- ‘■frauds upon the Government,” etc. Such were the epithets which a Western Senator bestowed upon the citizens of the new Suites who have settled upon the public lands. Os course this language could not be beard by the Senators from those States without being indignantly repelled; and repelled it was with a spirit and success which must be gratifying to all good citiz-'iis, and espe .iallv S) to the meritorious cultivators of tiie soil who w< re thus assailed. The debate will speak for it self, and will be highly honorable to many Se nators who vindicated tlvir c.msti 1 ue its from the infuriate andfhcaith ss n'haeks of M r. Clay.. When it came to the fin d vo‘e. he ibuud him. self in a miserable minority of twelve vote.-! We believe it has seldom orewrrej that. Mr. Clay has exerted himself so much to defeat a measure. His innate op|M>si;ion to the settlers was stimulated on th s occasion by political considerations. Mr. \an B iron had recom mended the measure; it was, therefore, an Ad ministration measure, and as such drew forth new attacks. It was supported by the Demo, eraev, as a Democratic measure, and as such was further opposed by bin. It was a death blow to his distribution schemes; and that vex ed him. Finally, it was lavoiable to the wes tern farmers; and o r these Mr. Clay has appro, ved himself to be the tmi'denliiig cnemv ever since year 1821), when he was the most vio. lent of all the opponents to the reduction of the price ofthc public lands from two dollais to §1,25 pc-r acre. He also attacked the (Grad uation I ill, and the President’s recommenda tion in favor of that bill; all which was the na tural consequence of his present position as the champion of the Federalists, and of the English Bank ofthc United States in Philadel phia, and, therefore, the natural opponent of every thing that is favorable to the Democrat ic interest. In this point of view, all the laws which aid the farmers and cultivators of tho soil, are odious and offensive. We-repeat, the debate will speak for itself. It will be read with profound interest in all the new States, and a portion of it will command atten'ion in every S ate. We speak of that part of the discussion which grew up on Mr. Merrick’s motion to exclude foreigners from the rights of pre-emption. 'Phis motion gave rise to an animated debate, and from the man ner in which Mr. Ulay took up the cudgels for Mr. Merrick,Wid thanked him for making tho motidn.it was evident that the motion was prompted by himself, according to his usual artifice of pushing forward others to make the motions of which hecdo.es not choose to appear* I openly as the Mr. Merrick’s motion to exclude foreigners" from the benefits cf tho bill, was decided by yeas and nays, and shar : ed the fate which it musf*always receive wheff Republicans are in the majority: it was trium phantly rejee'ed. The Speeches of tho Re-, publican Senators on this point, are worthy of themselves and of the occasion. They denounced it as Federal doctrine—as the renewal of the odious spirit of the execra ble alien law of 1798 —as an attempt to curtail the mere acquisition <f properly by foreigners, and therefore more detestable than an attempt to limit their political rights. finally, it was shown that this motion to exclude foreigners from the rights of pre-emption, was made and supported by the man and the party who were in favor of giving to another description of for eigners, to wit: The London capitalists, the command of the currency, the revenues, and* the politics of the United States; trom the par tv who gave to an aristocracy of foreigners the first and secund national b; fik/ and novr